ANIMADVERSIONS.

To the righte Honorable his singular goode Lorde Sir Thomas Egertone knighte lorde keper of the greate seale and Master of the Rooles of the Chancerye.

It was (Ryghte honorable and my verye good lorde) one annciente and gretlye estemed custome emongste the Romans in the heigh[t]e of their glorye, that eche one, accordinge to their abylytye or the desarte of his frende, did in the begynnynge of the monthe of Januarye (consecrated to the dooble faced godd Janus one the fyrste daye whereof they made electione of their cheife officers and magystrates) presente somme gyfte unto his frende as the noote and pledge of the contynued and encresed amytye betwene them, a pollicye gretlye to be regarded, for the manye good effectes whiche issue from so woorthye cause. This custome not restinge in the lymyttes of Italye, but spredinge with the Romans (as did their language and many other their usages and lawes) into euerye perticuler Countrye where theyr powre and gouermente stretched. passed also ouer the Oceane into the litle worlde of Brytannye, being neuer exiled from thence, nor frome those, whome eyther honor, amytye, or dutye doth combyne. ffor whiche cause lest I myghte offende in the breche of that moste excellente and yet embraced Custome, I thynke yt my parte to presente unto your Lordship suche poore neweyeres gyfte as my weake estate and the barrennesse of my feble skyll will permytte: Wherefore, and because Cicero affirmethe, that he whiche hathe once ouer passed the frontiers of modestye must for euer after be impudente, (a grounde whiche I fynde fully veryfyed in my selfe, havinge once before outgonne the boundes of shamefast­nesse in presentinge to your Lordshippe my confused collections and disordered discourse of the Chauncelors)3 I ame nowe become utterlye impudente in not blusshinge to salute you agayne (in the begynnynge of this newe yere) with my petye animadversions, uppon the annotacions and corrections delivered by Master Thomas Speghte uppon the last editione of Chaucer’s workes in the yere of oure redemptione 1598; thinges (I confesse) not so answerable to your Lordshippes iudgmente, and my desyre, as boothe your desarte and my dutye doo challenge. But althoughe they doo not in all respectes satisfye youre Lordshippes expectacione and my goode will, (accordinge as I wyshe they sholde), yet I dobt not but your lordshippe (not degeneratinge from youre former curtesye wontinge to accompanye all youre actions) will accepte these trifles from your lovinge well-willer, in suche sorte, as I shall acknowledge myselfe beholdinge and endebted to your Lordshippe for the same. whiche I hoope your Lordshippe will the rather doo (with pardonynge my presumptione) because you haue, by the former good acceptance of my laste booke, emboldened me to make tryall of the lyke acceptance of this pamfelette. Wherefore yf your Lordshippe shall receve yt curteouslye (and so not to dischorage mee in my sweete and studiouse idlenesse) I will hereafter consecrate to your lykinge some better labor of moore momente and higher subiecte, answerable to the excellencye of your iudgemente, and mete to declare the fulnesse of the dutyfull mynde and service I beare and owe unto your Lordshippe, to whome in all reuerence I commytte this simple treatyce. Thus (withe hartye prayer comendinge youre estate to the Almightye (who send to your

Lordshippe manye happye
and helthfull yeres
and to me the
enlarged
contynuance of
youre honorable fauor)
I humblye take my leave.
Clerkenwell grene
the xx of
December
1599.
Your Lordshippes wholye to
dyspose,
Francis Thynne.

TO MASTER THOMAS SPEIGHTE ffrancis Thynn sendeth greeting.

The author is vexed that Master Speight did not consult him on his new edition of Chaucer. THE INDUSTRYE AND LOVE (MASTER SPEIGHT) whiche you haue used, and beare, uppon and to oure famous poete Geffrye Chaucer, deseruethe bothe comendatione and furtherance: the one to recompense your trauayle, the other to accomplyshe the duetye, whiche we all beare (or at the least yf we reuerence lernynge or regarde the honor of oure Countrye, sholde beare) to suche a singuler ornamente of oure tonge, as the woorkes of Chaucer are: Yet since there is nothinge so fullye perfected, by anye one, whereine some imperfectione maye not bee founde, (for as the prouerbe is Bernardus, or as others have Alanus, non videt omnia,) you must be contented to gyve me leave in discharge of the duetye and love whiche I beare to Chaucer, (whome I suppose I have as great intereste to adorne withe my smale skyll as anye other hath, in regarde that the laborious care of my father made hym most acceptable to the worlde in correctinge and augmentinge his woorkes,) to enter into the examinatione of this newe editione, and that the rather, because you with Horace his verse “si quid novisti rectius istis, candidus imperti,” have willed all others to further the same, and to accepte your labors in good parte, whiche as I most willingly doo, so meaninge but well to the worke, I ame to lett you understande my conceyte thereof, whiche before this, yf you wolde have vouchesafed my howse, or have thoughte me worthy to have byn acqueynted with these matters, (whiche you might well have donne without anye whatsoeuer dispargement to yourselfe,) you sholde haue understoode before the impressione, althoughe this whiche I here write ys not nowe uppon selfe will or fonnd conceyte to wrangle for one asses shadowe, or to seke a knott in a rushe, but in frendlye sorte to bringe truthe to lighte, a thinge whiche I wolde desire others to use towardes mee in whatsoeuer shall fall oute of my penne. Wherefore I will here shewe such thinges as, in mye opynione, may seme to be touched, not medlinge withe the seconde editione to one inferior personne then my fathers editione was.

