Such was the oracle: and Kypselos when he became despot was a man of this character,—many of the Corinthians he drove into exile, many he deprived of their wealth, and very many more of their lives. (f) And when he had reigned for thirty years and had brought his life to a prosperous end, his son Periander became his successor in the despotism. Now Periander at first was milder than his father; but after he had had dealings through messengers with Thrasybulos the despot of Miletos, he became far more murderous even than Kypselos. For he sent a messenger to Thrasybulos and asked what settlement of affairs was the safest for him to make, in order that he might best govern his State: and Thrasybulos led forth the messenger who had come from Periander out of the city, and entered into a field of growing corn; and as he passed through the crop of corn, while inquiring and asking questions repeatedly 86 of the messenger about the occasion of his coming from Corinth, he kept cutting off the heads of those ears of corn which he saw higher than the rest; and as he cut off their heads he cast them away, until he had destroyed in this manner the finest and richest part of the crop. So having passed through the place and having suggested no word of counsel, he dismissed the messenger. When the messenger returned to Corinth, Periander was anxious to hear the counsel which had been given; but he said that Thrasybulos had given him no counsel, and added that he wondered at the deed of Periander in sending him to such a man, for the man was out of his senses and a waster of his own goods,—relating at the same time that which he had seen Thrasybulos do. (g) So Periander, understanding that which had been done and perceiving that Thrasybulos counselled him to put to death those who were eminent among his subjects, began then to display all manner of evil treatment to the citizens of the State; for whatsoever Kypselos had left undone in killing and driving into exile, this Periander completed. And in one day he stripped all the wives of the Corinthians of their clothing on account of his own wife Melissa. For when he had sent messengers to the Thesprotians on the river Acheron to ask the Oracle of the dead about a deposit made with him by a guest-friend, Melissa appeared and said she would not tell in what place the deposit was laid, for she was cold and had no clothes, since those which he had buried with her were of no use to her, not having been burnt; and this, she said, would be an evidence to him that she was speaking the truth, namely that when the oven was cold, Periander had put his loaves into it. When the report of this was brought back to Periander, the token made him believe, because he had had commerce with Melissa after she was dead; and straightway after receiving the message he caused proclamation to be made that all the wives of the Corinthians should come out to the temple of Hera. They accordingly went as to a festival in their fairest adornment; and he having set the spearmen of his guard in ambush, stripped them all alike, both the free women and their attendant; and having gathered together all their clothes in a place dug out, he set fire to them, praying at the same time to Melissa. Then after he had done this and had sent a second time, the apparition of Melissa told him in what spot he had laid the deposit entrusted to him by his guest-friend.
"Such a thing, ye must know, Lacedemonians, is despotism, and such are its deeds: and we Corinthians marvelled much at first when we saw that ye were sending for Hippias, and now we marvel even more because ye say these things; and we adjure you, calling upon the gods of Hellas, not to establish despotisms in the cities. If however ye will not cease from your design, but endeavour to restore Hippias contrary to that which is just, know that the Corinthians at least do not give their consent to that which ye do."
93. Socles being the envoy of Corinth thus spoke, and Hippias made answer to him, calling to witness the same gods as he, that assuredly the Corinthians would more than all others regret the loss of the sons of Peisistratos, when the appointed days should have come for them to be troubled by the Athenians. Thus Hippias made answer, being acquainted with the oracles more exactly than any other man: but the rest of the allies, who for a time had restrained themselves and kept silence, when they heard Socles speak freely, gave utterance every one of them to that which they felt, and adopted the opinion of the Corinthian envoy, adjuring the Lacedemonians not to do any violence to a city of Hellas.
94. Thus was this brought to an end: and Hippias being dismissed from thence had Anthemus offered to him by Amyntas king of the Macedonians and Iolcos by the Thessalians. He however accepted neither of these, but retired again to Sigeion; which city Peisistratos had taken by force of arms from the Mytilenians, and having got possession of it, had appointed his own natural son Hegesistratos, born of an Argive woman, to be despot of it: he however did not without a struggle keep possession of that which he received from Peisistratos; for the Mytilenians and Athenians carried on war for a long time, having their strongholds respectively at Achilleion and at Sigeion, the one side demanding that the place be restored to them, and the Athenians on the other hand not admitting this demand, but proving by argument that the Aiolians had no better claim to the territory of Ilion than they and the rest of the Hellenes, as many as joined with Menelaos in exacting vengeance for the rape of Helen..
95. Now while these carried on the war, besides many other things of various kinds which occurred in the battles, once when a fight took place and the Athenians were conquering, Alcaios the poet, taking to flight, escaped indeed himself, but the Athenians retained possession of his arms and hung them up on the walls of the temple of Athene which is at Sigeion. About this matter Alcaios composed a song and sent it to Mytilene, reporting therein his misadventure to one Melanippos, who was his friend. Finally Periander the son of Kypselos made peace between the Athenians and the Mytilenians, 87 for to him they referred the matter as arbitrator; and he made peace between them on the condition that each should continue to occupy that territory which they then possessed..
