[67] Another obvious fabrication.

[68] Huayna Capac, ruled ca. 1500-1525.

[69] This was Manco Inca, a son of Huayna Capac by his third wife. Manco died in 1544, leaving a grand-daughter, Coya Beatriz, who married Don Martin Garcia Loyola. Their daughter, Lorenza, became Marquesa de Oropesa.—Note by Sir C. R. M. Cf. Garcilasso, II, pp. 352 and 526.

[70] A half-brother only.

[71] The story of Manco Inca is one of the most pathetic in South American history. Although our author describes some of the events in the young Inca's life, I will give a brief résumé of it here.

Manco was "crowned" with the borla or fringe on March 24, 1534, at Cuzco. To please him, Almagro the elder killed his two brothers (who might have become his rivals) in order to get Manco on his side in the quarrel which he had with the Pizarros as to which ought to control Cuzco. After Almagro went to Chile, the Villac Umu (High Priest) urged his brother Manco to rise in revolt against the Spaniards, who were divided among themselves. On April 18, 1536, Manco revolted at Yucay. He laid siege to Cuzco with a very large force and attacked the small Spanish garrison mercilessly, setting fire to the roofs of houses by means of arrows tipped with blazing tow and otherwise harassing them. The Inca and his forces were, for a time, successful. They captured the great fortress of Sacsahuaman, which was, however, retaken by Juan Pizarro and Gonzalo Pizarro. Disheartened by this, the Inca retired to the fortress of Ollantaytampu, where he successfully combatted the attempts of Hernando Pizarro to capture him. Later, Manco was forced by Orgoñez to withdraw to the mountainous region of Vilcapampa. The last Inca capital was set up at Viticos, and there Manco held his court for several years. He often raided the Spanish travellers between Cuzco and Lima. His court became a place of refuge for all Spaniards who fell out with their fellows. One of these refugees, Gomez Perez, either killed Manco himself in a brawl over a game of quoits or helped to kill him as the result of a plot. The Inca, at all events, was murdered by Spaniards whom he had befriended. That was in 1544. In 1911 Professor Hiram Bingham visited Vitcos the situation of which is clearly shown on the map, dated 1907, that accompanies Sir Clements Markham's translation of Sarmiento and Ocampo (Hakluyt, 2d Series, no. XXII, p. 203). Professor Bingham's description of the site is adequate, and, I think, unique.

At about the same time as the siege of Cuzco, another Inca force, led by Titu Yupanqui, marched on the newly founded Spanish capital (the Ciudad de los Reyes or Lima). It was driven off by the Marques Francisco Pizarro.

A brother of Manco, Paullu, was christened under the name of Don Cristoval Paullu. He lived in the Colcampata palace (which had been the great Pachacutec's), and the small church of San Cristoval was built near at hand for his use. He died about 1550, being survived by Sayri Tupac, Cusi Titu Yupanqui, and two other children of Manco (who all lived on at Viticos) and by his own sons Carlos and Felipe. It was on the occasion of a particular request made by the Viceroy, Don Andres Hurtado de Mendoza, Marqués de Cañete, that Sayri Tupac's aunt, Princess Beatriz, successfully urged him to come and live in Cuzco. Sayri Tupac died in 1560. Cf. Cieza, Tr., pp. 304-307; Garcilasso, II, pp. 104-105, 526; Titu Cusi Yupanqui, apud Cieza's "War of Quito," pp. 164-166; Montesinos, 1906, I, pp. 88-93; Cobo, 1892, III, pp. 203-210; Markham, 1892, pp. 93-96; Markham, 1912, pp. 254-259; Appleton's Cyclopaedia, 1888, IV, pp. 186 and 682; Cabildos de Lima, I, pp. 1 ff.; Bingham, 1912, entire.

[72] Manco Inca.

[73] Contrast this version with that given by Prescott in Book III, Chapter 10. It is hardly necessary to say that Prescott's is the correct one.

[74] Here, it is not difficult to read between the lines and see what sort of treatment Manco got.

[75] Vicente de Valverde.

[76] An involved and unimportant clause here.

[77] This is all for the benefit of the Emperor, whose policy it was to deal fairly by his new subjects.

[78] Vilcas.

[79] I do not know who is meant by this name.

[80] Llamas.

[81] Possibly these figures were the embalmed bodies of the coyacuna or "queens" which, according to Garcilasso, were placed in Curicancha—the Sun Temple.

[82] en su mismo ser.

[83] Casa really means house.

