XXVIII

And after arranging everything else in the very best way, as it seemed to him, Gontharis decided to entertain his friends at a banquet, with the intention of making his departure on the following day. And in a room where there were in readiness three couches which had been there from ancient times, he made the banquet. So he himself reclined, as was natural, upon the first couch, where were also Athanasius and Artabanes, and some of those known to Gontharis, and Peter, a Thracian by birth, who had previously been a body-guard of Solomon. And on both the other couches were the first and noblest of the Vandals. John, however, who commanded the mutineers of Stotzas; was entertained by Pasiphilus in his own house, and each of the other leaders wherever it suited the several friends of Gontharis to entertain them. Artabanes, accordingly, when he was bidden to this banquet, thinking that this occasion furnished him a suitable opportunity for the murder of the tyrant, was planning to carry out his purpose. He therefore disclosed the matter to Gregorius and to Artasires and three other body-guards, bidding the body-guards get inside the hall with their swords (for when commanders are entertained at a banquet it is customary for their body-guards to stand behind them), and after getting inside to make an attack suddenly, at whatever moment should seem to them most suitable; and Artasires was to strike the first blow. At the same time he directed Gregorius to pick out a large number of the most daring of the Armenians and bring them to the palace, carrying only their swords in their hands (for it is not lawful for the escort of officers in a city to be armed with anything else), and leaving these men in the vestibule, to come inside with the body-guards; and he was to tell the plan to no one of them, but to make only this explanation, that he was suspicious of Gontharis, fearing that he had called Artabanes to this banquet to do him harm, and therefore wished that they should stand beside the soldiers of Gontharis who had been stationed there on guard, and giving the appearance of indulging in some play, they were to take hold of the shields which these guards carried, and waving them about and otherwise moving them keep constantly turning them up and down; and if any tumult or shouting took place within, they were to take up these very shields and come to the rescue on the run. Such were the orders which Artabanes gave, and Gregorius proceeded to put them into execution. And Artasires devised the following plan: he cut some arrows into two parts and placed them on the wrist of his left arm, the sections reaching to his elbow. And after binding them very carefully with straps, he laid over them the sleeve of his tunic. And he did this in order that, if anyone should raise his sword over him and attempt to strike him, he might avoid the chance of suffering serious injury; for he had only to thrust his left arm in front of him, and the steel would break off as it crashed upon the wood, and thus his body could not be reached at any point.

With such purpose, then, Artasires did as I have said. And to Artabanes he spoke as follows: "As for me, I have hopes that I shall prove equal to the undertaking and shall not hesitate, and also that I shall touch the body of Gontharis with this sword; but as for what will follow, I am unable to say whether God in His anger against the tyrant will co-operate with me in this daring deed, or whether, avenging some sin of mine, He will stand against me there and be an obstacle in my way. If, therefore, you see that the tyrant is not wounded in a vital spot, do you kill me with my sword without the least hesitation, so that I may not be tortured by him into saying that it was by your will that I rushed into the undertaking, and thus not only perish myself most shamefully, but also be compelled against my will to destroy you as well." And after Artasires had spoken such words he too, together with Gregorius and one of the body-guards, entered the room where the couches were and took his stand behind Artabanes. And the rest, remaining by the guards, did as they had been commanded.

So Artasires, when the banquet had only just begun, was purposing to set to work, and he was already touching the hilt of his sword. But Gregorius prevented him by saying in the Armenian tongue that Gontharis was still wholly himself, not having as yet drunk any great quantity of wine. Then Artasires groaned and said: "My good fellow, how fine a heart I have for the deed, and now you have for the moment wrongfully hindered me!" And as the drinking went on, Gontharis, who by now was thoroughly saturated with wine, began to give portions of the food to the body-guards, yielding to a generous mood. And they, upon receiving these portions, went outside the building immediately and were about to eat them, leaving beside Gontharis only three body-guards, one of whom happened to be Ulitheus. And Artasires also started to go out in order to taste the morsels with the rest. But just then a kind of fear came over him lest, when he should wish to draw his sword, something might prevent him. Accordingly, as soon as he got outside, he secretly threw away the sheath of the sword, and taking it naked under his arm, hidden by his cloak, he rushed in to Gontharis, as if to say something without the knowledge of the others. And Artabanes, seeing this, was in a fever of excitement, and became exceedingly anxious by reason of the surpassing magnitude of the issue at stake; he began to move his head, the colour of his countenance changed repeatedly, and he seemed to have become altogether like one inspired, on account of the greatness of the undertaking. And Peter, upon seeing this, understood what was being done, but he did not disclose it to any of the others, because, being well disposed to the emperor, he was exceedingly pleased by what was going on. And Artasires, having come close to the tyrant, was pushed by one of the servants, and as he retreated a little to the rear, the servant observed that his sword was bared and cried out saying: "What is this, my excellent fellow?" And Gontharis, putting his hand to his right ear, and turning his face, looked at him. And Artasires struck him with his sword as he did so, and cut off a piece of his scalp together with his fingers. And Peter cried out and exhorted Artasires to kill the most unholy of all men. And Artabanes, seeing Gontharis leaping to his feet (for he reclined close to him), drew a two-edged dagger which hung by his thigh—a rather large one—and thrusting it into the tyrant's left side clean up to the hilt, left it there. And the tyrant none the less tried to leap up, but having received a mortal wound, he fell where he was. Ulitheus then brought his sword down upon Artasires as if to strike him over the head; but he held his left arm above his head, and thus profited by his own idea in the moment of greatest need. For since Ulitheus' sword had its edge turned when it struck the sections of arrows on his arm, he himself was unscathed, and he killed Ulitheus with no difficulty. And Peter and Artabanes, the one seizing the sword of Gontharis and the other that of Ulitheus who had fallen, killed on the spot those of the body-guards who remained. Thus there arose, as was natural, an exceedingly great tumult and confusion. And when this was perceived by those of the Armenians who were standing by the tyrant's guards, they immediately picked up the shields according to the plan which had been arranged with them, and went on the run to the banquet-room. And they slew all the Vandals and the friends of Gontharis, no one resisting.