Also vexed at a side blow at his father’s edition, and justifies him as editor. Ffyrste in your forespeche to the reader, you saye “secondly the texte by written copies corrected” by whiche worde corrected, I maye seme to gather, that you imagine greate imperfectione in my fathers editione, whiche peraduenture maye move others to saye (as some unadvisedlye have sayed) that my father had wronged Chaucer: wherefore to stoppe that gappe, I will answere, that Chaucers woorkes haue byn sithens printed twyce, yf not thrice, and therfore by oure carelesse (and for the most parte unlerned) printers of Englande, not so well performed as yt ought to bee: so that of necessytye bothe in matter, myter and meaninge, yt must needes gather corruptione, passinge throughe so manye handes, as the water dothe the further yt runnethe from the pure founteyne. To enduce me and all others to iudge his editione (whiche I thinke you neuer sawe wholye together, beinge fyrst printed but in one coolume in a page, whereof I will speake hereafter) was the perfectest: ys the ernest desire and love my father hadde to have Chaucers woorkes rightlye to be publyshed. for the performance whereof, my father not onlye used the helpe of that lerned and eloquent kn[i]ghte and antiquarye Sir Briane Tuke, but had also made greate serche for copies to perfecte his woorkes, as apperethe in the ende of the squiers tale, in his editione printed in the yere 1542; His father’s collection of MS. Chaucers and their curiosity. but further had comissione to serche all the liberaries of Englande for Chaucers works, so that oute of all the Abbies of this Realme (whiche reserved anye monumentes thereof) he was fully furnished with multitude of Bookes. emongst whiche one coppye of some parte of his woorkes came to his handes subscribed in diuers places withe “examinatur Chaucer.” By this Booke, and conferringe manye of the other written copies together, he deliuered his editione, fullye corrected, as the amendementes under his hande, in the fyrst printed booke that euer was of his woorkes (beinge stamped by the fyrste impressione that was in Englande) will well declare, at what tyme he added manye thinges whiche were not before printed, as you nowe haue donne soome, of whiche I ame perswaded (and that not withoute reasone) the originall came from mee. The Pilgrime’s Tale telling forth the evil lives of churchmen. In whiche his editione, beinge printed but with one coolume in a syde, there was the pilgrymes tale, a thinge moore odious to the Clergye, then the speche of the plowmanne; that pilgrimes tale begynnynge in this sorte;

In this tale did Chaucer most bitterlye enveye against the pride, state, couetoussness, and extorcione of the Bysshoppes, their officialls, archdeacons, vicars generalls, comissaryes, and other officers of the spirituall courte. The inventione and order whereof (as I have herde yt related by some nowe of good worshippe bothe in courte and countrye but then my fathers clerkes,) was, that one comynge into this relligious howse, walked upp and down the churche, beholdinge goodlye pictures of Bysshoppes in the windowes, at lengthe the manne contynuynge in that contem­platione, not knowinge what Byshoppes they were, a grave olde manne withe a longe white hedde and berde, in a large blacke garment girded unto hym, came forthe and asked hym, what he iudged of those pictures in the windowes, who sayed he knewe not what to make of them, but that they looked lyke unto our mitred Byshoppes; to whome the olde father replied, yt is true, they are like, but not the same, for oure byshoppes are farr degenerate from them, and withe that, made a large discourse of the Byshoppes and of their courtes.

