The Project Gutenberg eBook of A Report of the Debates and Proceedings in the Secret Sessions of the Conference Convention, by L.E. Chittenden.

The following is a corrected list of the Delegates to the Conference, with their respective post office address.

Maine.—William P. Fessenden, Biddeford; Lot M. Morrill; Daniel E. Somes, Biddeford; John J. Perry, Oxford; Ezra B. French, Damariscotta; Freeman H. Morse, Bath; Stephen Coburn; Stephen C. Foster, Pembroke.

Vermont.—Hiland Hall, North Bennington; Levi Underwood, Burlington; H. Henry Baxter, Rutland; L.E. Chittenden, Burlington; B.D. Harris, Brattleboro'.

Massachusetts.—John Z. Goodrich, Stockbridge; Charles Allen, Worcester; George S. Boutwell, Groton; Theophilus P. Chandler, Boston; Francis B. Crowninshield, Boston; John M. Forbes, Salem; Richard P. Waters, Salem.

Rhode Island.—Samuel Ames, Providence; Alexander Duncan, Providence; William W. Hoppin, Providence; George H. Browne, Providence; Samuel G. Arnold, Providence.

Connecticut.—Roger S. Baldwin, Windham; Chauncey F. Cleveland; Charles J. McCurdy, Lyme; James T. Pratt; Robbins Battell; Amos S. Treat, Bridgeport.

New York.—David Dudley Field, New York; William Curtis Noyes, New York; James S. Wadsworth, Geneseo; James C. Smith, Canandaigua; Amaziah B. James, Ogdensburg; Erastus Corning, Albany; Francis Granger, Canandaigua; Greene C. Bronson, New York; William E. Dodge, New York; John A. King, Jamaica; John E. Wool, Troy.

New Jersey.—Charles S. Olden, Princeton; Peter D. Vroom, Trenton; Robert F. Stockton, Princeton; Benjamin Williamson, Elizabeth; Joseph F. Randolph, Trenton; Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, Newark; Rodman M. Price, Harrison, Hudson Co.; William C. Alexander, P.O., 92 Broadway, N.Y.; Thomas J. Stryker, Trenton.

Pennsylvania.—James Pollock, Milton; William M. Meredith, Philadelphia; David Wilmot, Towanda; A.W. Loomis, Pittsburg; Thomas E. Franklin, Lancaster; William McKennan, Washington; Thomas White, Indiana.

Delaware.—George B. Rodney, Newcastle; Daniel M. Bates, Wilmington; Henry Ridgely, Dover; John W. Houston, Milford; William Cannon, Bridgeville.

Maryland.—John F. Dent, Milestown; Reverdy Johnson, Baltimore; John W. Crisfield, Princess Ann; Augustus W. Bradford, Govanstown; William T. Goldsborough, Cambridge; J. Dixon Roman, Hagerstown; Benjamin C. Howard, Catonsville.

Virginia.—John Tyler, Sherwood Forest; William C. Rives; John W. Brockenbrough, Lexington; George W. Summers, Kanawha C.H.; James A. Seddon, Goochland.

North Carolina.—George Davis, Wilmington; Thomas Ruffin, Graham; David S. Reid, Pleasantville; D.M. Barringer, Raleigh; J.M. Morehead, Greenboro'.

Tennessee.—Samuel Milligan, Greenville; Josiah M. Anderson, Walnut Valley; Robert L. Carruthers, Lebanon; Thomas Martin, Pulaski; Isaac R. Hawkins, Huntington; A.W.O. Totten, Jackson; R.J. McKinney, Knoxville; Alvin Cullom, Livingston; William P. Hickerson, Manchester; George W. Jones, Fayetteville; F.K. Zollicoffer, Nashville; William H. Stephens, Jackson.

Kentucky.—William O. Butler, Carrollton; James B. Clay, Ashland; Joshua F. Bell, Danville; Charles S. Morehead, Louisville; James Guthrie, Louisville; Charles A. Wickliffe, Bardstown.

Missouri.—John D. Coalter, St. Louis; Alexander W. Doniphan, Liberty; Waldo P. Johnson, Osceola; Aylett H. Buckner, Bowling Green; Harrison Hough, Charleston.