Then Artabanes enjoined upon Athanasius to take charge of the money in the palace: for all that had been left by Areobindus was there. And when the guards learned of the death of Gontharis, straightway many arrayed themselves with the Armenians; for the most of them were of the household of Areobindus. With one accord, therefore, they proclaimed the Emperor Justinian triumphant. And the cry, coming forth from a multitude of men, and being, therefore, an exceedingly mighty sound, was strong enough to reach the greater part of the city. Wherefore those who were well-disposed to the emperor leaped into the houses of the mutineers and straightway killed them, some while enjoying sleep, others while taking food, and still others while they were awe-struck with fear and in terrible perplexity. And among these was Pasiphilus, but not John, for he with some of the Vandals fled to the sanctuary. To these Artabanes gave pledges, and making them rise from there, sent them to Byzantium, and having thus recovered the city for the emperor, he continued to guard it. And the murder of the tyrant took place on the thirty-sixth day of the tyranny, in the nineteenth year of the reign of the Emperor Justinian.

545-546 A.D.

And Artabanes won great fame for himself from this deed among all men. And straightway Prejecta, the wife of Areobindus, rewarded him with great sums of money, and the emperor appointed him general of all Libya. But not long after this Artabanes entreated the emperor to summon him to Byzantium, and the emperor fulfilled his request. And having summoned Artabanes, he appointed John, the brother of Pappus, sole general of Libya. And this John, immediately upon arriving in Libya, had an engagement with Antalas and the Moors in Byzacium, and conquering them in battle, slew many; and he wrested from these barbarians all the standards of Solomon, and sent them to the emperor—standards which they had previously secured as plunder, when Solomon had been taken from the world.[75] And the rest of the Moors he drove as far as possible from the Roman territory. But at a later time the Leuathae came again with a great army from the country about Tripolis to Byzacium, and united with the forces of Antalas. And when John went to meet this army, he was defeated in the engagement, and losing many of his men, fled to Laribus. And then indeed the enemy, overrunning the whole country there as far as Carthage, treated in a terrible manner those Libyans who fell in their way. But not long afterward John collected those of the soldiers who had survived, and drawing into alliance with him many Moors and especially those under Coutzinas, came to battle with the enemy and unexpectedly routed them. And the Romans, following them up as they fled in complete disorder, slew a great part of them, while the rest escaped to the confines of Libya. Thus it came to pass that those of the Libyans who survived, few as they were in number and exceedingly poor, at last and after great toil found some peace.

FOOTNOTES:

[1]

The vexillum praetorium carried by the cavalry of the imperial guard, IV. x. 4 below; cf. Lat. pannum.

[2]

See III. xxiv. 1.

[3]

"Auxiliaries"; see Book III. xi. 3 and note.

[4]

Chap. i. 3.

[5]

Chap. i. 3.

[6]

Now Bona; it was the home and burial-place of St. Augustine.

[7]

The Eruli, or Heruli, were one of the wildest and most corrupt of the barbarian tribes. They came from beyond the Danube. On their origin, practices, and character, see VI. xiv.

[8]

The Greek implies that the Tuscan Sea was stormy, like the Adriatic. The Syrtes farther east had a bad reputation.

[9]

About twelve miles west of Algiers, originally Iol, now Cherchel; named after Augustus.

[10]

See III. i. 6 and note.

[11]

See III. i. 18.

[12]

Book III. ix. 9.

[13]

See III. x. 23

[14]

Lilybaeum had been ceded to the Vandals by Theoderic as dower of his sister Amalafrida on her marriage to Thrasamund, the African king (III. viii. 13).