William Thynne in favour with Henry VIII., who promiseth to countenance him. This tale when kinge henrye the eighte had redde, he called my father unto hym saying Williame Thynne I dobte this will not be allowed, for I suspecte the Byshoppes will call the in questione for yt, to whome my father, beinge in great fauore with his prince, (as manye yet lyvinge canne testyfye,) sayed yf your grace be not offended, I hoope to be protected by you, whereuppon the kinge bydd hym goo his waye and feare not. All whiche not withstandinge, The promise broken through the power of Wolsey. my father was called in questione by the Bysshoppes and heaved at by cardinall Wolseye his olde enymye, for manye causes, but mostly for that my father had furthered Skelton to publishe his Collen Cloute againste the Cardinall, The most part of Colin Clout written at William Thynne’s house at Erith. the moste parte of whiche Booke was compiled in my fathers howse at Erithe in Kente. But for all my fathers frendes, the Cardinalls perswadinge auctorytye was so greate withe the kinge, that thoughe by the kinges favor my father escaped bodelye daunger, yet the Cardinall caused the kinge so muche to myslyke of that tale, that chaucer must be newe printed and that discourse of the pilgrymes tale lefte oute, and so beinge printed agayne, some thynges were forsed to be omitted, and the plowmans tale (supposed, but untrulye, to be made by olde Sir Thomas Wyat, father to hym which was executed in the firste yere of Quene Marye, and not by Chaucer,) with muche ado permitted to passe with the reste, Chaucer’s works like to be destroyed by parliament. in suche sorte that in one open parliamente (as I have herde Sir Johne Thynne reporte, beinge then a member of the howse,) when talke was had of Bookes to be forbidden, chaucer had there for euer byn condempned, had yt not byn that his woorkes had byn counted but fables. Reasons why the Pilgrime’s Tale should be Chaucer’s. Whereunto yf you will replye, that their colde not be any suche pilgrymes tale, because Chaucer in his prologues makethe not mentione of anye suche persoune, whiche he wolde haue doune yf yt had byn so: for after that he had recyted the knighte, the squyer, the squiers yeomane, the prioresse, her noone, and her thre prests, the monke, the fryer, the marchant, the clerke of Oxenforde, seriante at the lawe, franckleyne, haberdassher, goldsmythe, webbe, dyer and tapyster, cooke, shypmane, Doctor of physecke, wyfe of Bathe, parsoune and plowmane, he sayeth at the end of the plowmans prologue,

All whiche make xxx persons with Chaucer: wherefore yf there had byn anye moore, he wolde also haue recyted them in those verses, whereunto I answere, that in the prologes he lefte oute some of those whiche tolde their tales; as the chanons yomane, because he came after that they were passed out of theyre Inne, and did overtake them, as in lyke sorte this pilgrime did or mighte doo, and so afterwardes be one of their companye, as was that chanons yeomane, althoughe Chaucer talke no moore of this pilgrime in his prologe then he doothe of the chanons yeomane; whiche I dobte not wolde fullye appere, yf the pilgrimes prologe and tale mighte be restored to his former light they being nowe looste, as manye other of Chaucers tales were before that, as I am induced to thinke by manye reasons.

How William Thynne’s collection of Chaucer’s MS. was dispersed abroad. But to leave this, I must saye that in those many written Bookes of Chaucer, whiche came to my fathers hands, there were manye false copyes, whiche Chaucer shewethe in writinge of Adam Scriuener, (as you have noted) of whiche written copies there came to me after my fathers deathe some fyve and twentye; whereof some had moore and some fewer tales, and some but two and some three. whiche bookes beinge by me (as one nothinge dobting of this whiche is nowe donne for Chaucer) partly dispersed aboute xxvj years agoo, and partlye stoolen out of my howse at Popler: I gave divers of them to Stephen Batemanne person of Newington, and to divers other, whiche beinge copies unperfecte and some of them corrected by my fathers hande yt maye happen soome of them to coome to some of your frendes handes, whiche I knowe yf I see agayne: and yf by anye suche written copies you have corrected Chaucer, you maye as well offende as seme to do good. But I judge the beste, for in dobtes I will not resolve with a settled judgement, althoughe you may iudge this tediouse discourse of my father a needlesse thinge in setting forthe his diligence in breaking the yce, and givinge lighte to others, who may moore easely perfecte then begyne any thinge, for facilius est addere quam Invenire, and so to other matters.