[84] "Che vi corcorsero assai in tre anni," says the original, which can only be translated as I have done it above. But when the secretary wrote his relation, no such three years had gone by since the foundation of Cuzco, but only four months, so it is necessary to suppose that the Italian translator did not understand his original well, or that it is an interpolation made later on.—Note by Icazbalceta.

[85] The civilized inhabitants of the Chilca region came originally from the interior, probably from the Yauyos region. This event occurred, presumably, somewhere about 800-900 of our era, for, by the time the Incas were founding Cuzco (ca. 1100), they found themselves strong enough to make raids into the interior. Joyce points out that these raids may have occurred even earlier, at a time when the Tiahuanacu empire still flourished. At any rate, there was an important contact with the interior cultures at an early date. The Chincha also were constantly at war with the Chimu, Chuquimancu and Cuismancu who each ruled large and civilized coast states. The Chincha were conquered by the Inca either in the reign of Pachacutec or in that of Tupac Yupanqui (more probably the former) somewhere about 1450. According to Estete, their ruler (under Inca tutelage) in the time of the Conquest was Tamviambea. The cultural development of the Chincha was, artistically speaking, not so high as that of the Chimu. It was, however, in pre-Inca times, relatively complex. They practised trephining successfully (an art derived from their Yauyu ancestors), and they also frequently indulged in the anterio-posterior type of cranial deformation. Their general physical condition was good. They numbered about 25,000. Cf. Cieza, Tr., p. 228; Garcilasso, II, pp. 146-149; Joyce, 1912, pp. 95, 187; Markham, 1912, pp. 237-239; Tello, 1912; Hrdlicka, 1914, pp. 22-24; Lafone-Quevedo, 1912, p. 115.

[86] This may have been the chief Taurichumbi mentioned by Estete. Cf. Markham, 1912, p. 239.

[87] This was before Alvarado and Pizarro met and came to an agreement.

[88] Possibly Riobamba, Tumebamba, or some other place in the "Kingdom" of Quito.

[89] Probably Saña.

[90] Properly Colla-suyu and Cunti-suyu, i.e. the Southern province and the Western province of Ttahuan-tin-suyu.

[91] Jauja (or Xauxa) was the predecessor of la Ciudad de los Reyes. A letter to Charles V, dated July 20, 1534, describes it thus: "Esta Cibdad es la mexor y mayor quen la Tierra se ha vista, e aun en Indias; e decimos a Vuestra Magestad ques tan hermosa e de tan buenos edyficios quen España seria muy de ver; tiene las calles por mucho concierto empedradas de guixas pequenas; todas las mas de las casas son de señores prencipales fechas de canteria; esta en una ladera de un cerro, en el qual sobrel pueblo esta una fortaleza muy bien obrada de canteria tan de ver, que por españoles que an andado Reinos extranos, dizen no aber visto otro edyficio igual al della; ..." Cf. Cabildos, III, pp. 4-5.

[92] The Italian is: "Il quale tuttavia piu veniua ponendo amore a gli Spagnuoli."—Note by Icazbalceta.

[93] Huanuco.

[94] Pachacamac.

[95] Prescott places the total at 500 of which 230 were cavalry. Cf. Prescott, Bk. III, Cap. 9.

[96] It seems to me that, even in the days of the Chimu and the Inca, the poorer people must have lived in this sort of hut-like houses, and that only the great dwelt in the "palaces" whose ruins are so remarkable. Such a state of things would explain the apparent impossibility of a large population existing in the dwellings we now see. Cf. Hodge, 1897.

[97] This montaña is to-day the richest and most valuable part of Peru.

[98] According to Garcilasso, Lib. II, Cap. 11, the Peruvian empire was divided into four parts, Cuzco being considered the centre. They called the northern part Chinchasuya, the southern Coyasuya, the western Cuntisuya, and the eastern Antisuyu.—Note by Icazbalceta.

[99] Lake Titicaca contains several islands, notably Titicaca and Coati.

[100] An obscure passage translated merely in most general terms.

[101] Agras I take to mean fields from its similarity to the Latin word, ager.

[102] Llamas.

[103] At this point Ramusio gives a fanciful view of the city of Cuzco, which has no real interest whatever.—Note by Icazbalceta.

[104] Cacique is really a West Indies word. The early Spanish writers are wont to apply it to any sort of native official. Here, no doubt, the correct term would be the Quichua word Curaca. Officials thus designated under the Inca dominion were the hereditary chiefs of formerly independent tribes and territories—roughly analogous to the mediatized princes of Europe. Though made vassals of the Inca, the curacas were often continued in the command of their former subjects and were intrusted with the governorship of provinces over which they were formerly sovereigns. The curacas ranked immediately below the Inca caste, and ruled what was known as a hunu. Sometimes a curaca was made an Inca-by-privilege as a reward of services.