96. Sigeion then in this matter had come under the rule of the Athenians. And when Hippias had returned to Asia from Lacedemon, he set everything in motion, stirring up enmity between the Athenians and Artaphrenes, and using every means to secure that Athens should come under the rule of himself and of Dareios. Hippias, I say, was thus engaged; and the Athenians meanwhile hearing of these things sent envoys to Sardis, and endeavoured to prevent the Persians from following the suggestions of the exiled Athenians. Artaphrenes however commanded them, if they desired to be preserved from ruin, to receive Hippias back again. This proposal the Athenians were not by any means disposed to accept when it was reported; and as they did not accept this, it became at once a commonly received opinion among them that they were enemies of the Persians.
97. While they had these thoughts and had been set at enmity with the Persians, at this very time Aristagoras the Milesian, ordered away from Sparta by Cleomenes the Lacedemonian, arrived at Athens; for this was the city which had most power of all the rest besides Sparta. And Aristagoras came forward before the assembly of the people and said the same things as he had said at Sparta about the wealth which there was in Asia, and about the Persian manner of making war, how they used neither shield nor spear and were easy to overcome. Thus I say he said, and also he added this, namely that the Milesians were colonists from the Athenians, and that it was reasonable that the Athenians should rescue them, since they had such great power; and there was nothing which he did not promise, being very urgent in his request, until at last he persuaded them: for it would seem that it is easier to deceive many than one, seeing that, though he did not prove able to deceive Cleomenes the Lacedemonian by himself, yet he did this to thirty thousand Athenians. The Athenians then, I say, being persuaded, voted a resolution to despatch twenty ships to help the Ionians, and appointed to command them Melanthios one of their citizens, who was in all things highly reputed. These ships proved to be the beginning of evils for the Hellenes and the Barbarians.
98. Aristagoras however sailed on before and came to Miletos; and then having devised a plan from which no advantage was likely to come for the Ionians (nor indeed was he doing what he did with a view to that, but in order to vex king Dareios), he sent a man to Phrygia to the Paionians who had been taken captive by Megabazos from the river Strymon, and who were dwelling in a district and village of Phrygia apart by themselves; and when the messenger came to the Paionians he spoke these words: "Paionians, Aristagoras the despot of Miletos sent me to offer to you salvation, if ye shall be willing to do as he says; for now all Ionia has revolted from the king and ye have an opportunity of coming safe to your own land: to reach the sea shall be your concern, and after this it shall be thenceforth ours." The Paionians hearing this received it as a most welcome proposal, and taking with them their children and their women they began a flight to the sea; some of them however were struck with fear and remained in the place where they were. Having come to the coast the Paionians crossed over thence to Chios, and when they were already in Chios there arrived in their track a large body of Persian horsemen pursuing the Paionians. These, as they did not overtake them, sent over to Chios to bid the Paionians return back: the Paionians however did not accept their proposal, but the men of Chios conveyed them from Chios to Lesbos, and the Lesbians brought them to Doriscos, and thence they proceeded by land and came to Paionia.
99. Aristagoras meanwhile, when the Athenians had arrived with twenty ships, bringing with them also five triremes of the Eretrians, joined the expedition not for the sake of the Athenians but of the Milesians themselves, to repay them a debt which they owed (for the Milesians in former times had borne with the Eretrians the burden of all that war which they had with the Chalkidians at the time when the Chalkidians on their side were helped by the Samians against the Eretrians and Milesians),—when these, I say, had arrived and the other allies were on the spot, Aristagoras proceeded to make a march upon Sardis. On this march he did not go himself, but remained at Miletos and appointed others to be in command of the Milesians, namely his brother Charopinos and of the other citizens one Hermophantos. 8701
100. With this force then the Ionians came to Ephesos, and leaving their ships at Coresos in the land of Ephesos, went up themselves in a large body, taking Ephesians to guide them in their march. So they marched along by the river Caÿster, and then when they arrived after crossing the range of Tmolos, they took Sardis without any resistance, all except the citadel, but the citadel Artaphrenes himself saved from capture, having with him a considerable force of men..
