136. Thus the Pythian prophetess replied to the Parians: and the Athenians, when Miltiades had returned back from Paros, began to talk of him, and among the rest especially Xanthippos the son of Ariphron, who brought Miltiades up before the people claiming the penalty of death and prosecuted him for his deception of the Athenians: and Miltiades did not himself make his own defence, although he was present, for he was unable to do so because his thigh was mortifying; but he lay in public view upon a bed, while his friends made a defence for him, making mention much both of the battle which had been fought at Marathon and of the conquest of Lemnos, namely how he had conquered Lemnos and taken vengeance on the Pelasgians, and had delivered it over to the Athenians: and the people came over to his part as regards the acquittal from the penalty of death, but they imposed a fine of fifty talents for the wrong committed: and after this Miltiades died, his thigh having gangrened and mortified, and the fifty talents were paid by his son Kimon.
137. Now Miltiades son of Kimon had thus taken possession of the Lemnos:—After the Pelasgians had been cast out of Attica by the Athenians, whether justly or unjustly,—for about this I cannot tell except the things reported, which are these:—Hecataois on the one hand, the son of Hegesander, said in his history that it was done unjustly; for he said that when the Athenians saw the land which extends below Hymettos, which they had themselves given them 121 to dwell in, as payment for the wall built round the Acropolis in former times, when the Athenians, I say, saw that this land was made good by cultivation, which before was bad and worthless, they were seized with jealousy and with longing to possess the land, and so drove them out, not alleging any other pretext: but according to the report of the Athenians themselves they drove them out justly; for the Pelasgians being settled under Hymettos made this a starting-point and committed wrong against them as follows:—the daughters and sons of the Athenians were wont ever to go for water to the spring of Enneacrunos; for at that time neither they nor the other Hellenes as yet had household servants; and when these girls came, the Pelasgians in wantonness and contempt of the Athenians would offer them violence; and it was not enough for them even to do this, but at last they were found in the act of plotting an attack upon the city: and the narrators say that they herein proved themselves better men than the Pelasgians, inasmuch as when they might have slain the Pelasgians, who had been caught plotting against them, they did not choose to do so, but ordered them merely to depart out of the land: and thus having departed out of the land, the Pelasgians took possession of several older places and especially of Lemnos. The former story is that which was reported by Hecataios, while the latter is that which is told by the Athenians..
138. These Pelasgians then, dwelling after that in Lemnos, desired to take vengeance on the Athenians; and having full knowledge also of the festivals of the Athenians, they got 122 fifty-oared galleys and laid wait for the women of the Athenians when they were keeping festival to Artemis in Brauron; and having carried off a number of them from thence, they departed and sailed away home, and taking the women to Lemnos they kept them as concubines. Now when these women had children gradually more and more, they made it their practice to teach their sons both the Attic tongue and the manners of the Athenians. And these were not willing to associate with the sons of the Pelasgian women, and moreover if any of them were struck by any one of those, they all in a body came to the rescue and helped one another. Moreover the boys claimed to have authority over the other boys and got the better of them easily. Perceiving these things the Pelasgians considered the matter; and when they took counsel together, a fear came over them and they thought, if the boys were indeed resolved now to help one another against the sons of the legitimate wives, and were endeavouring already from the first to have authority over them, what would they do when they were grown up to be men? Then they determined to put to death the sons of the Athenian women, and this they actually did; and in addition to them they slew their mothers also. From this deed and from that which was done before this, which the women did when they killed Thoas and the rest, who were their own husbands, it has become a custom in Hellas that all deeds of great cruelty should be called "Lemnian deeds.".
139. After the Pelasgians had killed their own sons and wives, the earth did not bear fruit for them, nor did their women or their cattle bring forth young as they did before; and being hard pressed by famine and by childlessness, they sent to Delphi to ask for a release from the evils which were upon them; and the Pythian prophetess bade them pay such penalty to the Athenians as the Athenians themselves should appoint. The Pelasgians came accordingly to Athens and professed that they were willing to pay the penalty for all the wrong which they had done: and the Athenians laid a couch in the fairest possible manner in the City Hall, and having set by it a table covered with all good things, they bade the Pelasgians deliver up to them their land in that condition. Then the Pelasgians answered and said: "When with a North Wind in one single day a ship shall accomplish the voyage from your land to ours, then we will deliver it up," feeling assured that it was impossible for this to happen, since Attica lies far away to the South of Lemnos..