Ohio.—Salmon P. Chase, Columbus; William S. Groesbeck, Cincinnati; Franklin T. Backus, Cleveland; Reuben Hitchcock, Cleveland; Thomas Ewing, Lancaster; V.B. Horton, Pomeroy; C.P. Wolcott, Akron.

Indiana.—Caleb B. Smith, Indianapolis; Pleasant A. Hackleman, Rushville; Godlove S. Orth, Lafayette; E.W.H. Ellis, Goshen; Thomas C. Slaughter, Corydon.

Illinois.—John Wood, Quincy; Stephen T. Logan, Springfield; John M. Palmer, Carlinville; Burton C. Cook, Ottowa; Thomas J. Turner, Freeport.

Iowa.—James Harlan, Mt. Pleasant; James W. Grimes, Burlington; Samuel H. Curtis, Keokuk; William Vandever, Dubuque.

Kansas.—Thomas Ewing, jr., Leavenworth; J.C. Stone, Leavenworth; H.J. Adams, Leavenworth; M.F. Conway, Lawrence.

No. III.

In the United States Senate, February 27th, 1861, while the Army Appropriation bill was under consideration, proceedings relating to the Peace Conference were opened as follows:

Mr. POWELL:—I move to postpone the Army bill for the purpose of taking up the resolutions to amend the Constitution proposed by my colleague. For several weeks Senators have declined to make an effort to call up the propositions of my colleague, for the reason that certain Peace Commissioners were in session in this capital, convened at the call of the State of Virginia. I am confident now that that Commission, or Peace Congress, or Conference, or whatever you may call it, will not accomplish any thing. Indeed, certain facts have fallen under my notice, that cause me to believe that it has been the fixed purpose of certain Republicans that that Conference should not accomplish any thing. I believe, sir, that certain commissioners from States of this Union have been brought into that Conference for the purpose of preventing them from agreeing on any thing. I have thought that for some time past. A friend sent to me yesterday the Detroit Free Press, containing two letters from the distinguished Senators from the State of Michigan to their Governor, which, I think, clearly and fully establish the fact that the Republicans, a portion of them at least, instead of sending commissioners to that Conference with a view to inaugurate something that would compromise the difficulties by which we are surrounded, and save this country from ruin, have absolutely been engaged in the work of sending delegates there to prevent that commission from doing any thing. I send this paper to the desk, and ask the Secretary to read these letters.

Washington, February 15th, 1861.

Dear Sir: When Virginia proposed a Convention in Washington, in reference to the disturbed condition of the country, I regarded it as another effort to debauch the public mind, and a step toward obtaining that concession which the imperious slave power so insolently demands. I have no doubt at present but that was the design. I was therefore pleased that the Legislature of Michigan was not disposed to put herself in a position to be controlled by such influences.

The Convention has met here, and within a few days the aspect of things has materially changed. Every free State, I think, except Michigan and Wisconsin, is represented; and we have been assured by friends upon whom we can rely, that if those two States should send delegations of true, unflinching men, there would probably be a majority in favor of the Constitution as it is, who would frown down rebellion by the enforcement of laws. These friends have urged us to recommend the appointment of delegates from our State; and, in compliance with their request, Mr. Chandler and myself telegraphed to you last night. It cannot be doubted that the recommendations of this Convention will have a very considerable influence upon the public mind, and upon the action of Congress.

I have a great disinclination to any interference with what should properly be submitted to the wisdom and discretion of the Legislature, in which I place great reliance; but I hope I shall be pardoned for suggesting that it may be justifiable and proper, by any honorable means, to avert the lasting disgrace which will attach to a free people who, by the peaceful exercise of the ballot, have just released themselves from the tyranny of slavery, if they should now succumb to treasonable threats, and again submit to a degrading thraldom. If it should be deemed proper to send delegates, I think, if they could be here by the 20th, it would be in time.

I have the honor, with much respect, to be truly yours,

K.S. BINGHAM.

To his Excellency Governor Blair.

Mr. FESSENDEN:—I submit whether it is in order to go into a discussion on this motion. If so, I suppose this must be regarded as a part of the speech.

The PRESIDING OFFICER:—The Chair understood the discussion to be in order. It was certainly not objected to at the time the Senator commenced.

The PRESIDING OFFICER:—The motion is to lay aside one bill and take up other business; and the Chair understood the Senator from Kentucky to be giving his reasons why he wished that to be done.

Mr. FESSENDEN:—If it is in order, of course I cannot object to it; but I raise that question.