He differeth from Master Speight on Chaucer’s family. Under the tytle of chaucers countaye,4 you seme to make yt probable that Richarde Chaucer vinetener of Londone, was Geffrye Chaucers father, But I holde that no moore then that Johne Chaucer of Londone, was father to Richarde; of whiche Johne I fynde in the recordes in Dorso Rotulor. patent. memb. 24 de anno 30. Ed. 1. in the towre. that kinge Edwarde the firste had herde the compleinte of Johne chaucer of London, who was beaten and hurte, to the domage of one thousand pownde (that some amountinge at this daye to thre thowsande pownde;) for whiche a comissione went forthe to enquire thereof. wherbye yt semethe that he was of some Reconynge. But as I cannott saye that Johne was father to Richarde, or hee to Geffroye: So yet this muche I will deliuer in settinge downe the antiquytye of the name of chaucer, that his anncesters (as you well coniecture) were strangers, as the etymon of his name (beinge frenche in Englishe synyfyinge one who shueth or hooseth a manne) dothe prove, Chausier, one who hoseth or shueth a man. for that dothe the Etymon of this worde chausier presente unto us, of whiche name I have founde (besides the former recyted Johne) on Elias chauseryr lyvinge in the tyme of Henrye the thirde and of Edwarde the firste, of whome the record of pellis exitus in the receyte of the Exchequier in the firste yere of Edwarde ye firste hathe thus noted: “Edwardus dei gratia &c. Liberate de thesauro Nostro Elie chauseryr decem solidos super arreragia trium obulorum diurnorum quos ad vitam suam per litteras domini. H. Regis patris nostri, percepit ad scaccarium nostrum. datum per manum Walteri Merton cancellarii nostri apud West minsterium 24 Julii anno regni nostri primo.” with whiche carractres ys Geffry Chausyer written in the Recordes in the tyme of Edwarde the thirde and Richarde the seconde. So that yt was a name of office or occupatione, whiche after came to be the surname of a famelye, as did Smythe, Baker, Porter, Bruer, Skynner, Cooke, Butler, and suche lyke, and that yt was a name of office apperethe in the recordes of the towre, where yt is named Le Chaucer, beinge more annciente then anye other of those recordes; for in Dorso clause of 10: H. 3 ys this: Reginaldus mirifir^s et alicia uxor eius attornaverunt Radulfum le Chausier contra Johannem Le furber et matildem uxorem eius de uno messuagio in London. This chaucer lyvinge also in the time of kinge John. And thus this muche for the Antiquytye and synificatione of Chaucer, whiche I canne prove in the tyme of Edward the 4 to signyfye also, in oure Englishe tonge, bootes or highe shoes to the calfe of the legge: for thus hathe the Antique recordes of Domus Regni Anglie, ca. 53 for the messengers of the kinges howse to doo the kings comannde­mentes: that they shalbe allowed for their Chauses yerely iiij^s viij^d: But what shall wee stande uppon the Antiquyte and gentry of Chaucer, when the rolle of Battle Abbeye affirmeth hym to come in with the Conquerer. Chaucer his arms injustly undervalued. Under the title of Chaucers countrye, yow sett downe that some Heraldes are of opyny-one that he did not discende of any great howse; whiche they gather by his armes. This ys a slender coniecture, for as honorable howses and of as greate Antiquytye haue borne as meane armes as Chaucer, and yet Chaucers armes are not so meane eyther for coolor, chardge or particione as some will make them. And where you saye, yt semethe lykelye, Chaucers skill in Geometrye considered, that he tooke the groundes and reasons of his armes oute of seuen twentye and eight and twentye propositiones of Euclide’s first booke, that ys no inference that his armes were newe or fyrst assumed by hym oute of Geometricall proportions, because he was skyllfull in Geometrye: for so you maye saye of all the auncient armes of England whiche consyste not of anymalls or vegitalls. for all other armes whiche are not Anymalls and vegitalls, as Cheuerons, pales, Bendes, Checkes, and suche lyke, stande uppon geometricall proportiones. And therfore howe greate so euer their skyll bee, which attribute that choyce of armes to Chaucer [they] had no moore skyle in armes then they needed.