140. Such were the events which happened then: and very many years later, after the Chersonese which is by the Hellespont had come to be under the Athenians, Miltiades the son of Kimon, when the Etesian Winds blew steadily, accomplished the voyage in a ship from Elaius in the Chersonese to Lemnos, and proclaimed to the Pelasgians that they should depart out of the island, reminding them of the oracle, which the Pelasgians had never expected would be accomplished for them. The men of Hephaistia accordingly obeyed; but those of Myrina, not admitting that the Chersonese was Attica, suffered a siege, until at last these also submitted. Thus it was that the Athenians and Miltiades took possession of Lemnos.
1 (return)
[ {proboulous}.]
2 (return)
[ See i. 148.]
3 (return)
[ {epi keras}.]
4 (return)
[ {diekploon poieumenos tesi
neusi di alleleon}.]
5 (return)
[ {tou Dareiou}: a
conjecture based upon Valla's translation. The MSS. have {ton Dareion}.]
6 (return)
[ {prophasios
epilabomenoi}.]
601 (return)
[ {en stele anagraphenai
patrothen}.]
7 (return)
[ "were very roughly
handled."]
8 (return)
[ {epibateuontas}.]
801 (return)
[ {nuktos te gar}: so
Stein for {nuktos te}.]
9 (return)
[ {kat akres}, lit. "from
the top downwards," i.e. town and citadel both.]
10 (return)
[ See ch. 77.]
11 (return)
[ See i. 92 and v. 36.]
1101 (return)
[ {Kalen akten}.]
12 (return)
[ Possibly the reading
should be {Inuka}, "Inyx."]
13 (return)
[ {ton en te naumakhie}:
perhaps we should read {ten en te naumakhin}, "which took place in the
sea-fight."]
14 (return)
[ {en Koiloisi
kaleomenoisi}.]
15 (return)
[ {grammata
didaskomenoisi}.]
16 (return)
[ {limainouses}: a
conjectural reading for {deimainouses}.]
17 (return)
[ Lit. "and it became in
fact the work of the cavalry."]
18 (return)
[ {esagenouon}.]
19 (return)
[ Or (according to some
good MSS.) "Thelymbri01."]
20 (return)
[ Cp. iii. 120.]
21 (return)
[ {stadioi}: the distances
here mentioned are equal to a little more than four and a little less than
fifty miles respectively.]
22 (return)
[ {en gnome gegonos}.]
23 (return)
[ {pituos tropon}: the old
name of the town was Pityuss01.]
24 (return)
[ That is to say, Kimon
was his half-brother, and Stesagoras and the younger Miltiades his
nephews.]
25 (return)
[ See ch. 103.]
26 (return)
[ {delade}.]
27 (return)
[ {eleluthee}, but the
meaning must be this, and it is explained by the clause, {trito men gar
etei k.t.l.}]
28 (return)
[ {stadia}: see v. 52,
note 40.]
29 (return)
[ See iii. 80.]
30 (return)
[ {entos Makedonon}, "on
their side of the Macedonians."]
3001 (return)
[ Or (according to
some MSS.) "about three hundred."]
31 (return)
[ Or "Scaptesyle." (The
Medicean MS. however has {skaptes ules}, not {skaptesules}, as reported by
Stein.)]
32 (return)
[ {ta proiskheto aiteon},
"that which he put forward demanding it."]
33 (return)
[ i.e. "ram."]
34 (return)
[ {ton geraiteron}.]
35 (return)
[ {en to demosio}.]
36 (return)
[ This is commonly
understood to mean, leaving out of account the god who was father of
Perseus; but the reason for stopping short at Perseus is given afterwards,
and the expression {tou theou apeontos} refers perhaps rather to the case
of Heracles, the legend of whose birth is rejected by Herodotus (see ii.
43), and rejected also by this genealogy, which passes through Amphitryon
up to Perseus. I take it that {tou theou apeontos} means "reckoning
Heracles" (who is mentioned by name just below in this connexion) "as the
son of Amphitryon and not of Zeus."]