The PRESIDING OFFICER:—The Senator from Maine raises the question whether this debate is in order.

Mr. POWELL:—There was no objection to my proceeding, and I suppose I have a right to go on. I wish the letters read as part of my speech.

The PRESIDING OFFICER:—The Chair has decided that the Senator from Kentucky is in order.

Mr. POWELL:—I have not yielded, except for the purpose of reading these letters.

Washington, February 11th, 1861.

My Dear Governor: Governor Bingham and myself telegraphed you on Saturday, at the request of Massachusetts and New York, to send delegates to the Peace or Compromise Congress. They admit that we were right and that they were wrong; that no Republican State should have sent delegates; but they are here and cannot get away. Ohio, Indiana, and Rhode Island are caving in, and there is danger of Illinois; and now they beg us, for God's sake, to come to their rescue, and save the Republican party from rupture. I hope you will send stiff-backed men, or none. The whole thing was gotten up against my judgment and advice, and will end in thin smoke. Still, I hope as a matter of courtesy to some of our erring brethren, that you will send the delegates.

Truly your friend,

Z. CHANDLER.

His Excellency Austin Blair.

P.S.—Some of the manufacturing States think that a fight would be awful. Without a little blood-letting this Union will not, in my estimation, be worth a rush.

Mr. POWELL:—I think it evident from these letters, that there is, and has been, a fixed purpose in certain quarters, that the Peace Conference should do nothing. Indeed, it seems, from the letter of the Senator from Michigan [Mr. Chandler], that while he opposed any Republican State going into this Conference, yet, as some of them were there, and Indiana, and Illinois, and Ohio, and Rhode Island were about to cave in, on the advice of Massachusetts and New York he asked Michigan to come in and relieve them, and save the Republican party from rupture. Is it possible that the Republican party is to be saved, even if the Union be destroyed? It is very evident that those "stiff-backed" gentlemen were to be sent here in order to prevent any compromise being presented. The object, then, as I stated, on the part of certain members on the other side of the Chamber, has been to send delegates to the Conference for the purpose of preventing any compromise measures being proposed by that body. They desire, in the language of these letters, to save their party from destruction. They say that if the Conference should agree on any thing, it would have a demoralizing effect upon the people, and upon the two Houses of Congress. In one word, it will have the effect to make a rupture in the Republican party, which, in the estimation of the Senators, is higher, holier, and better, it seems, than the Union.

In consequence of this fact being apparent, that it is not the design or the intention that the Peace Conference should do any thing, I think we should not wait for it any longer, but the Senate should proceed at once to the consideration of the amendments to the Constitution proposed by my colleague. I think we had better be engaged in that work—one that is calculated, if the propositions of my colleague should pass, in my opinion, to save the country from further disintegration. I think we had better be at that, than be appropriating money to support an Army that is to be engaged, it seems, in the work of blood-letting. The Senator from Michigan thinks the Government is not worth a rush until it shall have drawn a little blood. I hope my motion will prevail, and that we shall lay this bill aside and proceed to the consideration of the measures proposed by my colleague.

Mr. CHANDLER:—The Senator from Kentucky has read what purports to be a short note that I sent the other day to the Governor of Michigan. Whether it is a correct copy or not, I cannot say; I kept no copy of it, nor do I care.

Mr. POWELL:—If the Senator will allow me one word, I will state to the Senate that, when I received this paper, yesterday—

Mr. POWELL:—I asked both the Senators if the letters were right. They told me they kept no copies, but they believed they were substantially so.

Mr. CHANDLER:—I was going to say that. Now, sir, I desire to answer the Senator from Kentucky, and to set myself right on this question—(my position from the first has been well known upon this question, and upon most others)—but, at the earnest solicitation of the Senator from Maine, who has charge of this bill, I will forego the response which I intended to make, and which I shall make to the Senator from Kentucky, for the present, for the purpose of going on and disposing of the Army appropriation bill. At another day I propose to give my views more at large upon these compromise measures, that the Senator from Kentucky seems so anxious to take up at this time. I am as anxious as he is to go into that discussion. I am anxious to go into it. It is a question that ought to be discussed. It is a question in which the people of Michigan take a deep interest. They are opposed to all compromises; they do not believe that any compromise is necessary; nor do I. They are prepared to stand by the Constitution of the United States as it is; to stand by the Government as it is; ay, sir, to stand by it to blood, if necessary.