Philippa of Henault came not over with Prince Edward. In the same title also, you sett downe Quene Isabell, &c. and her sonne prince Edwarde withe his newe maried wyfe retourned oute of Henalte. In whiche are two unperfections. the first whereof ys, that his wyfe came oute of Henalte with the prince, but that is not soo, for the prince maryed her not before he came into England, since the prince was onlye slenderly contracted and not maryed to her before his arryvall in Englande, beinge two yeres and moore after that contracte, (betwene the erle of henalt and his mother,) about the latter ende of the seconde yere of his reigne, thoughe others haue the firste, the solempnytye of that mariage beinge donne at Yorke. besides she came not ouer with Quene Isabell and the prince, but the prince sent for her afterwardes, and so I suppose sayeth Hardinge in his cronicle, yf I do not mysconceve yt, not havinge the historye now in my handes. But whether he saye so or no, yt ys not materiall, because the recordes be playne, that he sent for her into Henalte in the seconde yere of his reigne in october, and she came to the kinge the 23 of Januarye followinge, whiche was aboute one daye before he beganne the thirde yere of his reigne, wherunto he entred the 25 of Januarye. and for prooffe of the tyme when and whoome the Kinge sente, and what they were allowed therefore, the pellis exitus of the Exchequier remayninge in master warders office hathe thus sett downe to the forthe daye of februarye Bartholomew de Burgersh sent for Philippa of Henault. “Bartholomeo de Burgershe nuper misso ad partes Douor ad obuiandum filiæ comitis Hannoniæ consorti ipsius Regis &c.” but this recorde followinge is most pleyne, shewing bothe who went for her, the day when they tooke their yourneye towardes henalte, with the daye when and where they presented her to the kinge after their retorne into Englande, and the daye one whiche they wer payed their charges, beinge the forthe of marche one whiche daye yt is thus entred in the records of pellis exitus, Michaell. 2. ed. 3. “Rogero couentry &c Lichefeld episcopo nuper misso in nuntium domini Regis ad partes Hannoniæ pro matrimonio inter dominum Regem et filiam comitis Hannoniæ contrahendo, ab octavo die octobris proxime preterito, quo die reessit de Notingham ipso domino Rege ibidem existente, arripiendo iter suum predictum, versus partes predictas, usque vicesimum tertium diem Januarii proxime sequentem, quo die rediit ad ipsum Regem predictum apud Eborum in comitatiua filiæ comitis Hannoniæ predictæ utroque die computato pro cviij diebus percipiendo per diem iij.^li vj.^s viij.^d pro expensis suis.” Thus muche the recorde, whiche confirmethe that whiche I go aboute to prove, that she came not into Englande with prince Edwarde, and that he was not maryed at that tyme, no, not contracted, but only by agremente betwene the erle and his mother. The conjecture that Chaucer’s ancestors were merchants, of no valydytye. Next you seme to implye by a coniecturall argumente, that Chaucers auncesters sholde be merchants, for that in place where they haue dwelled the armes of the marchantes of the staple haue bin seene in the glasse windowes. This ys a mere coniecture, and of no valydytye. For the marchantes of the staple had not any armes granted to them (as I haue bin enformed) vntill longe after the deathe of Chaucers parentes, whiche was aboute the 10 or 12 of Edwarde the thirde; and those merchantes had no armes before the tyme of Henrye the sixte, or muchewhat thereaboutes, as I dobt not but wilbe well proued, yf I be not mysenformed. But admytte the staplers had then armes, yt ys no argumente that chaucers auncesters were merchantes because those armes were in the wyndowes, as you shall well perceave, yf you drawe yt into a syllogisme, and therefore you did well to conclude, that yt was not materiall whether they were merchants or noo.

Master Speight misquoteth Gower. In the title of Chaucer’s educatione, you saye that Gower in his booke entituled confessio amantis termethe Chaucer a worthye poet, and maketh hym as yt were the iudge of his woorkes; in whiche Booke, to my knowledge, Gower dothe not terme hym a worthye poet, (althoughe I confesse he well deserueth that name, and that the same may be gathered oute of Gower comendynge hym,) nether doth he after a sorte (for any thinge I canne yet see) make hym iudge of his workes, (whereof I wolde be glad to be enformed,) since these be Gowers woordes, vttered by Venus in that booke of confessio Amantis:

Chaucer submitteth his works to Gower, not Gower to Chaucer. These be all the verses whiche I knowe or yet canne fynde, in whiche Gower in that booke mentioneth Chaucer, where he nether nameth hym worthye poet, nor after a sorte submyttethe his workes to his iudgmente. But quite contrarye Chaucer doth submytte the correctione of his woorks to Gower in these playne woordes, in the latter ende of the fyfte booke of Troylus:

But this error had in you byn pardoned, yf you had not sett yt downe as your owne, but warranted with the auctorytye of Bale in Scriptoribus Anglie, from whence you haue swallowed yt. Gower the poet was not of the Gowers (or Gores) of Stittenham. Then in a marginall note of this title you saye agayne oute of Bale, that Gower was a Yorkshire manne; but you are not to be touched therfore, because you discharge your selfe in vouching your auctor. Wherfore Bale hath muche mistaken yt, as he hath donne infynyte thinges in that Booke de scriptoribus Anglie, beinge for the most parte the collections of Lelande. For in truth your armes of this S^r Johne Gower beinge argent one a cheuerone azure, three leopardes heddes or, do prove that he came of a contrarye howse to the Gowers of Stytenham in Yorkeshyre, who bare barrulye of argent and gules a crosse patye florye sable. Whiche difference of armes semethe a difference of famelyes, vnlesse you canne prove that, beinge of one howse, they altered their armes vppone some iuste occasione, as that soome of the howse maryinge one heyre did leave his owne armes and bare the armes of his moother; as was accustoomed in tymes paste. But this difference of Cootes for this cause, or anye other, (that I colde yet euer lerne,) shall you not fynde in this famelye of Gower: and therefore seuerall howses from the fyrst originall. Then the marginall note goeth further out of Bale, that Gower had one his hedde a garlande of ivye and rooses, the one the ornamente of a knyghte, the other of a poet. Gower’s chaplette for knighthood not for poetry. But Bale ys mystaken, for yt ys not a garlande, vnlest you will metaphoric­allye call euerye cyrcle of the hedde a garlande as Crownes are sometymes called garlandes, from whence they had their originall, nether ys yt of Ivye, as any manne whiche seethe-yt may well iudge, and therefore not there sett for anye suche intente as an ensigne of his poetrye, but ys symplye a chapplett of Roses, suche as the knyghtes in olde tyme vsed ether of golde, or other embroderye, made after the fasshone of Roses, one of the peculier ornamentes of a knighte, as well as his coller of SSS, his guilte swoorde, and spurres. The chaplette of roses a peculiar ornament of honour. Whiche chaplett or cyrcle of Rooses was as well attributed to knights, the lowest degree of honor, as to the hygher degrees of Duke, Erle, &c. beinge knyghtes, for so I haue seene Johne of Gaunte pictured in his chaplett of Rooses; and kinge Edwarde the thirde gaue his chaplett to Eustace Rybamonte, only the difference was, that as they were of lower degree, so had the[y] fewer Rooses placed on their chaplett or cyrcle of golde, one ornament deduced frome the Dukes crowne whiche had thee rooses vppon the toppe of the cyrcle, when the knighte had them onlye vppon the cyrcle or garlande ytselfe. of whiche dukes crowne to be adorned with little rooses, The knighting of Erle Mortone of Normandye. Mathewe Paris, speakinge of the creatinge of Johne erle Mortone, duke of Normandye, in the yere of Christe 1199, dothe saye, Interim comes Johannes Rothomagum veniens in octavis pasche gladio ducatus Normaniæ cinctus est, in matrice ecclesia, per ministerium Waltheri Rothomagensis Archiepiscopi, vbi Archi­episcopus memoratus ante maius altare in capite eius posuit circulum aureum habentem in summitate per gyrum rosulas aureas artifici­aliter fabricatas, whiche chaplett of Rooses came in the ende to be a bande aboute oure cappes, sette with golde Buttons, as may be supposed.—In the same title you saye, yt semethe that these lerned menne were of the Inner Temple; Chaucer being a grave man unlikely to beat a Franciscan Fryer but? for that, manye yeres since, master Buckley did see a recorde in the same howse, where Geffrye Chaucer was fined two shillinges for beatinge a Franciscane Fryer in flete-streate. This is a hard collect[i]one to prove Gower of the Inner Temple, althoughe he studyed the lawe. for thus you frame your argumente. Mr Buckley founde a recorde in the Temple, that Chaucer was fyned for beatinge the fryer; ergo, Gower and Chaucer were of the Temple. But for myne owne parte, yf I wolde stande vppon termes for matter of Antiquytye and ransacke the originall of the lawiers fyrst settlinge in the Temple, I dobte whether Chaucer were of the temple or noe, vnless yt were towardes his latter tyme, for he was an olde manne, as appereth by Gower in Confessione Amantis in the xvi yere of R. 2: when Gower wroote that Booke. The lawyers not in the temple till the latter part of Edward III. And yt is most certeyne to be gathered by cyrcumstances of Recordes, that the lawyers were not in the temple vntill towardes the latter parte of the reygne of kinge Edwarde the thirde; at whiche tyme Chaucer was a grave manne, holden in greate credyt, and employed in embassye, so that me thinkethe he sholde not be of that howse; and yet, yf he then were, I sholde iudge yt strange that he sholde violate the rules of peace and gravytye yn those yeares. But I will passe over all those matters scito pede, and leave euerye manne to his owne iudgemente therein for this tyme.