37 (return)
[ i.e. "of heaven."]
38 (return)
[ {medimnon}, the
Lacedemonian {medimnos} being equal to rather more than two bushels.]
39 (return)
[ {tetarten Lakomiken},
quantity uncertain.]
40 (return)
[ {proxeinous}.]
41 (return)
[ {khoinikas}. There were
48 {khoinikes} in the {medimnos}.]
42 (return)
[ {kotulen}.]
4201 (return)
[ The loose manner in
which this is expressed, leaving it uncertain whether each king was
supposed by the writer to have two votes given for him (cp. Thuc. i. 20),
or whether the double vote was one for each king, must of course be
reproduced in the translation.]
43 (return)
[ {perioikon}.]
44 (return)
[ See ch. 51.]
45 (return)
[ {proergazomenon}: a
conjectural emendation of {prosergazomenon}.]
46 (return)
[ {tes apates te
paragoge}, "by the misleading of the deception."]
47 (return)
[ i.e. lunar months.]
48 (return)
[ {en thoko katemeno}.]
49 (return)
[ {pandemei}.]
50 (return)
[ {aren}.]
51 (return)
[ i.e. "prayed for by the
people."]
52 (return)
[ {di a}: a conjectural
emendation of {dia ta}. Some Editors suppose that other words have dropped
out.]
53 (return)
[ {promantin}: cp. vii.
III.]
54 (return)
[ {ton splagkhnon}.]
55 (return)
[ {tou erkeiou}.]
56 (return)
[ {ton mataioteron logon
legontes}.]
57 (return)
[ Lit. "on the third night
after the first," but the meaning is as given.]
58 (return)
[ Most of the MSS. have
"Astrobacos," which may be right.]
59 (return)
[ Or "to the honour of the
Lacedemonians."]
60 (return)
[ i.e. any more than his
predecessor.]
61 (return)
[ See ch. 50.]
62 (return)
[ {neotera epresse
pregmata}.]
63 (return)
[ {up Arkadon}: several
good MSS. have {ton Arkadon}, which is adopted by some Editors. The
meaning would be "near this city it is said that there is the Styx water
of the Arcadians."]
64 (return)
[ {upomargoteron}.]
65 (return)
[ Demeter and Core.]
66 (return)
[ The MSS. give also
"Sepeia" and "Sipei01." The place is not elsewhere mentioned.]
67 (return)
[ See ch. 19.]
68 (return)
[ {duo mneai}: cp. v. 77.]
69 (return)
[ {o theos}, i.e. Hera:
cp. i. 105.]
70 (return)
[ {kalliereumeno}.]
71 (return)
[ {kat akres}: cp. ch.
18.]
72 (return)
[ i.e. was acquitted of
the charge brought against him.]
73 (return)
[ {episkuthison}.]
74 (return)
[ {bouleuesthe}: some MSS.
and editions have {boulesthe}, "desiring."]
75 (return)
[ {en khrono ikneumeno}.]
76 (return)
[ i.e. take an oath to
that effect.]
77 (return)
[ See v. 80.]
78 (return)
[ {penteteris}. The
reading {penteres}, which is given by most of the MSS. and by several
Editors, can hardly be defended.]
79 (return)
[ {kai en gar}, "and since
there was."]
80 (return)
[ {Knoithou kaleomenos}:
cp. vii. 143.]
81 (return)
[ {thesmophorou}.]
82 (return)
[ {pentaethlon
epaskesas}.]
83 (return)
[ {mounomakhien epaskeon},
"practising single combat," as if training for the games.]
84 (return)
[ {para te Ikarion}: the
use of {para} and the absence of the article may justify the conjecture
{para te Ikarion} (or {Ikaron}) "by Icaria" (or "Icaros"), the island from
which the Icarian Sea had its name.]
85 (return)
[ This perhaps should be
emended, for the event referred to occurred two years before, cp. ch. 46
and 48: The reading {trito proteron etei} has been proposed.]
86 (return)
[ See v. 33 ff.]
8601 (return)
[ i.e. Apollo: or
perhaps more generally, "God," as in ch. 27.]