101. From plundering this city after they had taken it they were prevented by this:—the houses in Sardis were mostly built of reeds, and even those of them which were of brick had their roofs thatched with reeds: of these houses one was set on fire by a soldier, and forthwith the fire going on from house to house began to spread over the whole town. So then as the town was on fire, the Lydians and all the Persians who were in the city being cut off from escape, since the fire was prevailing in the extremities round about them, and not having any way out of the town, flowed together to the market-place and to the river Pactolos, which brings down gold-dust for them from Tmolos, flowing through the middle of their market-place, and then runs out into the river Hermos, and this into the sea;—to this Pactolos, I say, and to the market-place the Lydians and Persians gathered themselves together, and were compelled to defend themselves. The Ionians then, seeing some of the enemy standing on their defence and others in great numbers coming on to the attack, were struck with fear and retired to the mountain called Tmolos, and after that at nightfall departed to go to their ships.
102. Sardis was then destroyed by fire, and in it also the temple of the native goddess Hybebe; which the Persians alleged afterwards as a reason for setting on fire in return the temples in the land of the Hellenes. However at the time of which I speak the Persians who occupied districts within the river Halys, informed beforehand of this movement, were gathering together and coming to the help of the Lydians; and, as it chanced, they found when they came that the Ionians no longer were in Sardis; but they followed closely in their track and came up with them at Ephesos: and the Ionians stood indeed against them in array, but when they joined battle they had very much the worse; and besides other persons of note whom the Persians slaughtered, there fell also Eualkides commander of the Eretrians, a man who had won wreaths in contests of the games and who was much celebrated by Simonides of Keos: and those of them who survived the battle dispersed to their various cities.
103. Thus then they fought at that time; and after the battle the Athenians left the Ionians together, and when Aristagoras was urgent in calling upon them by messengers for assistance, they said that they would not help them: the Ionians, however, though deprived of the alliance of the Athenians, none the less continued to prepare for the war with the king, so great had been the offences already committed by them against Dareios. They sailed moreover to the Hellespont and brought under their power Byzantion and all the other cities which are in those parts; and then having sailed forth out of the Hellespont, they gained in addition the most part of Caria to be in alliance with them: for even Caunos, which before was not willing to be their ally, then, after they had burnt Sardis, was added to them also..
104. The Cyprians too, excepting those of Amathus, were added voluntarily to their alliance; for these also had revolted from the Medes in the following manner:—there was one Onesilos, younger brother of Gorgos king of Salamis, and son of Chersis, the son of Siromos, the son of Euelthon. This man in former times too had been wont often to advise Gorgos to make revolt from the king, and at this time, when he heard that the Ionians had revolted, he pressed him very hard and endeavoured to urge him to it. Since however he could not persuade Gorgos, Onesilos watched for a time when he had gone forth out of the city of Salamis, and then together with the men of his own faction he shut him out of the gates. Gorgos accordingly being robbed of the city went for refuge to the Medes, and Onesilos was ruler of Salamis and endeavoured to persuade all the men of Cyprus to join him in revolt. The others then he persuaded; but since those of Amathus were not willing to do as he desired, he sat down before their city and besieged it.
105. Onesilos then was besieging Amathus; and meanwhile, when it was reported to king Dareios that Sardis had been captured and burnt by the Athenians and the Ionians together, and that the leader of the league for being about these things 88 was the Milesian Aristagoras, it is said that at first being informed of this he made no account of the Ionians, because he knew that they at all events would not escape unpunished for their revolt, but he inquired into who the Athenians were; and when he had been informed, he asked for his bow, and having received it and placed an arrow upon the string, he discharged it upwards towards heaven, and as he shot into the air he said: "Zeus, that it may be granted me to take vengeance upon the Athenians!" Having so said he charged one of his attendants, that when dinner was set before the king he should say always three times: "Master, remember the Athenians.".
106. When he had given this charge, he called into his presence Histiaios the Milesian, whom Dareios had now been keeping with him for a long time, and said: "I am informed, Histiaios, that thy deputy, to whom thou didst depute the government of Miletos, has made rebellion against me; for he brought in men against me from the other continent and persuaded the Ionians also,—who shall pay the penalty to me for that which they did,—these, I say, he persuaded to go together with them, and thus he robbed me of Sardis. Now therefore how thinkest thou that this is well? and how without thy counsels was anything of this kind done? Take heed lest thou afterwards find reason to blame thyself for this." Histiaios replied: "O king, what manner of speech is this that thou hast uttered, saying that I counselled a matter from which it was likely that any vexation would grow for thee, either great or small? What have I to seek for in addition to that which I have, that I should do these things; and of what am I in want? for I have everything that thou hast, and I am thought worthy by thee to hear all thy counsels. Nay, but if my deputy is indeed acting in any such manner as thou hast said, be assured that he has done it merely on his own account. I however, for my part, do not even admit the report to be true, that the Milesians and my deputy are acting in any rebellious fashion against thy power: but if it prove that they are indeed doing anything of that kind, and if that which thou hast heard, O king, be the truth, learn then what a thing thou didst in removing me away from the sea-coast; for it seems that the Ionians, when I had gone out of the sight of their eyes, did that which they had long had a desire to do; whereas if I had been in Ionia, not a city would have made the least movement. Now therefore as quickly as possible let me set forth to go to Ionia, that I may order all these matters for thee as they were before, and deliver into thy hands this deputy of Miletos who contrived these things: and when I have done this after thy mind, I swear by the gods of the royal house that I will not put off from me the tunic which I wear when I go down to Ionia, until I have made Sardinia tributary to thee, which is the largest of all islands.".