[105] Huayna Capac.

[106] The marble was really granite. No marble was used by the Incas.

[107] This reference to windows is important. At the outset we must remind ourselves that Sancho may have confused windows and niches. It is entirely possible, however, that windows may formerly have been present in those walls of Sacsahuaman. As is well known, windows and niches were distinguishing features of Inca architecture during the later period of that dynasty. Sites like Pissac, Limatambo, Yucay, Quente, Vilcabamba (alias Machu Pichu, a post-conquest site in part), and Huaman-marca in the Amaybamba Valley all present one or both of these features, and all present unmistakable signs of recent construction, say from the reign of Viracocha (circa 1425-50) onward. The importance of this mention of windows (or niches) lies in this: It gives strong evidence in support of my belief that the walls of Sacsahuaman which are toward Cuzco were of Inca construction. Garcilasso (II, pp. 305 ff.) attempts to give the credit for the whole of Sacsahuaman to Inca Yupanqui, and ignores the fact that the cyclopean walls on the north side of the hill undoubtedly date, as do "the seats of the Inca" close at hand, from the days of Tiahuanaco. When we see the statement made that the fortress of Sacsahuaman was of Inca construction we must remember that really only the southern walls and a few buildings behind them were built under the Incas.

[108] That is, the joints do not come above one another, but are alternated, as in brick-work.

[109] There are really six walls on the south and three on the north. Cf. Garcilasso, II, 305.

[110] This is a poor attempt to describe the entrant and re-entrant angles that make the cyclopean walls so remarkable from a military point of view. See the plan by Squier and Davis, Garcilasso, II, p. 305.

[111] Orejon, lit. "large-ear"; i.e. a member of the Inca clan privileged to distend his ears by means of ear-plugs. This myth of the founding of Cuzco by a man from the sea is not found elsewhere.

[112] Llamas.

[113] Titicaca.

[114] Cobo describes the Temple of the Sun on Titicaca and that of the Moon on Coati as being, together, the third most important sanctuary in the Inca dominion. The other two, of course, were the temples in Cuzco and Pachacamac. For a detailed description of the temples in Lake Titicaca see Cobo, IV, pp. 54-63 and Bandelier, 1910. The structures at that point are all of late-Inca construction and seem to have been built after the Inca conceived the idea of making himself out to be the "Son of the Sun." They were perhaps built with a view to lending colour to the myth.

[115] Correctly, Chuqui-apu.

[116] The original una seriola is a word whose meaning I have not been able to find. It is found again a little below. The method the Indians had for washing the earth and getting the gold can be seen in Oviedo, Historia General de las Indias, Parte I, lib. 6, Cap. 8.—Note by Icazbalceta.

[117] Huayna Capac.

[118] A braza is six feet.

[119] It says this in the original, but it is an error, for it will be seen that the number must have been much greater.—Note by Icazbalceta.

[120] As the text of this passage is obscure I give it here: ... profundos como de la altura de un hombre, en cuanto pueda el de abajo dar la tierra al de arriba; y cuando los cavan tanto que ya el de arriba no puede alcanzarla, lo dejan asi, y se van a hacer otros pozos ...

[121] Here is another rather obscure passage: "... pero e pui ricche ... sono le prime che non hanno caricho da lauar la terra & per rispetto del freddo & delle mine que vi e non lo cauano. &c." Oviedo (Hist. General, Parte I, lib. 6, Cap. 8); Acosta (Hist. nat. y mor. de las Ind., lib. 4, Cap. 4); y Garcilasso (Com. Real., Parte I, lib. 8, Cap. 24) distinguish three sorts of gold mines. In the first class are counted those which produce pure gold in rather large grains, so that they can be collected without further operations. These are, perhaps, the sort that the secretary Sancho says are the richest, although he has not spoken of them before. In the second class are included those which produce gold in dust or in very small grains mixed with earth which it is necessary to remove by means of washing, and these are those which Sancho mentions. The third class of mines, which this man does not mention, are those which yield gold mingled with stones and other metals, just as silver is commonly found. These mines, although at times very rich, failed to be worked because of the expenses which labour caused.—Note by Icazbalceta.

[122] Huayna Capac.

[123] The text says vino—"came." I think, however, that it must be a misprint for vivo—"lived."

[124] This means, of course, Manco Inca.