Mr. MASON:—I ask the general permission of the Senate to give notice that at three o'clock I shall move to go into executive session; and if it is not agreed to, I shall then ask that the galleries may be cleared, for the purpose of disclosing what I consider ought to be passed on in executive session.

Mr. JOHNSON, of Tennessee:—If I can obtain the attention of the Senator from Kentucky, I wish to make a suggestion. Those resolutions, as I understood, went over until last Monday at one o'clock, and were then to be taken up and considered. I do not know whether the motion was made in that way, or whether it was an informal understanding that they should be taken up last Monday for consideration; but as the Army bill is now under consideration, and the time is growing short, would it not be better to have a night session, and postpone the subject until seven o'clock this evening, and let it be taken up at that time; and then let this other bill go on to-day? Those who want to make speeches on those resolutions could do it to-night; we should thus save time and expedite business.

Mr. FESSENDEN:—I think the Senator from Virginia has given an additional very good reason for taking up the Army bill, and going through with it; and not postponing it for speeches at the present time.

The question being taken by yeas and nays, resulted—yeas 17, nays 27; as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. Bayard, Bigler, Bragg, Bright, Clingman, Douglas, Fitch, Gwin, Hunter, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy, Lane, Latham, Mason, Polk, Powell, and Rice—17.

Nays.—Messrs. Anthony, Baker, Bingham, Cameron, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, King, Morrill, Pearce, Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, and Wilson—27.

So the motion to postpone the Army bill, in order to take up the resolutions of Mr. Crittenden, was not agreed to.

Subsequently the following action, by the Senate, was taken on the report of the Peace Conference.

The VICE-PRESIDENT:—The Chair has received a communication from Ex-President Tyler, as President of the Conference which has been recently sitting in this city, which he will lay before the Senate; and also the proceedings of that body.

To the Senate of the United States:

I am instructed, as the presiding officer of the Convention, composed of Commissioners appointed by twenty-one States, now in session in this city to deliberate upon the present unhappy condition of the country, to present to your honorable body the accompanying request and proposed amendment.

JOHN TYLER,

President of the Convention.

Washington, D.C., February 27, 1861.

To the Congress of the United States:

The Convention assembled, upon the invitation of the State of Virginia, to adjust the unhappy differences which now disturb the peace of the Union, and threaten its continuance, make known to the Congress of the United States that their body convened in the City of Washington on the fourth instant, and continued in session until the twenty-seventh.

There were in the body, when action was taken upon that which is here submitted, one hundred and thirty-three Commissioners, representing the following States: Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Wisconsin, and Kansas. They have approved what is herewith submitted, and respectfully request that your honorable body will submit it to conventions in the States as article thirteen of the amendments to the Constitution of the United States.

Attest: J. HENRY PULESTON,

Secretary.

Article XIII.

Sec. 2. No territory shall be acquired by the United States, except by discovery and for naval and commercial stations, depots, and transit routes, without the concurrence of a majority of all the Senators from States which allow involuntary servitude, and a majority of all the Senators from States which prohibit that relation; nor shall territory be acquired by treaty, unless the votes of a majority of the Senators from each class of States hereinbefore mentioned be cast as a part of the two thirds majority necessary to the ratification of such treaty.

Sec. 3. Neither the constitution, nor any amendment thereof, shall be construed to give Congress power to regulate, abolish, or control, within any State, the relation established or recognized by the laws thereof touching persons held to labor or involuntary service therein, nor to interfere with or abolish involuntary service in the District of Columbia without the consent of Maryland and without the consent of the owners, or making the owners who do not consent just compensation; nor the power to interfere with or prohibit Representatives and others from bringing with them to the District of Columbia, retaining, and taking away, persons so held to labor or service; nor the power to interfere with or abolish involuntary service in places under the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States within those States and Territories where the same is established or recognized; nor the power to prohibit the removal or transportation of persons held to labor or involuntary service in any State or Territory of the United States to any other State or Territory thereof where it is established or recognized by law or usage, and the right during transportation, by sea or river, of touching at ports, shores, and landings, and of landing in case of distress, shall exist; but not the right of transit in or through any State or Territory, or of sale or traffic, against the laws thereof. Nor shall Congress have power to authorize any higher rate of taxation on persons held to labor or service than on land. The bringing into the District of Columbia of persons held to labor or service, for sale, or placing them in depots to be afterwards transferred to other places for sale as merchandise, is prohibited.