87 (return)
[ This in brackets is
probably an interpolation. It is omitted by some of the best MSS. Some
Editors suspect the genuineness of the next four lines also, on internal
grounds.]
88 (return)
[ {erxies}, perhaps
meaning "worker."]
89 (return)
[ {areios}.]
90 (return)
[ {megas areios}.]
91 (return)
[ {ippoboteon}, lit.
"horse-breeding": see v. 77.]
9101 (return)
[ Or (according to
some MSS.), "having come to shore at these places."]
92 (return)
[ {katergontes}: the word
is not elsewhere found intransitive, yet it is rather difficult to supply
{tous Athenaious}. Some alterations have been proposed, but none
probable.]
93 (return)
[ Lit. "and it happened
that in winning this victory he won the same victory as his half-brother
Miltiades." See ch. 36.]
94 (return)
[ Or, according to some
authorities, "Philippides."]
95 (return)
[ Lit. "except the circle
were full."]
96 (return)
[ Or "Aigilei01."]
97 (return)
[ Lit. "by violence,
having coughed."]
98 (return)
[ "by the bean."]
99 (return)
[ {es se toi}, a
conjectural emendation of {es se ti}.]
100 (return)
[ {prutaneie tes
emeres}.]
101 (return)
[ Some Editors propose
to omit {gar} or alter it. If it be allowed to stand, the meaning must be
that the importance of the place is testified by the commemoration
mentioned.]
102 (return)
[ {es tas panegurias},
some MSS. have {kai panegurias}, "hold sacrifices and solemn assemblies."]
103 (return)
[ {penteterisi}.]
104 (return)
[ Lit. "the good
things."]
105 (return)
[ {stadioi}: the
distance would be rather over 1600 yards.]
106 (return)
[ Whether this is thrown
in here by the historian as an explanation of the rapid advance, or as an
additional source of wonder on the part of the Persians at the boldness of
the Athenians, is not clear.]
107 (return)
[ Or (according to some
MSS.) "having taken hold."]
108 (return)
[ The account of how the
oil was dealt with has perhaps dropt out: one MS. and the Aldine edition
have "the oil they collect in vessels, and this," etc.]
109 (return)
[ This chapter is
omitted by several of the best MSS., and is almost certainly an
interpolation. (In the Medicean MS. it has been added in the margin by a
later hand.)]
110 (return)
[ Answering to "Callias
for his part" at the end of ch. 121, the connexion being broken by the
interpolated passage.]
111 (return)
[ {ouden esson}.]
112 (return)
[ {patre}, "family," or
possibly "country," as in ch. 128.]
113 (return)
[ {to legomeno es to
meson}: perhaps only "general conversation."]
114 (return)
[ {katekhon pollon tous
allous}.]
115 (return)
[ i.e. "though the
dancing may be good."]
116 (return)
[ {aponostesein}: some
MSS. have {apanastesein}, "he would not take away his army thence."]
117 (return)
[ {upozakoron}.]
118 (return)
[ {ton khthonion theon},
i.e. Demeter and Persephone: cp. vii. 153.]
119 (return)
[ {thesmophorou}.]
120 (return)
[ {to megaron}.]
121 (return)
[ {sphi autoi}: a
conjectural rendering of {sphisi autoisi}, which can only be taken with
{eousan}, meaning "belonging to them" i.e. the Athenians, and involves the
insertion of {Pelasgoisi} or something equivalent with {edosan}.]
122 (return)
[ {ktesamenoi}: some
MSS. and editions have {stesamenoi}, "set fifty-oared galleys in place."]
1. Now when the report came to Dareios the son of Hystaspes of the battle which was fought at Marathon, the king, who even before this had been greatly exasperated with the Athenians on account of the attack made upon Sardis, then far more than before displayed indignation, and was far more desirous of making a march against Hellas. Accordingly at once he sent messengers to the various cities and ordered that they should get ready a force, appointing to each people to supply much more than at the former time, and not only ships of war, but also horses and provisions and transport vessels; 1 and when these commands were carried round, all Asia was moved for three years, for all the best men were being enlisted for the expedition against Hellas, and were making preparations. In the fourth year however the Egyptians, who had been reduced to subjection by Cambyses, revolted from the Persians; and then he was even more desirous of marching against both these nations.
2. While Dareios was thus preparing to set out against Egypt and against Athens, there arose a great strife among his sons about the supreme power; and they said that he must not make his expeditions until he had designated one of them to be king, according to the custom of the Persians. For to Dareios already before he became king three sons had been born of his former wife the daughter of Gobryas, and after he became king four other sons of Atossa the daughter of Cyrus: of the first the eldest was Artobazanes, and of those who had been born later, Xerxes. These being not of the same mother were at strife with one another, Artobazanes contending that he was the eldest of all the sons, and that it was a custom maintained by all men that the eldest should have the rule, and Xerxes arguing that he was the son of Atossa the daughter of Cyrus, and that Cyrus was he who had won for the Persians their freedom.
3. Now while Dareios did not as yet declare his judgment, it chanced that Demaratos also, the son of Ariston, had come up to Susa at this very same time, having been deprived of the kingdom in Sparta and having laid upon himself a sentence of exile from Lacedemon. This man, hearing of the difference between the sons of Dareios, came (as it is reported of him) and counselled Xerxes to say in addition to those things which he was wont to say, that he had been born to Dareios at the time when he was already reigning as king and was holding the supreme power over the Persians, while Artobazanes had been born while Dareios was still in a private station: it was not fitting therefore nor just that another should have the honour before him; for even in Sparta, suggested Demaratos, this was the custom, that is to say, if some of the sons had been born first, before their father began to reign, and another came after, born later while he was reigning, the succession of the kingdom belonged to him who had been born later. Xerxes accordingly made use of the suggestion of Demaratos; and Dareios perceiving that he spoke that which was just, designated him to be king. It is my opinion however that even without this suggestion Xerxes would have become king, for Atossa was all-powerful.
4. Then having designated Xerxes to the Persians as their king, Dareios wished to go on his expeditions. However in the next year after this and after the revolt of Egypt, it came to pass that Dareios himself died, having been king in all six-and-thirty years; and thus he did not succeed in taking vengeance either upon the revolted Egyptians or upon the Athenians.
5. Dareios being dead the kingdom passed to his son Xerxes. Now Xerxes at the first was by no means anxious to make a march against Hellas, but against Egypt he continued to gather a force. Mardonios however, the son of Gobryas, who was a cousin of Xerxes, being sister's son to Dareios, was ever at his side, and having power with him more than any other of the Persians, he kept continually to such discourse as this which follows, saying: "Master, it is not fitting that the Athenians, after having done to the Persians very great evil, should not pay the penalty for that which they have done. What if thou shouldest 2 at this present time do that which thou hast in thy hands to do; and when thou hast tamed the land of Egypt, which has broken out insolently against us, then do thou march an army against Athens, that a good report may be made of thee by men, and that in future every one may beware of making expeditions against thy land." Thus far his speech had to do with vengeance, 3 and to this he would make addition as follows, saying that Europe was a very fair land and bore all kinds of trees that are cultivated for fruit, and was of excellent fertility, and such that the king alone of all mortals was worthy to possess it.
6. These things he was wont to say, since he was one who had a desire for perilous enterprise and wished to be himself the governor of Hellas under the king. So in time he prevailed upon Xerxes and persuaded him to do this; for other things also assisted him and proved helpful to him in persuading Xerxes. In the first place there had come from Thessaly messengers sent by the Aleuadai, who were inviting the king to come against Hellas and were showing great zeal in his cause, (now these Aleuadai were kings of Thessaly): and then secondly those of the sons of Peisistratos who had come up to Susa were inviting him also, holding to the same arguments as the Aleuadai; and moreover they offered him yet more inducement in addition to these; for there was one Onomacritos an Athenian, who both uttered oracles and also had collected and arranged the oracles of Musaios; 4 and with this man they had come up, after they had first reconciled the enmity between them. For Onomacritos had been driven forth from Athens by Hipparchos the son of Peisistratos, having been caught by Lasos of Hermion interpolating in the works of Musaios an oracle to the effect that the islands which lie off Lemnos should disappear 5 under the sea. For this reason Hipparchos drove him forth, having before this time been very much wont to consult him. Now however he had gone up with them; and when he had come into the presence of the king, the sons of Peisistratos spoke of him in magnificent terms, and he repeated some of the oracles; and if there was in them anything which imported disaster to the Barbarians, of this he said nothing; but choosing out of them the most fortunate things he told how it was destined that the Hellespont should be yoked with a bridge by a Persian, and he set forth the manner of the march. He then thus urged Xerxes with oracles, while the sons of Peisistratos and the Aleuadai pressed him with their advice.
7. So when Xerxes had been persuaded to make an expedition against Hellas, then in the next year after the death of Dareios he made a march first against those who had revolted. Having subdued these and having reduced all Egypt to slavery much greater than it had suffered in the reign of Dareios, he entrusted the government of it to Achaimenes his own brother, a son of Dareios. Now this Achaimenes being a governor of Egypt was slain afterwards by Inaros the son of Psammetichos, a Libyan.
8. Xerxes then after the conquest of Egypt, being about to take in hand the expedition against Athens, summoned a chosen assembly of the best men among the Persians, that he might both learn their opinions and himself in the presence of all declare that which he intended to do; and when they were assembled, Xerxes spoke to them as follows: (a) "Persians, I shall not be the first to establish this custom in your nation, but having received it from others I shall follow it: for as I am informed by those who are older than myself, we never yet have kept quiet since we received this supremacy in succession to the Medes, when Cyrus overthrew Astyages; but God thus leads us, and for ourselves tends to good that we are busied about many things. Now about the nations which Cyrus and Cambyses and my father Dareios subdued and added to their possessions there is no need for me to speak, since ye know well: and as for me, from the day when I received by inheritance this throne upon which I sit 6 I carefully considered always how in this honourable place I might not fall short of those who have been before me, nor add less power to the dominion of the Persians: and thus carefully considering I find a way by which not only glory may be won by us, together with a land not less in extent nor worse than that which we now possess, (and indeed more varied in its productions), but also vengeance and retribution may be brought about. Wherefore I have assembled you together now, in order that I may communicate to you that which I have it in my mind to do. (b) I design to yoke the Hellespont with a bridge, and to march an army through Europe against Hellas, in order that I may take vengeance on the Athenians for all the things which they have done both to the Persians and to my father. Ye saw how my father Dareios also was purposing to make an expedition against these men; but he has ended his life and did not succeed in taking vengeance upon them. I however, on behalf of him and also of the other Persians, will not cease until I have conquered Athens and burnt it with fire; seeing that they did wrong unprovoked to me and to my father. First they went to Sardis, having come with Aristagoras the Milesian our slave, and they set fire to the sacred groves and the temples; and then secondly, what things they did to us when we disembarked in their land, at the time when Datis and Artaphrenes were commanders of our army, ye all know well, as I think. 7 (c) For these reasons 8 I have resolved to make an expedition against them, and reckoning I find in the matter so many good things as ye shall hear:—if we shall subdue these and the neighbours of these, who dwell in the land of Pelops the Phrygian, we shall cause the Persian land to have the same boundaries as the heaven of Zeus; since in truth upon no land will the sun look down which borders ours, but I with your help shall make all the lands into one land, having passed through the whole extent of Europe. For I am informed that things are so, namely that there is no city of men nor any race of human beings remaining, which will be able to come to a contest with us, when those whom I just now mentioned have been removed out of the way. Thus both those who have committed wrong against us will have the yoke of slavery, and also those who have not committed wrong. (d) And ye will please me best if ye do this:—whensoever I shall signify to you the time at which ye ought to come, ye must appear every one of you with zeal for the service; and whosoever shall come with a force best equipped, to him I will give gifts such as are accounted in our land to be the most honourable. Thus must these things be done: but that I may not seem to you to be following my own counsel alone, I propose the matter for discussion, bidding any one of you who desires it, declare his opinion."
9. Having thus spoken he ceased; and after him Mardonios said: "Master, thou dost surpass not only all the Persians who were before thee, but also those who shall come after, since thou didst not only attain in thy words to that which is best and truest as regards other matters, but also thou wilt not permit the Ionians who dwell in Europe to make a mock of us, having no just right to do so: for a strange thing it would be if, when we have subdued and kept as our servants Sacans, Indians, Ethiopians, Assyrians, and other nations many in number and great, who have done no wrong to the Persians, because we desired to add to our dominions, we should not take vengeance on the Hellenes who committed wrong against us unprovoked. (a) Of what should we be afraid?—what gathering of numbers, or what resources of money? for their manner of fight we know, and as for their resources, we know that they are feeble; and we have moreover subdued already their sons, those I mean who are settled in our land and are called Ionians, Aiolians, and Dorians. Moreover I myself formerly made trial of marching against these men, being commanded thereto by thy father; and although I marched as far as Macedonia, and fell but little short of coming to Athens itself, no man came to oppose me in fight. (b) And yet it is true that the Hellenes make wars, but (as I am informed) very much without wise consideration, by reason of obstinacy and want of skill: for when they have proclaimed war upon one another, they find out first the fairest and smoothest place, and to this they come down and fight; so that even the victors depart from the fight with great loss, and as to the vanquished, of them I make no mention at all, for they are utterly destroyed. They ought however, being men who speak the same language, to make use of heralds and messengers and so to take up their differences and settle them in any way rather than by battles; but if they must absolutely war with one another, they ought to find out each of them that place in which they themselves are hardest to overcome, and here to make their trial. Therefore the Hellenes, since they use no good way, when I had marched as far as the land of Macedonia, did not come to the resolution of fighting with me. (c) Who then is likely to set himself against thee, O king, offering war, when thou art leading both all the multitudes of Asia and the whole number of the ships? I for my part am of opinion that the power of the Hellenes has not attained to such a pitch of boldness: but if after all I should prove to be deceived in my judgment, and they stirred up by inconsiderate folly should come to battle with us, they would learn that we are the best of all men in the matters of war. However that may be, let not anything be left untried; for nothing comes of itself, but from trial all things are wont to come to men."
10. Mardonios having thus smoothed over the resolution expressed by Xerxes had ceased speaking: and when the other Persians were silent and did not venture to declare an opinion contrary to that which had been proposed, then Artabanos the son of Hystaspes, being father's brother to Xerxes and having reliance upon that, spoke as follows: (a) "O king, if opinions opposed to one another be not spoken, it is not possible to select the better in making the choice, but one must accept that which has been spoken; if however opposite opinions be uttered, this is possible; just as we do not distinguish the gold which is free from alloy when it is alone by itself, but when we rub it on the touchstone in comparison with other gold, then we distinguish that which is the better. Now I gave advice to thy father Dareios also, who was my brother, not to march against the Scythians, men who occupied no abiding city in any part of the earth. He however, expecting that he would subdue the Scythians who were nomads, did not listen to me; but he made a march and came back from it with the loss of many good men of his army. But thou, O king, art intending to march against men who are much better than the Scythians, men who are reported to be excellent both by sea and on land: and the thing which is to be feared in this matter it is right that I should declare to thee. (b) Thou sayest that thou wilt yoke the Hellespont with a bridge and march an army through Europe to Hellas. Now supposing it chance that we are 9 worsted either by land or by sea, or even both, for the men are reported to be valiant in fight, (and we may judge for ourselves that it is so, since the Athenians by themselves destroyed that great army which came with Datis and Artaphrenes to the Attic land),—suppose however that they do not succeed in both, yet if they shall attack with their ships and conquer in a sea-fight, and then sail to the Hellespont and break up the bridge, this of itself, O king, will prove to be a great peril. (c) Not however by any native wisdom of my own do I conjecture that this might happen: I am conjecturing only such a misfortune as all but came upon us at the former time, when thy father, having yoked the Bosphorus of Thracia and made a bridge over the river Ister, had crossed over to go against the Scythians. At that time the Scythians used every means of entreaty to persuade the Ionians to break up the passage, to whom it had been entrusted to guard the bridges of the Ister. At that time, if Histiaios the despot of Miletos had followed the opinion of the other despots and had not made opposition to them, the power of the Persians would have been brought to an end. Yet it is a fearful thing even to hear it reported that the whole power of the king had come to depend upon one human creature. 