The Project Gutenberg eBook of History of Rome

[1]

From the death of Gracchus until the first consulship of Marius, Rome was governed by a venal and profligate oligarchy, formed from a coalition of the most powerful families. Shame was unknown to this body; the offices of state were openly sold to the highest bidder, redress of grievances was to be obtained only by paying a heavier sum for vengeance than the oppressor would give for impunity: advocacy of popular rights was punished as treason, and complaints were treated as criminal acts of sedition. The young patricians, under such a system, became the scourge of the state, for nothing remained safe from their violence or their lust, when the monopoly of judicial office by their friends and relatives insured them impunity for every excess, however flagrant or disgraceful.

CHAPTER XVIII.

SECTION I.

FROM THE SEDITION OF GRACCHUS TO THE PERPETUAL DICTATORSHIP OF SYLLA, WHICH WAS THE FIRST STEP TOWARDS THE RUIN OF THE COMMONWEALTH.—U.C. 634.

1. While the Romans were in this state of deplorable corruption at home, they nevertheless were very successful in their transactions with foreign powers.

2. Among other victories, a signal one was gained over Jugur'tha, king of Numid'ia. He was grandson to Massinis'sa, who sided with Rome against Hannibal, and educated with the two young princes, who were left to inherit the kingdom. 3. Being superior in abilities to both, and greatly in favour with the people, he murdered Hiemp'sal, the eldest son, but Adher'bal, the younger, escaped, and fled to the Romans for succour. 4. Jugur'tha, sensible how much avarice and injustice had crept into the senate, sent his ambassadors to Rome with large presents, which so successfully prevailed, that the senate decreed him half the kingdom thus acquired by murder and usurpation, and sent ten commissioners to divide it between him and Adher'bal. 5. The commissioners, of whom Opim'ius, the enemy of Gracchus, was one, willing to follow the example which the senate had set them, were also bribed to bestow the richest and most populous parts of that kingdom upon the usurper. 6. But Jugur'tha resolved to possess himself of the whole: and willing to give a colour to his ambition, he only made, in the beginning, incursions in order to provoke reprisals, which he knew how to convert into seeming aggression. 7. This scheme failing, he resolved to throw off the mask, and besieging Adher'bal in Cirta, his capital, he at length got him into his power, and murdered him. 8. The Roman people, who had still some generosity remaining, unanimously complained of this treachery, and procured a decree that Jugur'tha should be summoned in person before them, to give an account of all such as had accepted bribes. 9. Jugur'tha made no difficulty of throwing himself upon the clemency of Rome; but not giving[Pg. 179] the people satisfaction, he had orders to depart the city.[1] 10. In the meantime, Alba'nus, the consul, was sent with an army to follow him, who giving up the direction of it to Au'lus, his brother; a person who was every way unqualified for the command, the Romans were compelled to hazard a battle upon disadvantageous terms; and the whole army, to avoid being cut to pieces, was obliged to pass under the yoke.

11. In this condition Metel'lus, the succeeding consul, found affairs upon his arrival in Numid'ia; officers in whom the soldiers had no confidence, an army without discipline, and an enemy ever watchful and intriguing. 12. However, by his great attention to business, and by integrity that shuddered at corruption, he soon began to retrieve the affairs of Rome, and the credit of the army. In the space of two years, Jugur'tha was overthrown in several battles, forced out of his own dominions, and constrained to beg a peace. 13. Thus all things promised Metel'lus a happy termination of the war; but he was frustrated in his expectations by the intrigues of Ca'ius Ma'rius, his lieutenant, who came in to reap that harvest of glory which the other's industry had sown. 14. Ca'ius Ma'rius was born in a village near Apin'ium, of poor parents, who gained their living by their labour. As he had been bred up in a participation of their toils, his manners were as rude as his countenance was frightful. He was a man of extraordinary stature, incomparable strength, and undaunted bravery.