Sec. 4. The third paragraph of the second section of the fourth article of the Constitution shall not be construed to prevent any of the States, by appropriate legislation, and through the action of their judicial and ministerial officers, from enforcing the delivery of fugitives from labor to the person to whom such service or labor is due.

Sec. 5. The foreign slave-trade is hereby forever prohibited; and it shall be the duty of Congress to pass laws to prevent the importation of slaves, coolies, or persons held to service or labor, into the United States and the Territories from places beyond the limits thereof.

Sec. 6. The first, third, and fifth sections, together with this section of those amendments, and the third paragraph of the second section of the first article of the Constitution, and the third paragraph of the second section of the fourth article thereof, shall not be amended or abolished without the consent of all the States.

Sec. 7. Congress shall provide by law that the United States shall pay to the owner the full value of his fugitive from labor, in all cases where the marshal, or other officer, whose duty it was to arrest such fugitive, was prevented from so doing by violence or intimidation from mobs or riotous assemblages, or when, after arrest, such fugitive was rescued by like violence or intimidation, and the owner thereby deprived of the same; and the acceptance of such payment shall preclude the owner from further claim to such fugitive. Congress shall provide by law for securing to the citizens of each State the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States.

Mr. GREEN:—And refer it to the Committee for the District of Columbia. I think that is about right.

Mr. CRITTENDEN:—I move that it be referred to a select committee, with instructions to report to-morrow morning.

The VICE-PRESIDENT:—It is moved that the communication be printed and referred to a select committee, with instructions to report to-morrow morning.

Mr. BIGLER:—I would be glad to make a suggestion to the Senator from Kentucky, that he name in addition an hour to-morrow at which the consideration of the report shall be in order, or else a single objection will throw it over to the next day.

Mr. CRITTENDEN:—Well, to-morrow at twelve o'clock, I would say. ["One."] I move one o'clock.

Mr. BIGLER:—With instructions to the committee to report to-morrow morning, and that the report be the special order at one o'clock?

Mr. COLLAMER:—I would suggest to gentlemen not only that it be made the order of the day for twelve o'clock to-morrow, but that it be adopted by three-fourths of the States the next day. [Laughter.]

The VICE-PRESIDENT:—It is moved and seconded that the communication be printed and referred to a select committee of five members, to report to-morrow at one o'clock.

The VICE-PRESIDENT:—The next question is that the communication be referred to a select committee of five, with instructions to report to-morrow at one o'clock.

Mr. HALE:—The motion to refer to a select committee is one proposition, and the instructions are another.

Mr. BIGLER:—As the Chair states the proposition, it does not reach the object which the Senator from Kentucky had in view. The instructions should be that the committee report to-morrow morning, and that the report shall be the special order at one o'clock. Unless that is done, one objection will put it over.

The VICE-PRESIDENT:—The Senator from New Hampshire asks for a division of the question, and it is susceptible of division. The first question is on referring the communication to a special committee of five.

The VICE-PRESIDENT:—The next branch of the proposition is that that committee be instructed to report to-morrow morning, and that their report be made the special order for to-morrow at one o'clock.

The VICE-PRESIDENT:—The question is upon directing the committee to report to-morrow morning, and that the report be made the special order for to-morrow at one o'clock.

Mr. CLINGMAN:—Though I am utterly opposed to the proposition, I am willing to give it the direction its friends desire, and I vote "yea."

Mr. LATHAM:—I desire to change my vote. I have no confidence in this thing, and I fear it will be an unnecessary consumption of time; but I yield to the judgment of my political associates and I vote "yea."

Yeas.—Messrs. Anthony, Baker, Bayard, Bigler, Bragg, Bright, Clingman, Crittenden, Dixon, Douglas, Fitch, Foster, Gwin, Hunter, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy, Lane, Latham, Mason, Nicholson, Pearce, Polk, Powell, Rice, Sebastian, and Thomson—26.

Nays.—Messrs. Bingham, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Green, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, King, Morrill, Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, and Wilson—21.

The motion was agreed to; and Mr. Crittenden, Mr. Bigler, Mr. Thomson, Mr. Seward, and Mr. Trumbull, were appointed the committee.