10 (d) Do not thou therefore propose to go into any such danger when there is no need, but do as I say:—at the present time dissolve this assembly; and afterwards at whatever time it shall seem good to thee, when thou hast considered prudently with thyself, proclaim that which seems to thee best: for good counsel I hold to be a very great gain; since even if anything shall prove adverse, the counsel which has been taken is no less good, though it has been defeated by fortune; while he who took counsel badly at first, if good fortune should go with him has lighted on a prize by chance, but none the less for that his counsel was bad. (e) Thou seest how God strikes with thunderbolts the creatures which stand above the rest and suffers them not to make a proud show; while those which are small do not provoke him to jealousy: thou seest also how he hurls his darts ever at those buildings which are the highest and those trees likewise; for God is wont to cut short all those things which stand out above the rest. Thus also a numerous army is destroyed by one of few men in some such manner as this, namely when God having become jealous of them casts upon them panic or thundering from heaven, then they are destroyed utterly and not as their worth deserves; for God suffers not any other to have high thoughts save only himself. (f) Moreover the hastening of any matter breeds disasters, whence great losses are wont to be produced; but in waiting there are many good things contained, as to which, if they do not appear to be good at first, yet one will find them to be so in course of time. (g) To thee, O king, I give this counsel: but thou son of Gobryas, Mardonios, cease speaking foolish words about the Hellenes, since they in no way deserve to be spoken of with slight; for by uttering slander against the Hellenes thou art stirring the king himself to make an expedition, and it is to this very end that I think thou art straining all thy endeavour. Let not this be so; for slander is a most grievous thing: in it the wrongdoers are two, and the person who suffers wrong is one. The slanderer does a wrong in that he speaks against one who is not present, the other in that he is persuaded of the thing before he gets certain knowledge of it, and he who is not present when the words are spoken suffers wrong in the matter thus,—both because he has been slandered by the one and because he has been believed to be bad by the other. (h) However, if it be absolutely needful to make an expedition against these men, come, let the king himself remain behind in the abodes of the Persians, and let us both set to the wager our sons; and then do thou lead an army by thyself, choosing for thyself the men whom thou desirest, and taking an army as large as thou thinkest good: and if matters turn out for the king as thou sayest, let my sons be slain and let me also be slain in addition to them; but if in the way which I predict, let thy sons suffer this, and with them thyself also, if thou shalt return back. But if thou art not willing to undergo this proof, but wilt by all means lead an army against Hellas, then I say that those who are left behind in this land will hear 11 that Mardonios, after having done a great mischief to the Persians, is torn by dogs and birds, either in the land of the Athenians, or else perchance thou wilt be in the land of the Lacedemonians (unless indeed this should have come to pass even before that upon the way), and that thou hast at length been made aware against what kind of men thou art persuading the king to march."
11. Artabanos thus spoke; and Xerxes enraged by it made answer as follows: "Artabanos, thou art my father's brother, and this shall save thee from receiving any recompense such as thy foolish words deserve. Yet I attach to thee this dishonour, seeing that thou art a coward and spiritless, namely that thou do not march with me against Hellas, but remain here together with the women; and I, even without thy help, will accomplish all the things which I said: for I would I might not be descended from Dareios, the son of Hystaspes, the son of Arsames, the son of Ariaramnes, the son of Teïspes, or from Cyrus, 12 the son of Cambyses, the son of Teïspes, the son of Achaimenes, if I take not vengeance on the Athenians; since I know well that if we shall keep quiet, yet they will not do so, but will again 13 march against our land, if we may judge by the deeds which have been done by them to begin with, since they both set fire to Sardis and marched upon Asia. It is not possible therefore that either side should retire from the quarrel, but the question before us is whether we shall do or whether we shall suffer; whether all these regions shall come to be under the Hellenes or all those under the Persians: for in our hostility there is no middle course. It follows then now that it is well for us, having suffered wrong first, to take revenge, that I may find out also what is this terrible thing which I shall suffer if I lead an army against these men,—men whom Pelops the Phrygian, who was the slave of my forefathers, so subdued that even to the present day both the men themselves and their land are called after the name of him who subdued them."