[15]

"Friendship" and "hostility" refer to the present relations between Justinian and the Goths and what they may become.

[16]

Amalasountha.

[17]

The correspondence between Queen Amalasountha and Justinian is given in V. iii. 17.

[18]

In Latin serica, "silk," as coming from the Chinese (Seres).

[19]

Cf. Thucydides' description of the huts in which the Athenians lived during the great plague.

[20]

Pharas and the other Eruli.

[21]

Cf. ch. vi. 4.

[22]

"Auxiliaries"; see Book III. xi. 3.

[23]

i.e. there in Africa, as successor to the throne of the Vandal kings.

[24]

Book III. xxv. 2-4.

[25]

Examples of the Roman system have come to light in Egyptian papyri: cf. the declarations of personal property, [απογραπάι], Pap. Lond., I., p. 79; Flinders Petrie Pap., III., p. 200, ed. Mahaffy and Smyly.

[26]

Since a triumph was granted only to an imperator, after the establishment of the principate by Augustus all triumphs were celebrated in the name of the emperor himself, the victorious general receiving only the insignia triumphalia. The first general to refuse a triumph was Agrippa, after his campaign in Spain, about 550 years before Belisarius' triumph in Constantinople.

[27]

The barriers (_carceres_), or starting-point for the racers, were at the open end of the hippodrome, the imperial box at the middle of the course at the right as one entered.

[28]

Cf. Book III. v. 3; that was in A.D. 455. The spoliation of Jerusalem by Titus had taken place in A.D. 70.

[29]

Ecclesiastes, i. 2.

[30]

Not an actual "triumph," but a triumphal celebration of his inauguration as consul.

[31]

The reference is to the old custom of distributing to the populace largesses (congiaria) of money or valuables on the occasion of events of interest to the imperial house, such as the emperor's assumption of the consular office, birthdays, etc. The first largess of this kind was made by Julius Caesar.

[32]

Cf. Book IV. ii. 1.

[33]

The Canaanites of the Old Testament.

[34]

i.e., Clypea, or Aspis, now Kalibia, on the Carthaginian coast.

[35]

i.e., from Tangier, opposite Cadiz, to Algiers. On Caesarea see IV. v. 5 and note.

[36]

"On the borders of Mauretania" according to Procopius, De aedificiis, vi. 6. 18.

[37]

Chap. x. 6.

[38]

Book III. viii. 25, 26.

[39]

The side toward the mountains; cf. § 20.

[40]

In the late Empire the excubitores, 300 in number, constituted the select guard of the palace. Their commander, comes excubitorum, held high rank at court; cf. VIII. xxi. 1, where we are told that Belisarius held this position, and Arcana 6. 10, where Justin, afterwards emperor, is mentioned.

[41]

Cf. chap. viii. 14. Procopius has explained in III. xi. 6 that Solomon was a eunuch.

[42]

See III. viii. 5.

[43]

A comes foedtratorum, mentioned in III. xi. 6.

[44]

Book III. viii. 5.

[45]

i.e. Clypea. Not the place mentioned in IV. x. 24.

[46]

The region in the interior of Sardinia called Barbargia or Barbagia still preserves this name. But Procopius' explanation of the origin of the barbarian settlers there has not been generally accepted.

[47]

Book III. xviii. 7 ff.

[48]

IV. iv. 30 and note.

[49]

Baptism was administered only during the fifty days between Easter and Pentecost. Justinian had forbidden the baptism of Arians.

[50]

Cf. III. xi. 30.

[51]

Cf. chap. xiv. 8

[52]

"Auxiliaries"; see Book III. xi. 3.

[53]

More correctly Gadiaufala, now Ksar-Sbehi.

[54]

Cirta, later named Constantina, now Constantine (Ksantina).

[55]

John the Cappadocian, cf. I. xxiv. 11 ff.

[56]

See Book III. xvii. 1 and note.

[57]

Now Setif.

[58]

Called Mastinas in IV. xiii. 19.

[59]

Book IV. v. 5.

[60]

Cyrenaica.

[61]

Now Lebida.

[62]

Cf. III. xxv. 4 ff.

[63]

Book III. x. 22 ff.

[64]

Book IV. xii. 30.

[65]

A reference to his slaughter of the eighty notables, IV. xxi. 7, where, however, nothing is said of an oath sworn on the Gospels.

[66]

Cf. Book II. iii. 32.

[67]

Cf. Book III. xvii. 11, xxi. 23.

[68]

The port of Carthage; see III. xx. 3.

[69]

i.e. baptism.

[70]

A garment with a cowl, like the cucullus.

[71]

Cf. Book II. iii. 25.

[72]

Cf. Book II. iii. 15.

[73]

Justinian.

[74]

A contemptuous term for "subjects of the emperor."

[75]

See Book IV. xxi. 27.





INDEX