Speight knoweth not the name of Chaucer’s wife, nor doth Thynne. In the title of Chawcer’s mariage you saye, you cannotte fynde the name of the Gentlewomanne whome he maryed. Trulye, yf I did followe the conceyte of others, I sholde suppose her name was Elizabethe, a waytinge womanne of Quene philippe, wyfe to Edwarde the thirde & daughter to William erle of Henalte. but I favor not their oppynyone, for, althoughe I fynde a recorde of the pellis exitus, in the tyme of Edwarde the thirde, of a yerely stypende to Elizabethe Chawcer, domicellæ reginæ Philippæ, whiche domicella dothe signyfye one of her waytinge gentlewomen: yet I cannott for this tyme thinke this was his wyfe, but rather his sister or kinswomanne, who after the deathe of her mystresse Quene philippe did forsake the worlde, and became a nonne at Seinte Heleins in london, accordinge as you haue touched one of that professione in primo of kinge Richarde the seconde.

The children of John of Gaunt born pre-nupt, and legytymated by the Pope and the Parliament. In the Latyne stemme of Chawcer you saye, speakinge of Katherine Swyneforde, Que postea nupta Johanni Gandauensi tertij Edwardi Regis filio, Lancastriæ duci, illi procreavit filios tres et vnicam filiam. Wherbye we may inferre that Johne of Gaunte had these childrene by her after the mariage. Whiche is not soo for he had all his children by her longe before that mariage, so that they beinge all illegitimate were enforced afterwarde vppon that maryage to be legytymated by the poope; & also by acte of Parliamente, aboute the two & twentythe of kinge Richarde the seconde; so that you cannott saye, que postea nupta procreavit Lancastriæ duci tres filios, etc.