On the 28th of February the committee so appointed, presented to the Senate the following report, and the following action was taken thereon:

Mr. CRITTENDEN:—The select committee, to whom was referred the communication received yesterday from the Convention assembled in this place, commonly called the Peace Convention, with instructions to report by twelve o'clock to-day, have had the subject under consideration, and have directed me to make the following report—

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Fitch in the chair):—Objection being made, it cannot be considered until one o'clock, but it will be read.

The Secretary read the joint resolution reported by Mr. Crittenden (S. No. 70), proposing certain amendments to the Constitution of the United States, as follows:

Joint Resolution proposing certain amendments to the Constitution
of the United States.

Whereas Commissioners, appointed on the invitation of the State of Virginia, by the following States, respectively: Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Wisconsin, and Kansas, have met in Convention at the City of Washington, for the purpose of considering the distracted and perilous condition of the country, and proposing measures for the preservation of the peace, the safety of the people, and the security of the Union, and having performed that duty, and communicated to Congress the result of their deliberations, with a request and recommendation on the part and in the name of said States, that the following be proposed to the several States as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, according to the fifth article of said instrument, namely: [See article preceding.]

Mr. SEWARD:—I desire to speak a word from the committee touching the present report.

Mr. BIGLER:—The Senator from New Hampshire has no right to make the objection.

Mr. SEWARD:—I am not proposing to consider it at the present moment; but I am desirous of making an explanation from the committee, touching the report made by the Senator from Kentucky. The honorable Senator from Illinois [Mr. Trumbull], and myself, constituted a minority of the committee. We dissent from the report, and we proposed in committee to submit a substitute. The majority held that, for some reason, sufficient in their estimation, we were not entitled to submit a minority report. I therefore ask leave of the Senate to introduce a joint resolution in my own name, and in which the honorable Senator from Illinois authorized me to say that he concurs with me, and which I ask unanimous consent to have read and printed; and it will be the subject of consideration at such time hereafter as the Senate shall choose to hear it, either in connection with the other or not.

Mr. SEWARD:—No; it is not insisted on in that form; it is submitted on my own behalf. I desire that it may be read for information and printed, subject to the future action of the Senate.

A joint resolution concerning a National Convention to propose amendments to the Constitution of the United States.

Whereas, The Legislatures of the States of Kentucky, New Jersey, and Illinois, have applied to Congress to call a Convention for proposing amendments to the Constitution of the United States: Therefore,

Be it Resolved, &c., That the Legislatures of the other States be invited to take the subject into consideration, and to express their will on that subject to Congress, in pursuance of the fifth article of the Constitution.

The PRESIDING OFFICER:—The Senator from California was on the floor. No action is now requested on the paper just offered, only a motion to print. Shall the paper be printed?

Mr. BIGLER:—I desire to make a remark in reference to the question of order made by the Senator from New Hampshire. The Senator objects to the consideration of the report to-day. Yesterday, when the Senator from Kentucky made the motion, I insisted on further moving that the report of the committee should be the special order at one o'clock to-day.

Mr. BIGLER:—That instruction was offered, and therefore the Senator's objection will not apply.

The PRESIDING OFFICER:—The Senator from California is on the floor. The Senator from New Hampshire having objected to the present consideration of the resolution reported by the Senator from Kentucky, for the time being it cannot be considered.

Mr. SEWARD:—Will the Senator from California allow the question to be put on my motion to print?

The PRESIDING OFFICER:-The Chair heard no objection to that; and it was ordered.

Mr. DOOLITTLE:—The Senator from California will allow me to say a single word. I observe that, in this report, the State of Wisconsin is mentioned as having sent delegates to this Convention, commonly denominated the Peace Convention. That is a mistake. I desire, also, to give notice that when this subject shall come up for consideration, I shall offer as an amendment to the first section of article thirteen, as proposed, the following proviso:

Provided, however (and this section shall take effect upon the express condition), That no State, or any part thereof, heretofore admitted, or hereafter to be admitted, into the Union, shall have power to withdraw from the jurisdiction of the United States; and that this Constitution, and all laws passed in pursuance thereof, shall be the supreme law of the land therein, any thing contained in any constitution, act, or ordinance of any State Legislature or Convention to the contrary notwithstanding.

Sec. 1. In all the present territory of the United States north of the parallel of 36° 30´ of north latitude, involuntary servitude, except in punishment of crime, is prohibited. In all the present territory south of that line, the status of persons held to involuntary service or labor, as it now exists, shall not be changed; nor shall any law be passed by Congress or the Territorial Legislature to hinder or prevent the taking of such persons from any of the States of the Union to said territory, nor to impair the rights arising from the said relation; but the same shall be subject to judicial cognizance in the Federal courts, according to the course of the common law. When any Territory north or south of said line, within such boundary as Congress may prescribe, shall contain a population equal to that required for a member of Congress, it shall, if its form of government be republican, be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, with or without involuntary servitude, as the Constitution of such State may provide; Provided, however (and this section shall take effect upon the express condition), That no State, nor any part thereof, heretofore admitted, or hereafter to be admitted into the Union, shall have power to withdraw from the jurisdiction of the United States; and that the Constitution, and all laws passed in pursuance thereof, shall be the supreme law of the land therein, any thing contained in any constitution, act, or ordinance, of any State Legislature or Convention to the contrary notwithstanding.

And I desire that that amendment, which I now send to the Chair, may be printed.

The PRESIDING OFFICER:—Is there any objection to printing the paper which the Senator has just read? The Chair hears no objection.

The same day the Report of the Peace Conference was called up for consideration, when Senator Hale objected to the consideration of the report. Considerable discussion then ensued, in which Messrs. Hale, Bigler, Trumbull, Crittenden, and Dixon participated. This discussion related merely to the question, whether under the rules of the Senate the Report of the Peace Conference could at this time be taken up. The merits of the report were not considered, and for that reason it is not deemed necessary to report the proceedings of the Senate in this respect. The joint rules of the two Houses were suspended in order that another subject might be taken up, and no decision was had upon the question, whether the Report of the Peace Conference at this time should be considered.

The allotted time having been consumed in this discussion, the Senate proceeded to the consideration and disposal of several orders of the day. On the first of March it resumed action on the Report of the Peace Conference.

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Fitch):—It is the duty of the Chair to announce the special order of the day, being the joint resolution (S. No. 70) proposing certain amendments to the Constitution of the United States.

Mr. DOUGLAS:—I ask that the resolutions from the House of Representatives, in regard to amendments of the Constitution, be laid before the Senate, in order that they may be considered at the same time.

The PRESIDING OFFICER:—The Chair will lay before the Senate a joint resolution from the House of Representatives.

The joint resolution (H.R. No. 80) to amend the Constitution of the United States, was read the first time by its title.

Mr. DOUGLAS:—I ask that that be made the special order at the same time, in connection with the joint resolution reported by the Senator from Kentucky.

Mr. MASON:—I have looked at that joint resolution, and it certainly ought to be committed to a committee to correct its English. It is unintelligible.

Mr. DOUGLAS:—My object is merely to have it considered at the same time with the other.

The PRESIDING OFFICER:—It is now the subject of any motion that may be made in regard to it.

Mr. DOUGLAS:—I move that it be made the special order in connection with the joint resolution reported by the Senator from Kentucky.

Mr. CLARK:—How does that happen to be in order here when there is a special order called up?

The PRESIDING OFFICER:—It is not in order to consider it, except by unanimous consent.

Mr. DOUGLAS:—I ask that the other resolutions which have come from the House of Representatives, be read. There are two of them, I believe.

The House joint resolutions (No. 64) declaratory of the opinion of Congress in regard to certain, questions now agitating the country, and of measures calculated to reconcile existing differences, were read the first time by the title.

The PRESIDING OFFICER:—Objection being made, it cannot be read the second time.

Mr. SIMMONS:—It passed the other House unanimously. There can be no objection, I think.

The PRESIDING OFFICER:—The special order is before the Senate. The question is on the second reading.

The joint resolution (S. No. 70) proposing certain amendments to the Constitution of the United States, was read the second time, and considered as in Committee of the Whole.

Mr. PUGH:—Let the resolution be read, not the proposition itself, but the formal part, the introduction.

The PRESIDING OFFICER:—It is in Committee of the Whole, and open to amendment. The reading of the formal part of the joint resolution is called for.

No. II.

No. III.

Article XIII.

Joint Resolution proposing certain amendments to the Constitution of the United States.

Joint Resolution proposing certain amendments to the Constitution
of the United States.