15. When Metel'lus was obliged to solicit at Rome for a continuance of his command, Ma'rius, whose ambition knew no bounds, was resolved to obtain it for himself, and thus gain all the glory of putting an end to the war. 16. To that end he privately inveighed against Metel'lus by his emissaries at Rome, and having excited a spirit of discontent against him, he had leave granted him to go there to stand for the consulship, which he obtained, contrary to the expectation and interest of the nobles.

17. Marius, being thus invested with the supreme power of managing the war, showed himself every way fit for the commission. His vigilance was equal to his valour, and he quickly made himself master of the cities which Jugur'tha[Pg. 180] had yet remaining in Numid'ia.[2] 18. This unfortunate prince, finding himself unable to make opposition singly was obliged to have recourse for assistance to Bocchus, king of Maurita'nia, to whose daughter he was married. A battle soon after ensued, in which the Numid'ians surprised the Roman camp by night, and gained a temporary advantage. However, it was but of short continuance, for Ma'rius soon after overthrew them in two signal engagements, in one of which not less than ninety thousand of the African army were slain. 19. Bocchus now finding the Romans too powerful to be resisted, did not think it expedient to hazard his own crown, to protect that of his ally; he, therefore, determined to make peace, upon whatever conditions he might obtain it; and accordingly sent to Rome, imploring protection. 20. The senate received the ambassadors with their usual haughtiness, and without complying with their request, granted the suppliant, not their friendship, but their pardon. Notwithstanding, after some time, he was given to understand, that the delivering up of Jugur'tha to the Romans would, in some measure, conciliate their favour, and soften their resentment. 21. At first the pride of Bocchus struggled against such a proposal; but a few interviews with Sylla reconciled him to this treacherous measure, and Jugur'tha was given up, being drawn into an ambuscade by the specious pretences of his ally, who deluded him by desiring a conference; and being made a prisoner, he was loaded with chains, and carried by Ma'rius to Rome, a deplorable instance of blighted ambition. 22. He did not long survive his overthrow, being condemned by the senate to be starved to death in prison, a short time after he had been made to adorn the triumph of the conqueror.[3][Pg. 181]

23. Ma'rius, by this and two succeeding victories over the Gauls, having become very formidable to distant nations in war, became soon after much more dangerous to his fellow-citizens in peace. 24. The strength which he had given to the popular party every day grew more conspicuous, and the Italians, being frustrated by the intrigues of the senate in their aims of gaining the freedom of Rome, resolved upon obtaining by force, what was refused them as a favour. This gave rise to the Social War, in which most of the states of Italy entered into a confederacy against Rome, in order to obtain a redress of their grievances.

25. After a lapse of two years, this war having continued to rage with doubtful success, the senate began to reflect that, whether conquered or conquerors, the power of the Romans was in danger of being destroyed. 26. To soften, therefore, their compliance by degrees, they began by giving the freedom of the city to such of the Italian states as had not revolted. They then offered it to such as would lay down their arms. 27. This unexpected bounty had its effect; the allies, with mutual distrust, offered each a separate treaty; the senate took them one by one into favour, but gave the freedom of the city in such a manner, that, not being empowered to vote until all the other tribes had given their suffrages, they had very little weight in the constitution.

28. This destructive war being concluded, the senate began to think of turning their arms against Mithrida'tes, the most powerful and warlike monarch of the east.[4] 29. For this expedition Ma'rius had long been preparing, but Sylla had interest enough to get himself appointed to the expedition. Ma'rius, however, tried all his arts with the people to get his appointment reversed; and the command of the army, intended to oppose Mithrida'tes, was ordered to be transferred from Sylla to Ma'rius. 30. In consequence of this, Ma'rius immediately sent officers from Rome, to take the command in his name. But instead of being obeyed, the officers were slain, and Sylla was entreated by the army to lead them directly to take signal vengeance upon all his enemies at Rome.

31. Accordingly, his soldiers entered the city sword in[Pg. 182] hand, as a place taken by storm. Ma'rius and Sulpi'cius, at the head of a tumultuary body of their partisans, attempted to oppose their entrance; and the citizens themselves, who feared the sackage of the place, threw down stones and tiles from the houses upon the intruders. 32. So unequal a conflict lasted longer than could have been expected; at length Ma'rius and his party were obliged to seek safety by flight, after having vainly offered liberty to the slaves who would assist them.

1. Was this internal degeneracy of the Roman people accompanied by ill success abroad?

SECTION II.

1. Sylla, now finding himself master of the city, began by modelling the laws so as to favour his outrages; while Ma'rius, driven out of Rome and declared a public enemy at the age of seventy, was obliged to save himself, unattended and on foot, from the pursuit of those who sought his life. 2. After having wandered for some time in this deplorable condition, he found every day his dangers increase, and his pursuers making nearer advances. In this distress he concealed himself in the marshes of Mintur'næ, where he continued a night up to the chin in a quagmire. 3. At break of day he left this dismal place, and made towards the seaside, in hopes of finding a ship to facilitate his escape; but being known and discovered by some of the inhabitants, he was conducted to a neighbouring town, with a halter round his neck, without clothes, and covered with mud; and in this condition was sent to prison. 4. The governor of the place, willing to conform to the orders of the senate, soon after sent a Cim'brian slave to despatch him; but the barbarian no sooner entered the dungeon for this purpose than he stopped short, intimidated by the dreadful visage and awful voice of the fallen general, who sternly demanded if he had the presumption to kill Ca'ius Ma'rius? The slave, unable to reply, threw down his sword, and rushing back from the prison, cried out, that he found it impossible to kill him! 5. The governor, considering the fear of the slave as an omen in the unhappy exile's favour, gave him[Pg. 184] his freedom; and, commending him to his fortune, provided him with a ship to convey him from Italy. 6. He was forced by a tempest on the coast of Sicily. A Roman quæstor, who happened to be there, resolved to seize him; and he lost sixteen of his crew, who were killed in their endeavours to cover his retreat to the ship. He afterwards landed in Africa, near Carthage, and, overwhelmed with melancholy, sat himself down amongst the ruins of that desolate place. He soon, however had orders from the prætor to retire. 7. Marius, who remembered his having once served this very man in necessity, could not suppress his indignation at finding ingratitude every where: and, preparing to obey, bid the messenger tell his master, that he had seen Ma'rius sitting among the ruins of Carthage; intimating the greatness of his fall, by the desolation that was around him. 8. He once more embarked, and not knowing where to land without encountering an enemy, he spent the winter at sea, expecting every hour the return of a messenger from his son, whom he had sent to solicit protection from the African prince, Mandras'tal. 9. After long expectation, instead of the messenger, his son himself arrived, having escaped from the inhospitable court of that monarch, where he had been kept, not as a friend, but as a prisoner, and had returned just time enough to prevent his father from sharing the same fate. 10. In this situation they were informed that Cinna, one of their party who had remained at Rome, had put himself at the head of a large army, collected out of the Italian states, who had espoused his cause. Nor was it long before they joined their forces at the gates of Rome. Sylla was at that time absent in his command against Mithri'dates. 11. Cinna marched into the city; but Ma'rius stopped, and refused to enter, alleging, that having been banished by a public decree, it was necessary to have another to authorise his return. It was thus that he desired to give his meditated cruelties the appearance of justice; and while he was about to destroy thousands, to pretend an implicit veneration for the laws. 12. An assembly of the people being called, they began to reverse his banishment; but they had scarcely gone through three of the tribes, when, incapable of restraining his desire of revenge, he entered the city at the head of his guards, and massacred all who had been obnoxious to him, without remorse or pity. 13. Several who sought to propitiate the tyrant's rage, were murdered by[Pg. 185] his command in his presence; many even of those who had never offended him were put to death; and, at last, even his own officers never approached him but with terror. 14. Having in this manner satiated his revenge, he next abrogated all the laws which were enacted by his rival, and then made himself consul with Cinna. 15. Thus gratified in his two favourite passions, vengeance and ambition, having once saved his country, and now deluged it with blood, at last, as if willing to crown the pile of slaughter which he had made, with his own body, he died the month after, not without suspicion of having hastened his end. 16. In the mean time these accounts were brought to Sylla, who had been sent against Mithrida'tes, and who was performing many signal exploits against him; hastily concluding a peace, therefore, he returned home to take vengeance on his enemies at Rome. 17. Nothing could intimidate Cinna from attempting to repel his opponent. Being joined by Car'bo, (now elected in the room of Vale'rius, who had been slain) together with young Ma'rius, who inherited all the abilities and the ambition of his father, he determined to send over part of the forces he had raised in Dalma'tia to oppose Sylla before he entered Italy. Some troops were accordingly embarked; but being dispersed by a storm, the others that had not yet put to sea, absolutely refused to go. 18. Upon this, Cinna, quite furious at their disobedience, rushed forward to persuade them to their duty. In the mean time one of the most mutinous of the soldiers being struck by an officer, returned the blow, and was apprehended for his crime. This ill-timed severity produced a tumult and a mutiny through the whole army; and, while Cinna did all he could to appease it, he was run through the body by one of the crowd. 19. Scip'io, the consul, who commanded against Sylla, was soon after allured by proposals for a treaty; but a suspension of arms being agreed upon, Sylla's soldiers went into the opposite camp, displaying those riches which they had acquired in their expeditions, and offering to participate with their fellow-citizens, in case they changed their party. 20. In consequence of this the whole army declared unanimously for Sylla; and Scip'io scarcely knew that he was forsaken and deposed, till he was informed of it by a party of the enemy, who, entering his tent, made him and his son prisoners.