Chaucer’s children and their advauncement and of the Burgershes. In the title of Chawcers children and their advauncemente, in a marginall noote you vouche master Campdene that Barthelmewe Burgershe, knyghte of the Garter, was he from whome the Burgershes, whose daughter & heyre was maryed to Thomas Chawcer, did descende. But that is also one error. for this Barthelmewe was of a-collaterall lyne to that S^r Johne Burgershe the father of Mawde wyfe to Thomas Chawcer; and therefore coulde not that S^r Johne Burghershe be descended of this Barthelmewe Burgershe, though hee were of that howse. Serlo de Burgo uncle and not brother to Eustace. Then, in that title, you vouche oute of Mr. Campdene that Serlo de Burgo brother to Eustachius de Vescye builte Knaresborowe Castle. but that ys not right for this Serlo beinge called Serlo de Burgo siue de Pembroke was brother to Johne father to Eustace Vescye, as haue the recordes of the towre, and so vncle and not brother to Eustace. Jane of Navarre maryed to Henry IV., in the 5th year of his reign. for one other marginall noote in that tytle, you saye, that Jane of Navarre was maryed to Henrye the forthe in the fourthe yere of his reygne, wherein you followe a late englishe cronicler whome I forbeare to name.5 But Walsingham bothe in his historye of Henry the fourthe, & in his ypodigma, sayethe that she was maryed the 26 of Januarye in the yere of Christe 1403, whiche was in the fyfte yere of the kinge, yf you begynne the yere of oure lorde at the annuntiatione of the Virgine, as we nowe doo; but this is no matter of great momente. The de la Pools gained advancement by lending the King money, but William was not the first that did so. ffourthlye in that title you seme to attribute the advancemente of the Pooles to Williame de la poole, merchante of Hull, that lente the kinge a greate masse of moneye. But this Williame was not the fyrste advancer of that howse because his father Richarde at Poole beinge a cheife gouernor in hull, and serving the kings necessytye with money, was made pincerna Regis, one office of great accompte; by the same gyvinge the fyrste advancemente to the succedynge famelye. Whereof the Record to prove Ric. de la Poole pincerna Regis is founde in the pryvye seales of the eleventhe yere of kinge Edwarde the thirde, in master wardoures office, the lorde treasurers clerke. Where yt is in this manner: Edwardus dei gratia rex Angliæ et dux Acquitaniæ, &c. Supplicavit nobis dilectus noster Richardus de la Poole Pincerna noster, vt quum ipse de expensis officii Pincernariæ ac omnibus aliis officium illud tangentibus, ad dictum Scaccarium a festo sancti michaelis anno regni nostri decimo, vsque ad idem festum proxime sequens plenarie computaverit, et 2090^li: 13^s: et 11^d et vnus obulus sibi per computum illud de claro debeatur: volumus ei solutionem inde, seu aliàs satisfactionem sibi fieri competentem: Nos eius supplicationi in hac parte, prout iustum est, annuentes, vobis mandamus, etc. Datum apud Westmonas­terium 14 Decembris, anno regni nostri vndecimo. To whose sonne this Williame de la Poole the older, and to his sonne Michaell de la Poole (who was after Chauncelor) and to his heyres, the kinge graunted fowre hundred markes by yere out of the custome of Hull, as apperethe in the record of pellis exitus of 46 Ed. 3. the same Michaell de la Poole recevinge the arrerages of that Annuytye. for thus yt is entred in Michaelmas terme one the first of December of that yere: Michaeli de la poole filio et heredi Willielmi de la poole senioris per Talliam levatam isto die continentem iij^c lxx^li xviij^s 1^d ob. eidem michaeli liberat per compotum suum factum ad Scaccarium computator virtute cuiusdam brevis de magno sigillo, Thesaurario et Baronibus Scaccarii directum pro huius compoto faciendo, de quodam annuo certo iiij^c marc. per annum quas dominus rex Willielmo de la Poole seniori defuncto, et michaeli filio suo et heredibus suis de corpore suo exeuntibus, de Custumia in portis ville de kingeston super Hull per litteras suas patentes concess: percipendum quamdiu vij^c xxxv^li xviij^s i^d ob. eidem Michaeli per compotum predictum sic debitum, etc. Dominus Rex mandat vt ei satisfac­tionem vel assignationem competentem (in locis vbi ei celeriter satisfieri poterit) fieret et haberet, per breve de magno sigillo inter mandata de termino Paschæ anno quadragesimo tercio, etc. So that Richarde, Michaell de la Pooles grandfather, (a magistrate of greate welthe in Hull,) was the fyrste that gaue advancemente to that howse: although Williame, father to this michaell, were of lyke estate and a knyghte. nether canne I fynde (nor ys yt lyke) that michaell de la poole was a marchante, (havinge two such welthy marchantes to his ancestors before hym,) notwith­standinge that Walsingham The clergy offended that the temporal men were found as wise as themselves. (moore offended than reasone, as all the Clergye were against temporall menne who were nowe become chief officers of the realme; and the spyrituall menne, till then possessinge those offices, displaced, whiche bredd greate Sorseye in the Church menne againste them); sayethe that michaell de la poole fuerit à pueritia magis mercimoniis (vtpote Mercator Mercatoris filius) quam militia occupatus. A merchant by Attorney is no true merchant. And yet yt may bee that he mighte have some factors in merchandise, and deale by his attorneyes as many noble menne and great persons have donne, whereuppon Walsingham (who wroote longe after) might seme to call hym merchante by reasone of others mens dealinge for hym, althoughe in troothe he was neuer merchante in respecte of his owne persone, (for whiche they are properly called merchantes,) as may be supposed. Alice, the wife of Richard Neville, was daughter of Thomas Montacute. ffyftlye in the same title you saye, that Alice, wyfe of Williame de la poole duke of Suffolke, had a daughter, by her seconde husbande thomas montague erle of Sarisberye, named, after her mother, Alice, maryed to Richarde Neville sonne to Raphe Neuill erle of Westmerlande, by whome he had issue Richarde, Johne, and George. But this is nothinge so. for this Alice, the wyfe of Richarde Neville, (erle of Sarisbery in the righte of the same Alice,) was daughter of Thomas Montacute erle of Salisburye and of Alice his wyfe, daughter of Thomas Hollande erle of Kente; and not of Alice daughter to Thomas Chawcer and widdowe to William de la Poole duke of Suffolke.

He correcteth Master Speight his dates and history of printing. In the latter end of the title of Chawcers deathe you saye, that printinge was brought oute of Germanye in the yere 1471 being the 37. H. 6. into Englande, beinge fyrst founde at Magunce by one Johne Cuthembergus, and broughte to Roome by Conradus one Almayne. But the yere of Christe 1471 was not the 37. H. 6. but the eleuenthe of kinge Edward the fourthe; and, [printinge,] as some have yt, was not fyrste founde at Magonce or mentz but at Strasborowe, and perfected at Magonce. David Chytreus in his historye sayethe, yt was fyrst founde in anno 1440, and brought to Rome by Henricus Han6 a Germane in the yere 1470; whereof Antonius Campanus framed this excellente epigrame: