HISTORICAL EPOCHS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION;

WITH THE Judgment and Execution OF

LOUIS XVI. KING OF FRANCE;

AND A LIST OF THE MEMBERS OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION,

Who voted FOR and AGAINST his DEATH.

PRICE 4s.

HISTORICAL EPOCHS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH OF H. GOUDEMETZ,
A FRENCH CLERGYMAN EMIGRANT IN ENGLAND.

DEDICATED, BY PERMISSION, TO

His ROYAL HIGHNESS the DUKE of YORK,

BY THE REV. DR. RANDOLPH.

TO WHICH IS SUBJOINED, WITH CONSIDERABLE ADDITIONS,
THE THIRD EDITION OF THE
Judgment and Execution Of
LOUIS XVI. KING OF FRANCE;
WITH A LIST OF THE MEMBERS OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION,
Who voted FOR and AGAINST his DEATH;
AND THE NAMES OF MANY OF THE MOST CONSIDERABLE SUFFERERS IN
THE COURSE OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, DISTINGUISHED ACCORDING
TO THEIR PRINCIPLES.

BATH, PRINTED BY R. CRUTTWELL FOR THE AUTHOR;
AND SOLD BY C. DILLY, POULTRY, LONDON: THE BOOKSELLERS OF BATH, &c.
MDCCXCVI

DEDICATION.

TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE DUKE OF YORK.

SIR,

WITH the design of serving an amiable and worthy man, I have availed myself of your Royal Highness's permission to dedicate to you the translation of a work, which, as a faithful narrative of events, wants no additional comment to make it interesting. A detail of facts, in which your Royal Highness, in behalf of your country, has been so honourably engaged, may not prove unwelcome in aid of recollection; and a detail of facts, built on the experimental horrors of popular power, and which, proceeding from the wildness of theory to the madness of practice, has swept away every vestige of civil polity, and would soon leave neither law nor religion in the world, cannot, either in point of instruction or warning, be unreasonably laid before my fellow-citizens at large.

Under the sanction, therefore, Sir, of your illustrious name, I willingly commit to them this memorial. And if an innocent victim of oppression should thus derive a small, though painful, subsistence from a plain and publick (sic) recital of his country's crimes, I shall be abundantly repaid for the little share I may have had in bringing it into notice; and by the opportunity it affords me of subscribing myself

Your ever grateful and devoted humble servant,

BATH, July 22, 1796

Contents

PREFACE

RESULT OF THE THIRD SCRUTINY.

THE LAST WILL OF LOUIS XVI.

A LIST OF MANY OF THE MOST CONSIDERABLE SUFFERERS UNDER THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

List of Illustrations

PREFACE

THE following sheets contain a journal of principal events of the French Revolution. The best authorities have been resorted to, and the facts are related without any comment. The reader will find a faithful outline of an interesting and momentous period of history, and will see how naturally each error produced its corresponding misfortune.

Various causes contributed to effect a revolution in the minds of Frenchmen, and led the way to a revolution in the state. The arbitrary nature of the government had been long submitted to, and perhaps would have continued so much longer, if France had not taken part in the American war.

The perfidious policy of VERGENNES, who, with a view of humbling the pride of England, assisted the subject in arms against his Sovereign, soon imported into his own nation the seeds of liberty, which it had helped to cultivate in a country of rebellion; and the crown of France, as I once heard it emphatically observed, was lost in the plains of America. The soldier returned to Europe with new doctrines instead of new discipline, and the army in general soon grew dissatisfied with the Monarch, on account of unusual, and, as they thought, ignominious rigours which were introduced into it from the military school of Germany. The King also, from a necessity of retrenchment, had induced his ministers to adopt some mistaken measures of economy respecting the troops, and thus increased the odium which pride had fostered, and by diminishing the splendour of the crown, stripped it of its security and protection.

To this was added the wanton profusion of the Court in other expenses, and the external parade and brilliancy, which, if they impoverish, often dazzle and gratify the people, was exchanged for familiar entertainments, which gave rise to frequent jealousies among the nobles, and tended to lower that sense of awe and respect for royalty among the people, which in monarchies it is of the utmost importance to preserve.

At this time, also, philosophical discussion had reached its pinnacle of boldness. Infidelity had woven the web of discord in the human mind, which was now ripe for experiment, and ROUSSEAU and VOLTAIRE were the favourite authors.

Previous to the year 1789, from the extreme disorder of the finances, it became necessary to raise money by extraordinary taxes, which the common powers of the parliament were deemed insufficient to authorize; and afraid, in the present temper of the people, to impose upon them unusual burthens, ministers looked with solicitude for some other sanctions.

Monsieur DE CALONNE was unwilling to adopt so dangerous an expedient as that of assembling the states-general; [Footnote: An Assembly consisting of deputies from the three orders of citizens in France, namely, the clergy, the nobility, and the tiers-etat; which last included every French citizen who was not of the clergy or nobility.] he therefore adopted the expedient of summoning an assembly of notables, or eminent persons, chosen by the King from the different parts of the kingdom.

This assembly did not prove so favourable to the measures of the minister as he expected: Monsieur DE CALONNE was displaced, and the assembly was soon after dissolved, having declared itself incompetent to decide on the taxes proposed.

The King then commanded the parliament of Paris to register his edicts for successive loans to the government; but his commands were rejected. [Footnote: Chiefly, as it was supposed, through the influence of the Duke of Orleans.]

In the meantime, that spirit of discussing philosophical subjects, which we have before mentioned, now fixed itself on politics. The people exclaimed against the weight of taxes, and the extravagance of courtiers; they complained of peculiar exemptions from the general burthens, and of grievances which arose from lettres-de -cachet, and other despotic powers of the government.

The King, desirous of yielding to the wishes of the people, recalled Monsieur NECKAR to the administration, and in conformity to his advice, his Majesty declared his resolution of convening the states-general. But in order to regulate all matters relative to the meeting of this important assembly, it was resolved to convoke the notables a second time. Among these, a diversity of opinion appeared respecting the comparative number of deputies to be sent by the Commons, and the two other orders; the cardinal point on which the whole success of the revolution eventually turned. [Footnote: The last assembly of the states-general, which had been held in France in 1614, was composed of 140 deputies from the order of the clergy, among whom were five cardinals, seven archbishops, and 47 bishops; 132, representatives of the nobility; and 192 deputies from the commons. The Cardinal de JOYEUSE was president of the clergy; the Baron SENECEY of the nobility; and the president of the commons was ROBERT MIRON, Prêvot-de-Marchands, (an officer similar to that of mayor of Paris.)] All the classes into which the notables were divided, decided for an equality of deputies, except those in which MONSIEUR and the Duke of ORLEANS presided.

In these, it was agreed that the representatives of the commons should be equal in number to those of the other two states. The ministry were of opinion that this double representation was adviseable (sic), and persuaded themselves that, through their weight and influence they should be able to prevent any mischief to be apprehended from this preponderance of the tiers-etat. By their advice, the King issued an ordinance in January 1789, throughout the whole kingdom, commanding the people to assemble in their bailiwicks, and to nominate deputies to represent them in the states-general; viz. 300 for the clergy, 300 for the nobility, and 600 for the commons.

N. B. The first legislature, which was called the National Assembly, has now the name of the "Constituent Assembly."

The second is called the "Legislative Assembly;" and the third legislature is called "the National Convention."

HISTORICAL EPOCHS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.