107. Thus saying Histiaios endeavoured to deceive the king, and Dareios was persuaded and let him go, charging him, when he should have accomplished that which he had promised, to return to him again at Susa.
108. In the meantime, while the news about Sardis was going up to the king, and while Dareios, after doing that which he did with the bow, came to speech with Histiaios, and Histiaios having been let go by Dareios was making his journey to the sea-coast,—during all that time the events were happening which here follow.—As Onesilos of Salamis was besieging those of Amathus, it was reported to him that Artybios a Persian, bringing with him in ships a large Persian army, was to be expected shortly to arrive in Cyprus. Being informed of this, Onesilos sent heralds to different places in Ionia to summon the Ionians to his assistance; and they took counsel together and came without delay with a large force. Now the Ionians arrived in Cyprus just at the time when the Persians having crossed over in ships from Kilikia were proceeding by land to attack Salamis, while the Phenicians with the ships were sailing round the headland which is called the "Keys of Cyprus.".
109. This being the case, the despots of Cyprus called together the commanders of the Ionians and said: "Ionians, we of Cyprus give you a choice which enemy ye will rather fight with, the Persians or the Phenicians: for if ye will rather array yourselves on land and make trial of the Persians in fight, it is time now for you to disembark from your ships and array yourselves on the land, and for us to embark in your ships to contend against the Phenicians; but if on the other hand ye will rather make trial of the Phenicians,—whichever of these two ye shall choose, ye must endeavour that, so far as it rests with you, both Ionia and Cyprus shall be free." To this the Ionians replied: "We were sent out by the common authority of the Ionians to guard the sea, and not to deliver our ships to the Cyprians and ourselves fight with the Persians on land. We therefore will endeavour to do good service in that place to which we were appointed; and ye must call to mind all the evils which ye suffered from the Medes, when ye were in slavery to them, and prove yourselves good men.".
110. The Ionians made answer in these words; and afterwards, when the Persians had come to the plain of Salamis, the kings of the Cyprians set in order their array, choosing the best part of the troops of Salamis and of Soloi to be arrayed against the Persians and setting the other Cyprians against the rest of the enemy's troops; and against Artybios, the commander of the Persians, Onesilos took up his place in the array by his own free choice.
111. Now Artybios was riding a horse which had been trained to rear up against a hoplite. Onesilos accordingly being informed of this, and having a shield-bearer, by race of Caria, who was of very good repute as a soldier and full of courage besides, 89 said to this man: "I am informed that the horse of Artybios rears upright and works both with his feet and his mouth against any whom he is brought to attack. Do thou therefore consider the matter, and tell me forthwith which of the two thou wilt rather watch for and strike, the horse or Artybios himself." To this his attendant replied: "O king, I am ready to do both or either of these two things, and in every case to do that which thou shalt appoint for me; but I will declare to thee the way in which I think it will be most suitable 90 for thy condition. I say that it is right for one who is king and commander to fight with a king and commander; for if thou shalt slay the commander of the enemy, it turns to great glory for thee; and again, if he shall slay thee, which heaven forbid, even death when it is at the hands of a worthy foe is but half to be lamented: but for us who are under thy command it is suitable to fight with the others who are under his command and with his horse: and of the tricks of the horse have thou no fear at all, for I engage to thee that after this at least he shall never stand against any man more." Thus he spoke; and shortly afterwards the opposed forces joined battle both on land and with their ships..
112. On that day the Ionians for their part greatly distinguished themselves and overcame the Phenicians, and of them the Samians were best: and meanwhile on land, when the armies met, they came to close quarters and fought; and as regards the two commanders, what happened was this:—when Artybios came to fight with Onesilos sitting upon his horse, Onesilos, as he had concerted with his shield-bearer, struck at Artybios himself, when he came to fight with him; and when the horse put its hoofs against the shield of Onesilos, then the Carian struck with a falchion 91 and smote off the horse's feet..
113 So Artybios the commander of the Persians fell there on the spot together with his horse: and while the others also were fighting, Stesenor the despot of Curion deserted them, having with him a large force of men,—now these Curians are said to be settlers from Argos,—and when the Curians had deserted, forthwith also the war-chariots of the men of Salamis proceeded to do the same as the Curians. When these things took place, the Persians had the advantage over the Cyprians; and after their army had been put to rout, many others fell and among them Onesilos the son of Chersis, he who brought about the revolt of the Cyprians, and also the king of the Solians, Aristokypros the son of Philokypros,—that Philokypros whom Solon the Athenian, when he came to Cyprus, commended in verse above all other despots..
114. So the men of Amathus cut off the head of Onesilos, because he had besieged them; and having brought it to Amathus they hung it over the gate of the city: and as the head hung there, when it had now become a hollow, a swarm of bees entered into it and filled it with honeycomb. This having so come to pass, the Amathusians consulted an Oracle about the head, and they received an answer bidding them take it down and bury it and sacrifice to Onesilos every year as a hero; and if they did this, it would go better with them..
115. The Amathusians accordingly continued to do so even to my time. But the Ionians who had fought the sea-fight in Cyprus, when they perceived that the fortunes of Onesilos were ruined and that the cities of the Cyprians were besieged, except Salamis, and that this city had been delivered over by the Salaminians to Gorgos the former king,—as soon as they perceived this, the Ionians sailed away back to Ionia. Now of the cities in Cyprus Soloi held out for the longest time under the siege; and the Persians took it in the fifth month by undermining the wall round.
116. The Cyprians then, after they had made themselves free for one year, had again been reduced to slavery afresh: and meanwhile Daurises, who was married to a daughter of Dareios, and Hymaies and Otanes, who were also Persian commanders and were married also to daughters of Dareios, after they had pursued those Ionians who had made the expedition to Sardis and defeating them in battle had driven them by force to their ships,—after this distributed the cities amongst themselves and proceeded to sack them..
117. Daurises directed his march to the cities on the Hellespont, and he took Dardanos and Abydos and Percote and Lampsacos and Paisos, of these he took on each day one; and as he was marching from Paisos against the city of Parion, the report came that the Carians had made common cause with the Ionians and were in revolt from the Persians. He turned back therefore from the Hellespont and marched his army upon Caria..
118. And, as it chanced, a report of this was brought to the Carians before Daurises arrived; and the Carians being informed of it gathered together at the place which is called the "White Pillars" and at the river Marsyas, which flows from the region of Idrias and runs out into the Maiander. When the Carians had been gathered together there, among many other counsels which were given, the best, as it seems to me, was that of Pixodaros the son of Mausolos, a man of Kindye, who was married to the daughter of the king of the Kilikians, Syennesis. The opinion of this man was to the effect that the Carians should cross over the Maiander and engage battle with the Persians having the river at their backs, in order that the Carians, not being able to fly backwards and being compelled to remain where they were, might prove themselves even better men in fight than they naturally would. This opinion did not prevail; but they resolved that the Persians rather than themselves should have the Maiander at their backs, evidently 92 in order that if there should be a flight of the Persians and they should be worsted in the battle, they might never return home, but might fall into the river..
119. After this, when the Persians had come and had crossed the Maiander, the Carians engaged with the Persians on the river Marsyas and fought a battle which was obstinately contested and lasted long; but at length they were worsted by superior numbers: and of the Persians there fell as many as two thousand, but of the Carians ten thousand. Then those of them who escaped were shut up in Labraunda 93 within the sanctuary of Zeus Stratios, which is a large sacred grove of plane-trees; now the Carians are the only men we know who offer sacrifices to Zeus Stratios. These men then, being shut up there, were taking counsel together about their safety, whether they would fare better if they delivered themselves over to the Persians or if they left Asia altogether..
120. And while they were thus taking counsel, there came to their aid the Milesians and their allies. Then the Carians dismissed the plans which they were before considering and prepared to renew the war again from the beginning: and when the Persians came to attack them, they engaged with them and fought a battle, and they were worsted yet more completely than before; and while many were slain of all parties, 94 the Milesians suffered most..
121. Then afterwards the Carians repaired this loss and retrieved their defeat; for being informed that the Persians had set forth to march upon their cities, they laid an ambush on the road which is by Pedasos, 95 and the Persians falling into it by night were destroyed both they and their commanders, namely Daurises and Amorges and Sisimakes; and with them died also Myrsos the son of Gyges. Of this ambush the leader was Heracleides the son of Ibanollis, a man of Mylasa.
122. These then of the Persians were thus destroyed; and meanwhile Hymaies, who was another of those who pursued after the Ionians that had made the expedition to Sardis, directed his march to the Propontis and took Kios in Mysia; and having conquered this city, when he was informed that Daurises had left the Hellespont and was marching towards Caria, he left the Propontis and led his army to the Hellespont: and he conquered all the Aiolians who occupy the district of Ilion, and also the Gergithes, who were left behind as a remnant of the ancient Teucrians. While conquering these tribes Hymaies himself ended his life by sickness in the land of Troas..
123. He thus brought his life to an end; and Artaphrenes the governor of the province of Sardis was appointed with Otanes the third of the commanders to make the expedition against Ionia and that part of Aiolia which bordered upon it. Of Ionia these took the city of Clazomenai, and of the Aiolians Kyme.
124. While the cities were thus being taken, Aristagoras the Milesian, being, as he proved in this instance, not of very distinguished courage, since after having disturbed Ionia and made preparation of great matters 96 he counselled running away when he saw these things, (moreover it had become clear to him that it was impossible to overcome king Dareios),—he, I say, having regard to these things, called together those of his own party and took counsel with them, saying that it was better that there should be a refuge prepared for them, in case that they should after all be driven out from Miletos, and proposing the question whether he should lead them from thence to Sardinia, to form a colony there, or to Myrkinos in the land of the Edonians, which Histiaios had been fortifying, having received it as a gift from Dareios. This was the question proposed by Aristagoras..
125. Now the opinion of Hecataios the son of Hegesander the historian 97 was that he should not take a colony to either of these places, but build a wall of defence for himself in the island of Leros and keep still, if he should be forced to leave Miletos; and afterwards with this for his starting point he would be able to return to Miletos..
126. This was the counsel of Hecataios; but Aristagoras was most inclined to go forth to Myrkinos. He therefore entrusted the government of Miletos to Pythagoras, a man of repute among the citizens, and he himself sailed away to Thrace, taking with him every one who desired to go; and he took possession of the region for which he had set out. But starting from this to make war, he perished by the hands of the Thracians, that is both Aristagoras himself and his army, when he was encamped about a certain city and the Thracians desired to go out from it under a truce.
1 (return)
[ {ie paion} (or {paian}), as
the burden of a song of triumph.]
2 (return)
[ {eggenetai}: many MSS. and
some Editors read {en genetai}, "and the race can never become united."]
3 (return)
[ iv. 93.]
301 (return)
[ Or "from the time that
he was born."]
4 (return)
[ {to astikton} is probably
for {to me estikhthai}: but possibly the meaning may be, "those who are
not so marked are of low birth."]
5 (return)
[ "the greatest prizes are
assigned for single combat in proportion" (as it is more difficult).]
6 (return)
[ Or "Siriopaionians."]
7 (return)
[ The words "and about the
Doberians and Agrianians and Odomantians" are marked by Stein as an
interpolation, on the ground that the two tribes first mentioned are
themselves Paionian; but Doberians are distinguished from Paionians in
vii. 113.]
8 (return)
[ {theres katarraktes}: the
MSS. have {thures katapaktes} (which can hardly be right, since the Ionic
form would be {katapektes}), meaning "fastened down." Stein suggests
{thures katepaktes} (from {katepago}), which might mean "a door closed
downwards," but the word is not found. (The Medicean MS. has {e} written
over the last {a} of {katapaktes}.)]
9 (return)
[ {diapinontes}: or perhaps,
"drinking against one another."]
10 (return)
[ See viii. 137.]
11 (return)
[ i.e. "he was drawn to run
in the first pair."]
12 (return)
[ The best MSS. give this
form throughout, which is also used by Æschylus: cp. iii. 70, note 60.]
13 (return)
[ {ekakothesan}.]
14 (return)
[ {toutou}: it is doubtful
whether this means his power or his death. Perhaps something has dropped
out after {teleuta}.]
15 (return)
[ {anesis}: a conjectural
emendation of {aneos}. (Perhaps however, the word was rather {ananeosis},
"after a short time there was a renewal of evils"). Grote wishes to
translate this clause, "after a short time there was an abatement of
evils," being of opinion that the {anesis kakon} lasted about eight years.
However the expression {ou pollon khronon} is so loose that it might well
cover the required period of time.]
16 (return)
[ {praskhema}.]
17 (return)
[ i.e. Miletos and Naxos.]
18 (return)
[ {ton pakheon}.]
1801 (return)
[ {umin}: omitted in
some MSS. and editions.]
19 (return)
[ Lit. "dividing him in
such a manner."]
20 (return)
[ {kai to teikhos
esaxanto}: {esaxanto} from {satto}, which generally means "load." Various
conjectures have been made, e.g. {kai to teikhos ephraxanto}, or {kata
takhos esaxanto}, the comma after {pota} being removed.]
2001 (return)
[ {me de neoteron ti
poieuses tes Miletou}, "if Miletos made no change (i.e. rebellion)."]
21 (return)
[ {katairetheie}, "taken
down" from their place (cp. {anetheke} below).]
22 (return)
[ {en to peoto ton logon}.
The reference is to i. 92.]
23 (return)
[ {isonomien}: cp. iii.
80.]
24 (return)
[ {akromantes}: cp.
{akrakholos}. It may mean "somewhat mad," so {akrozumos}, "slightly
leavened," and other words.]
25 (return)
[ {Kinupa}: for this Stein
reads by conjecture {Aibuen} and afterwards {para Kinupa potamon} for
{para potamon}: but Kinyps was the name of the district about the river
(iv. 198), and the name of the river is easily supplied from this.]
26 (return)
[ {Makeon te kai Libuon}.
The Macai were of course Libyans, therefore perhaps we should read (with
Niebuhr) {Makeon te Libuon}: or {Makeon te kai allon Libuon}.]
27 (return)
[ Stein thinks that
Heracleia Minoa on the S. coast of Sicily cannot be meant, because too
distant to be considered part of the "land of Eryx." Evidently however
this expression is very vague, and there seems no need to correct the text
as he proposes.]
28 (return)
[ {para ten Italion}: the
name applied anciently only to the South-West of the peninsula.]
29 (return)
[ {Krathin}, the MSS. give
{krastin} here, and {krastie} below for {Krathie}. Sybaris was situated
between the rivers Crathis and Sybaris.]
30 (return)
[ i.e. "of the
Market-place."]
31 (return)
[ {periodos}.]
32 (return)
[ {kurbasias}: see vii.
64.]
33 (return)
[ {poluargurotatoi}: this
seems to include gold also, for which Lydia was famous.]
34 (return)
[ {poluprobatotatoi}.]
35 (return)
[ {tende}, pointing to it
in the map.]
36 (return)
[ If {anaballesthai} is the
true reading here, it cannot mean, "put off to another time," as Stein
translates it; for the form of the sentence proves that it is to be taken
as a question, co-ordinate with that which follows: {peri men khores ara
ou polles khreon esti umeas makhas anaballesthai, parekhon de tes Asies
arkhein allo ti airesesthe}; the first clause being in sense subordinate
to the second.]
37 (return)
[ {es triten emeren}.]
38 (return)
[ {diaphthereei se}. It is
impossible to reproduce the double meaning of {diaphtheirein}, "to
destroy," and "to corrupt with bribes." The child was apparently alarmed
by the vehement gestures of Aristagoras and supposed that he was going to
kill her father. Cleomenes accepts the omen.]
39 (return)
[ {stathmoi}: "stations,"
the distance between them averaging here about 120 stades.]
40 (return)
[ {parasaggai}: the
"parasang," as estimated at 30 stades, would be nearly 3½ English miles.]
4001 (return)
[ i.e. a narrow pass;
so also below in speaking of the passes into Kilikia.]
41 (return)
[ In the MSS. this clause
follows the account of the four rivers, and the distance through Matiene
is given as "four stages" with no number of leagues added. By transposing
the clause we avoid placing the rivers in Armenia instead of Matiene; and
by making the number of stages thirty-four, with a corresponding number of
leagues, we make the total right at the end and give the proper extension
to Matiene.]
42 (return)
[ i.e. Zabatos: the name
has perhaps fallen out of the text.]
43 (return)
[ {o d' usteron}: "the one
mentioned afterwards." Stein reads {o d' usteros}.]
44 (return)
[ See i. 189.]
45 (return)
[ {parasagges}.]
46 (return)
[ {stadia}: the stade being
equal to 606¾ English feet.]
47 (return)
[ Reckoned for the march of
an army.]
48 (return)
[ Omitting {to eoutou
pathei} which stands in the MSS. before {enargestaten}. If the words are
retained, we must translate "which clearly pointed to his fate."]
49 (return)
[ {apeipamenos ten opsin},
which some translate "he made offerings to avert the dream."]
4901 (return)
[ {tisi}: many Editors
adopt the conjecture {trisi}, three.]
50 (return)
[ {anetheken eon}: various
conjectures have been made here, e.g. {anetheken elon}, {anetheken ion},
{anetheke theo}, {anetheken eont}, {anetheke neon}: the last, which is
Bentley's, is perhaps the best; but it is doubtful whether the active form
of the verb is admissible.]
51 (return)
[ {autos}: the MSS. have
{auton}. If {autos} is right, the meaning is "from his own property."]
52 (return)
[ The expression
{Peisistratidai} is used loosely for the family in general.]
53 (return)
[ {porinou lithou},
"tufa."]
5301 (return)
[ Or "of God."]
54 (return)
[ {Koniaion}. There is no
such place as Conion known in Thessaly, but we cannot correct the text
with any certainty.]
55 (return)
[ There is perhaps a play
of words in {basileus} and {leuster}.]
56 (return)
[ {prutaneio}.]
57 (return)
[ "Rulers of the people."]
58 (return)
[ "Swine-ites."]
59 (return)
[ "Ass-ites."]
60 (return)
[ "Pig-ites."]
61 (return)
[ {proteron aposmenon, tote
panta}: most of the MSS. read {panton} for {panta}. The Editors propose
various corrections, e.g. {proteron apospenon panton, tote k.t.l.}, "which
before were excluded from everything," or {proteron apospenon, tote panton
metadidous}, "giving the people, which before he had despised, a share of
all rights": or {panton} is corrected to {epanion}, "on his return from
exile," temporary exile being supposed as the result of the defeat
mentioned in ch. 66.]
62 (return)
[ {tous enageas}.]
63 (return)
[ i.e. of Athene Polias in
the Erechtheion.]
64 (return)
[ Cp. iv. 145.]
6401 (return)
[ {tous boethous}: most
of the MSS. have {tous Boiotous}.]
65 (return)
[ {ippobotai}.]
66 (return)
[ {dimneos
apotimesamenoi}.]
67 (return)
[ See viii. 53.]
68 (return)
[ {isegorin}: probably not
"equal freedom of speech," but practically the same as {isonomie}, ch.
37.]
69 (return)
[ Lit. "penetrated the
Athenian greatly": most MSS. and Editors read {esineonto} (or {esinonto})
for {esikneonto}, which is given by the first hand in at least two good
MSS.]
70 (return)
[ i.e. "Athene
(protectress) of the city," who shared with Erechtheus the temple on the
Acropolis called the "Erechtheion"; see viii. 55.]
71 (return)
[ More lit. "to give and
receive from one another satisfaction."]
72 (return)
[ {eti tode poiesai nomon
einai, para sphisi ekateroisi k.t.l.} The Editors punctuate variously, and
alterations have been proposed in the text.]
73 (return)
[ i.e. Damia and Auxesia.]
74 (return)
[ {ginoito}: some MSS. read
{an ginoito}, "would become": so Stein and many other Editors.]
75 (return)
[ Some Editors omit this
clause, "whither—refuge."]
76 (return)
[ "having grown a good
opinion of itself."]
7601 (return)
[ Or, altering {oste}
to {os ge} or {osper}, "as the neighbours of these men first of all, that
is the Boeotians and Chalkidians, have already learnt, and perhaps some
others will afterwards learn that they have committed an error." The word
{amarton} would thus be added as an afterthought, with reference primarily
to the Corinthians, see ch. 75.]
77 (return)
[ {peiresometha spheas ama
umin apikomenoi tisasthai}: some MSS. read {akeomenoi} and omit
{tisasthai}. Hence it has been proposed to read {peisesometha sphea ama
umin akeomenoi}, "we will endeavour to remedy this with your help," which
may be right.]
78 (return)
[ So the name is given by
the better class of MSS. Others, followed by most Editors, make it
"Sosicles."]
79 (return)
[ {isokratias}.]
80 (return)
[ Lit. "gave and took (in
marriage) from one another."]
81 (return)
[ {Eetion, outis se tiei
polutiton eonta}: the play upon {Eetion} and {tio} can hardly be rendered.
The "rolling rock" in the next line is an allusion to Petra, the name of
the deme.]
82 (return)
[ {aietos en petresi kuei},
with a play upon the names {Eetion} ({Aeton}) and {Petre} again.]
83 (return)
[ {ophruoenta}, "situated
on a brow or edge," the regular descriptive epithet of Corinth.]
84 (return)
[ {kupselen}: cp. Aristoph.
Pax, 631.]
85 (return)
[ {amphidexion}: commonly
translated "ambiguous," but in fact the oracle is of the clearest, so much
so that Abicht cuts the knot by inserting {ouk}. Stein explains it to mean
"doubly favourable," {amphoterothen dexion}. I understand it to mean
"two-edged" (cp. {amphekes}), in the sense that while promising success to
Kypselos and his sons, it prophesies also the deposition of the family in
the generation after, and so acts (or cuts) both ways.]
86 (return)
[ {anapodizon}, "calling
him back over the same ground again."]
87 (return)
[ Evidently the war must be
dated earlier than the time of Peisistratos.]
8701 (return)
[ Or (according to some
MSS.), "another of the citizens, named Hermophantos."]
88 (return)
[ {tes sulloges oste tauta
sunuphanthenai}, "the assembling together so that these things were
woven."]
89 (return)
[ {kai allos lematos
pleos}.]
90 (return)
[ {plospheresteron}, or
perhaps {plopheresteron}, "to be preferred"; so one MS.: {plospheres}
ordinarily means "like."]
91 (return)
[ {drepano}, cp. vii. 93.]
92 (return)
[ {delade}, ironical.]
93 (return)
[ Or, "Labranda."]
94 (return)
[ i.e. Carians, Persians,
and Ionians.]