21. In this manner both factions, exasperated to the[Pg. 186] highest degree, and expecting no mercy on either part, gave vent to their fury in several engagements. The forces on the side of young Ma'rius, who now succeeded his father in command, were the most numerous, but those of Sylla better united, and more under subordination. 22. Carbo, who commanded for Ma'rius in the field, sent eight legions to Prænes'te, to relieve his colleague, but they were met by Pompey, afterwards surnamed the Great, in a defile, who slew many of them, and dispersed the rest. Carbo soon after engaged Metel'lus, but was overcome, with the loss of ten thousand slain, and six thousand taken prisoners. 23. In consequence, Urba'nus, one of the consuls, killed himself, and Carbo fled to Africa, where, after wandering a long time, he was at last delivered up to Pompey, who, to please Sylla, ordered him to be beheaded. 24. Sylla, now become undisputed master of his country, entered Rome at the head of his army. Happy, had he supported in peace the glory which he had acquired in war; or, had he ceased to live when he ceased to conquer!

25. Eight thousand men, who had escaped the general carnage, surrendered themselves to the conqueror; he ordered them to be put into the Villa Pub'lica, a large house in the Campus Mar'tius; and, at the same time, convoked the senate: there, without discovering the least emotion, he spoke with great fluency of his own exploits, and, in the mean time, gave private directions that all those wretches whom he had confined, should be slain. 26. The senate, amazed at the horrid outcries of the sufferers, at first thought that the city was given up to plunder; but Sylla, with an unembarrassed air, informed them, that it was only some criminals who were punished by his order, and that the senate ought not to make themselves uneasy at their fate. 27. The day after he proscribed forty senators, and sixteen hundred knights; and after an intermission of two days, forty senators more, with an infinite number of the richest citizens. 28. He next resolved to invest himself with the dictatorship, and that for a perpetuity; and thus uniting all civil as well as military power in his own person, he thought he might thence give an air of justice to every oppression. 29. Thus he continued to govern with capricious tyranny, none daring to resist his power, until, contrary to the expectation of all mankind, he laid down the dictatorship, after having held it not quite three years.[Pg. 187]

30 After this, he retired into the country, and abandoned himself to debauchery; but he did not long survive his abdication; he was seized with a horrible distemper, and died a loathsome and mortifying object, and a melancholy proof of the futility of human ambition.[5]

The character of Sylla exhibits a singular compound of great and mean qualities. Superstition was one of its features. It is said that having suffered a defeat in the course of the Social War, in Italy, he drew from his bosom a little image of Apollo, which he had stolen from the temple of Delphi, and had ever since carried about him when engaged in war. Kissing it with great devotion, he expostulated with the god, for having brought him to perish dishonourably, with his countrymen, at the gates of his native city, after having raised him by many victories to such a height of glory and greatness.[Pg. 188]

[1]

So astonished was Jugur'tha at the mercenary disposition discovered by the Romans, that he is said to have exclaimed, on leaving the city, "Oh, Rome! thou wouldst thyself be sold, could a chapman be found to purchase thee."

[2]

It has been said with great truth, that "the wicked have no friends." Jugur'tha experienced this. Bomil'car, who professed the warmest attachment to Jugur'tha, was gained over by the proconsul Metel'lus to persuade his master, that submission to the Romans was absolutely necessary. Jugur'tha accordingly sent an embassy to the proconsul, professing his readiness to submit to any terms. Upon this he was required to send to the Romans 200,000 pounds weight of silver, all his elephants, a certain number of horses and arms, and all deserters. The king complied exactly with these hard conditions; but after thus weakening his resources, he found himself still obliged to continue the war, or submit to such farther impositions as would have endangered, not only his crown, but his life.

[3]

Never did any one more deservedly suffer than this treacherous and cruel man.

[4]

This king incurred the resentment of the Romans by making war on some of their allies, and by putting Op'pius and Aquil'ius to death. Upbraiding the Romans with their avarice and corruption, he caused melted gold to be poured down the throat of the latter.

[5]

Two events, important in the history of Rome, occurred about this time. Serto'rius, a Roman general, in Spain, had rebelled against the government of Syl'la, and defeated every army sent against him, till Pompey took the command; and even then the result appeared doubtful, till Serto'rius, being assassinated by his own officers put an end to the war. Spar'tacus, a gladiator, having escaped from confinement, and assembled a number of his followers, commenced what is called the second Servile War. His army gradually increasing, he became a formidable enemy to the Roman state; overthrew the prætors and consuls sent against him; but was at length defeated by Crassus, and the remains of his army cut in pieces by Pompey, who met them on his return from Spain.

CHAPTER XIX.

FROM THE PERPETUAL DICTATORSHIP OF SYLLA TO THE TRIUMVIRATE OF CÆSAR, POMPEY, AND CRASSUS.—U.C. 680.

1. Upon the death of Sylla, the jealousies of Pompey and Crassus, the two most powerful men in the empire, began to excite fresh dissensions. Pompey was the most beloved general, but Crassus the richest man in Rome.

2. The first opportunity that was offered of discovering their mutual jealousy, was upon disbanding their troops. Neither chose to begin; so that the most fatal consequences were likely to arise from their dissension. At length Crassus, stifling his resentment, laid down his command; and[Pg. 189] the other followed his example immediately after. 3. The next trial between them was, who should be foremost in obtaining the favour of the people. Crassus entertained the populace at a thousand tables, distributed corn to the families of the poor, and fed the greatest part of the citizens for nearly three months. Pompey, on the other hand, laboured to abrogate the laws made against the authority of the people by Sylla; restored to the knights the power of judging, which had been formerly granted them by Gracchus; and gave back to the tribunes all their former privileges. 4. Thus each gave his private aims an appearance of zeal for the public good; so that what was in reality ambition in both, took with one the name of liberality; with the other, that of a love of freedom.

5. An expedition, in which Pompey cleared the Mediterranean, which was infested by pirates, having added greatly to his reputation, the tribunes of the people hoped it would be easy to advance their favourite still higher. 6. Man'lius, therefore, one of the number, preferred a law, that all the armies of the empire, the government of Asia, and the management of the war which was renewed against Mithrida'tes, should be committed to Pompey alone. The law passed, with little opposition, and the decree was confirmed.

7. Being thus appointed to the command of that important war, he departed for Asia. 8. Mithrida'tes had been obliged by Lucul'lus to take refuge in Lesser Armenia, and thither that general was preparing to follow him, when his whole army abandoned him; so that it remained for Pompey to terminate the war, which he effected with great ease and expedition, adding a large extent of dominion to the Roman empire, and returning to Rome in triumph at the head of his conquering army.

9. But the victories of Pompey rather served to heighten the glory than to increase the power of Rome; they made it more a glaring object of ambition, and exposed its liberties to greater danger. Those liberties, indeed, seemed devoted to ruin on every side; for, even while he was pursuing his conquests abroad, Rome was at the verge of ruin from a conspiracy at home. 10. This conspiracy was projected and carried on by Ser'gius Cat'iline, a patrician by birth, who resolved to build his own power on the downfall of his country. 11. He was singularly formed, both by art and nature, to conduct a conspiracy: he was possessed of courage equal to the most desperate attempts, and of eloquence [Pg. 190] to give a colour to his ambition: ruined in his fortunes, profligate in his manners, vigilant in pursuing his aims, he was insatiable after wealth, only with a view to lavish it on his guilty pleasures. 12. Cat'iline having contracted debts in consequence of such an ill-spent life, was resolved to extricate himself from them by any means, however unlawful. Accordingly, he assembled about thirty of his debauched associates, and informed them of his aims, his hopes, and his settled plans of operations. 13. It was resolved among them, that a general insurrection should be raised throughout Italy, the different parts of which he assigned to different leaders. Rome was to be fired at several places at once; and Cat'iline, at the head of an army raised in Etru'ria, was, in the general confusion, to possess himself of the city, and massacre all the senators. Len'tulus, one of his profligate assistants, who had been prætor, or judge in the city, was to preside in their general councils; Cethe'gus, a man who sacrificed the possession of great present power to the hopes of gratifying his revenge against Cicero,[1] was to direct the massacre through the city; and Cas'sius was to conduct those who fired it.

14. But the vigilance of Ci'cero being the chief obstacle to their designs, Catiline was very desirous to see him taken off before he left Rome; upon which two knights of the company undertook to kill him the next morning in his bed, in an early visit, on pretence of business. 15. But the meeting was no sooner over, than Ci'cero had information of all that passed in it; for, by the intrigues of a woman named Ful'via, he had gained over Cu'rius, her lover, one of the conspirators, to send him a punctual account of all their deliberations. 16. Having taken proper precautions to guard himself against the designs of his morning visitors, who were punctual to the appointment, he next took care to provide for the defence of the city; when, assembling the senate, he consulted what was best to be done in such a time of danger.

17. The first step taken was to offer considerable rewards for farther discoveries, and then to prepare for[Pg. 191] the defence of the state. 18. Cat'iline, to show how well he could dissemble, or justify any crime, went boldly to the senate, declaring his innocence;[2] but, when confronted by the eloquence of Ci'cero, he hastily withdrew, declaring aloud, that since he was denied a vindication of himself, and driven headlong into rebellion by his enemies, he would extinguish the flame which was raised about him in universal ruin. 19. After a short conference with Len'tulus and Cethe'gus, he left Rome by night, with a small retinue, to hasten towards Etru'ria, where Man'lius, one of the conspirators, was raising an army to support him.[3]

20. In the mean time Ci'cero took proper precautions to secure all those of the conspiracy who remained in Rome. Len'tulus, Cethe'gus, Cas'sius, and several others, were put into confinement; and soon after strangled in prison.

21. While his associates were put to death in the city, Cat'iline had raised an army of twelve thousand men, of which a fourth part only were completely armed, the rest being furnished with such weapons as chance afforded; darts, lances, and clubs. 22. He refused, at first, to enlist slaves, who flocked to him in great numbers, trusting to the strength of the conspiracy; but upon the approach of the consul, who was sent against him, and upon the arrival of the news that his confederates were put to death, the face[Pg. 192] of affairs altered. 23. His first attempt, therefore, was, by long marches, to make his escape over the Appenines into Gaul; but in this his hopes were disappointed; all the passes being guarded by an army superior to his own. 24. Being thus hemmed in on every side, and seeing all things desperate, with nothing left him but either to die or conquer, he resolved to make one vigorous effort against that army which pursued him. Anto'nius, the consul, being sick, the command devolved upon Petrei'us, who, after a fierce and bloody action in which he lost a considerable part of his best troops, put Cat'iline's forces to the rout, and destroyed his whole army.[4]

25. The extinction of this conspiracy seemed only to leave an open theatre for the ambition of the great men to display itself in. Pompey was now returned in triumph from conquering the east, as he had before been victorious in Europe and Africa.

26. Crassus was the richest man in Rome, and next to Pompey, possessed the greatest authority; his party in the senate was even greater than that of his rival, and the envy raised against him was less. He and Pompey had long been disunited by an opposition of interests and of characters; however, it was from a continuance of their mutual jealousies that the state was in some measure to expect its future safety. 27. It was in this situation of things that Julius Cæsar, who had lately gone, as prætor, into Spain, and had returned with great riches and glory, resolved to convert their mutual jealousy to his own advantage. 28. This celebrated man was descended from popular and illustrious ancestors. He warmly espoused the side of the people, and shortly after the death of Sylla, procured the recall of those whom Sylla had banished. He had all along declared for the populace against the senate, and became their most favourite magistrate. 29. This consummate statesman began by offering his services to Pompey, promising to assist him in getting all his acts passed, notwithstanding the senate's opposition. Pompey, pleased at the acquisition of a person of so much merit, readily granted him his confidence and protection. 30. He next applied to Crassus, who, from former connections, was disposed to become still more nearly his friend. 31. At length, finding them not averse to an union of interests, he took an opportunity[Pg. 193] of bringing them together; and, remonstrating with them on the advantages as well as the necessity of a reconciliation, he had art enough to persuade them to forget former animosities. 32. A combination was thus formed, by which they agreed that nothing should be done in the commonwealth without their mutual concurrence and approbation. This was called the first Trium'virate, by which we find the constitution weakened by a new interest which had not hitherto taken place, very different from that of the senate or the people, and yet dependent on both.

14. What was the chief obstacle to its accomplishment, and how was this obstacle to be removed?

26. Who were the contending parties, and what was the consequence of this dissension?

32. What agreement was entered into by them, and what were they called?[Pg. 194]

[1]

Ci'cero, the first of Roman orators, as Demos'thenes was of the Greek, was born at Arpin'um, a town of the Volsci, and studied under the most celebrated orators and philosophers of Greece. His style of eloquence was copious, highly ornamented, and addressed more to the passions than to the judgment of his hearers. He was consul at the time of Cat'iline's conspiracy; and, for his eminent services in detecting and frustrating it, was honoured with the title of Pater Patriæ.

[2]

On his entrance, the senators near whom he attempted to seal himself, quitting their places, left him quite alone.

[3]

On his arrival, he assumed all the insignia of a supreme magistrate being preceded by lictors carrying the axes and fasces.

[4]

Cataline himself, finding his affairs desperate, threw himself into the midst of the enemy, and there found the death he sought. (Sallust.)