Footnotes

1.
Eng. Hist. Rev. April 1887, p. 296.
2.
Il Conte di Cavour. Ricordi biografici. Per G. Massari (Turin, 1875), p. 204.
3.
See L'Empire Libéral, by Émile Ollivier, iv. p. 217.
4.
It is a notable thing that in 1859 the provisional government of Tuscany made a decree for the publication of a complete edition of Machiavelli's works at the cost of the state.
5.
One of the pope's chamberlains gravely assured the English resident in Rome that he knew from a sure and trustworthy source that the French Emperor had made a bargain with the Devil, and frequently consulted him.
6.
Walpole's Russell, ii. pp. 335-339.
7.
Martin's Prince Consort, v. p. 226.
8.
A General Review of the Different States of Italy; prepared for the Foreign Office by Sir Henry Bulwer, January 1853.
9.
Cavour to Marquis d'Azeglio, Dec. 9, 1860. La Politique du Comte Camille de Cavour de 1852 à 1861, p. 392.
10.
June 6, 1861.
11.
The disaster was the outcome of the Chinese refusal to receive Mr. Bruce, the British minister at Pekin. Admiral Hope in endeavouring to force an entrance to the Peiho river was repulsed by the fire of the Chinese forts (June 25, 1859). In the following year a joint Anglo-French expedition captured the Taku forts and occupied Pekin (Oct. 12, 1860).
12.
Odyssey, xx. 63.
13.
On a motion by Lord Elcho against any participation in a conference to settle the details of the peace between Austria and France.
14.
I may be forgiven for referring to my Life of Cobden, ii. chap. xi. For the French side of the transaction, see an interesting chapter in De La Gorce, Hist. du Second Empire, iii. pp. 213-32.
15.
“I will undertake that there is not a syllable on our side of the treaty that is inconsistent with the soundest principles of free trade. We do not propose to reduce a duty which, on its merits, ought not to have been dealt with long ago. We give no concessions to France which do not apply to all other nations. We leave ourselves free to lay on any amount of internal duties and to put on an equal tax on foreign articles of the same kind at the custom-house. It is true we bind ourselves for ten years not otherwise to raise such of our customs as affect the French trade, or put on fresh ones; and this, I think, no true free trader will regret.”—Cobden to Bright.
16.
The reader who wishes to follow these proceedings in close detail will, of course, read the volume of The Financial Statements of 1853, 1860-63, containing also the speech on tax-bills, 1861, and on charities, 1863 (Murray, 1863).
17.
Strictly speaking, in 1845 the figure had risen from 1052 to 1163 articles, for the first operation of tariff reform was to multiply the number in consequence of the transition from ad valorem to specific duties, and this increased the headings under which they were described. In 1860 Mr. Gladstone removed the duties from 371 articles, reducing the number to 48, of which only 15 were of importance—spirits, sugar, tea, tobacco, wine, coffee, corn, currants, timber, chicory, figs, hops, pepper, raisins, and rice.
18.
See an interesting letter to Sir W. Heathcote in reply to other criticisms, in Appendix.
19.
On Mr. Duncan's resolution against adding to an existing deficiency by diminishing ordinary revenue and against re-imposing the income-tax at an unnecessarily high rate. Moved Feb. 21.
20.
Martin's Life of Prince Consort, v. pp. 35, 37, 51.
21.
Greville, iii. ii. p. 291.
22.
Eng. Hist. Rev. April 1887, p. 301. The majority in the Lords was 193 to 104.
23.
Aug. 31, 1897.
24.
Martin, v. p. 100.
25.
Bright wrote to Mr. Gladstone that he was inclined “to think that the true course for Lord John, yourself, and Mr. Gibson, and for any others who agreed with you, was to have resigned rather than continue a government which could commit so great a sin against the representative branch of our constitution.”
26.
See Appendix.
27.
“He made an administration so checkered and speckled, he put together a piece of joinery so crossly indented and whimsically dovetailed, a cabinet so variously inlaid, such a piece of diversified mosaic, such a tessellated pavement without cement ... that it was indeed a very curious show, but utterly unsafe to touch and unsure to stand upon.”—Speech on American Taxation.
28.
At Manchester, Oct. 14, 1864.
29.
For his letter to Mr. Gladstone, Dec. 16, 1859, see Ashley, ii. p. 375.
30.
See Appendix. “This account,” Mr. Gladstone writes, “contains probably the only reply I shall ever make to an account given or printed by Sir Theodore Martin in his Life of the Prince Consort, which is most injurious to me without a shadow of foundation: owing, I have no doubt, to defective acquaintance with the subject.” The passage is in vol. v. p. 148. Lord Palmerston's words to the Queen about Mr. Gladstone are a curiously unedifying specimen of loyalty to a colleague.
31.
“It appears that he wrote his final opinion on the subject to the cabinet on Saturday, left them to deliberate, and went to the Crystal Palace. The Duke of Argyll joined him there and said it was all right. The Gladstones then went to Cliveden and he purposely did not return till late, twelve o'clock on Monday night, in order that Palmerston might make his speech as he pleased. I doubt the policy of his absence. It of course excited much remark, and does not in any way protect Gladstone. M. Gibson was also absent.”—Phillimore Diary, July 23. In his diary Mr. Gladstone records: “July 21.—Cabinet 3 ½-5 1/4. I left it that the discussion might be free and went to Stafford House and Sydenham. There I saw, later, Argyll and S. Herbert, who seemed to bring good news. At night we went off to Cliveden.”
32.
For an interesting letter on all this to the Duke of Argyll, see Appendix.
33.
This letter is printed in full by Mr. Ashley, ii. p. 413.
34.
Diary.
35.
Mr. Evelyn Ashley in National Review, June 1898, pp. 536-40.
36.
Plan for Economical Reform.
37.
27 and 28 Vict., chap. 43.
38.
Financial Statements, p. 151.
39.
See his elaborate article in the Nineteenth Century for February 1880, on Free Trade, Railways, and Commerce, in which he endeavours fairly to divide the credit of our material progress between its two great factors, the Liberation of Intercourse, and the Improvement of Locomotion. Under the head of new locomotive forces he counts the Suez canal.
40.
From a letter to his son Herbert, March 10, 1876, containing some interesting remarks on Pitt's finance. See Appendix.
41.
Τὸ ζητεῖν πανταχοῦ τὸ χρήσιμον ἤκιστα ἁρμόττει τοῖς ἐλευθεροῖς.—Politics, viii. 3.
42.
Edinburgh, Nov. 29, 1879.
43.
Edinburgh, Nov. 29, 1879.
44.
Guinevere, 90-92.
45.
For his later views on the French treaty, see his speech at Leeds in 1881, an extract from which is given in Appendix.
46.
Nineteenth Century, Feb. 1880, p. 381.
47.
Mr. Courtney contributes a good account of this measure to the chapter on Finance in Ward's Reign of Queen Victoria, i. pp. 345-7.
48.
On this sentence in his copy of the memorandum Mr. Gladstone pencils in the margin as was his way, his favourite Italian corrective, ma!
49.
Of course the literature of this great theme is enormous, but an English reader with not too much time will find it well worked out in the masterly political study, The Slave Power, by J. E. Cairnes (1861), that vigorous thinker and sincere lover of truth, if ever there was one. Besides Cairnes, the reader who cares to understand the American civil war should turn to F. L. Olmsted's Journeys and Explorations in the Cotton Kingdom (1861), and A Journey in the Seaboard Slave States (1856)—as interesting a picture of the South on the eve of its catastrophe, as Arthur Young's picture of France on the eve of the revolution.
50.
See Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, v. p. 28. Also Martin's Life of the Prince Consort, v. p. 421.
51.
See Walpole's Russell, ii. p. 358.
52.
War-with England, or the probability of it, would have meant the raising of the blockade, the withdrawal of a large part of the troops from the Southern frontier, and substantially the leaving of the Confederates to a de facto independence.—Dana's Wheaton, p. 648.
53.
Rhodes, History of the United States since 1850, iii. p. 538. See also Life of C. F. Adams, by his son C. F. A., Boston, 1900, chapter xii., especially pp. 223-4.
54.
In the summer of 1862 he took an active part in schemes for finding employment at Hawarden for Lancashire operatives thrown out of work by the cotton-famine. One of the winding-paths leading through some of the most beautiful spots of the park at Hawarden was made at this time by factory workers from Lancashire employed by Mr. Gladstone for purposes of relief.
55.
Walpole's Life of Russell, ii. p. 361.
56.

In a jingle composed for the occasion, the refrain is—

“Honour give to sterling worth,
Genius better is than birth,
So here's success to Gladstone.”

In thanking a Newcastle correspondent for his reception, Mr. Gladstone writes (Oct. 20, 1862): “To treat these occurrences as matter of personal obligation to those who have taken a part in them would be to mistake the ground on which they rest. But I must say with unfeigned sincerity that I can now perceive I have been appropriating no small share of honour that is really due to the labour of others: of Mr. Cobden as to the French treaty, and of the distinguished men who have in our day by their upright and enlightened public conduct made law and government names so dear to the people of England.” “Indeed,” says a contemporary journalist, “if Middlesborough did not do honour to Mr. Gladstone, we don't know who should, for the French treaty has been a greater boon to the iron manufacturers of that young but rising seaport, than to any other class of commercial men in the north of England.”—Newcastle Daily Chronicle, Oct. 11, 1862.

57.
Letters on England, pp. 146-78.
58.
Adams wrote in his diary: “Oct. 8. If Gladstone be any exponent at all of the views of the cabinet, then is my term likely to be very short. The animus, as it respects Mr. Davis and the recognition of the rebel cause, is very apparent. Oct. 9:—We are now passing through the very crisis of our fate. I have had thoughts of seeking a conference with Lord Russell, to ask an explanation of Gladstone's position; but, on reflection, I think I shall let a few days at least pass, and then perhaps sound matters incidentally.”—Rhodes, iv. p. 340. Life of Adams, pp. 286-7.
59.
Oct. 18, 1862.
60.
Rhodes, iv. p. 340. Also Life of C. F. Adams, p. 287.
61.
Lewis, throughout 1861, used language of characteristic coolness about the war: “It is the most singular action for the restitution of conjugal rights that the world ever heard of.” “You may conquer an insurgent province, but you cannot conquer a seceding state” (Jan. 21, '61). “The Northern states have been drifted, or rather plunged into war without having any intelligible aim or policy. The South fight for independence; but what do the North fight for, except to gratify passion or pride?”—Letters, p. 395, etc. See also preface to his Administration of Great Britain (p. xix), where he says, in 1856, he sees no solution but separation.
62.
There is a story, not very accurate, I should suppose, about Mr. Disraeli's concurrence in the Emperor's view, told from Slidell's despatches in an article by O. F. Aldus, in North American Review, October 1879.
63.
June 30, 1863. Hansard, vol. 171, p. 1800. On four other occasions Mr. Gladstone gave public utterance to his opinion “on the subject of the war and the disruption”—at Leith, Jan. 11, 1862, at Manchester, April 24, 1862, at Newcastle, Oct. 7, 1862, and once in parliament when a member spoke of the bursting of the American bubble, he says, “I commented on the expressions with a reproof as sharp as I could venture to make it” (May 27, 1861).
64.
See Appendix.
65.
x. iii. 10.
66.
Memoirs of J. R. Hope-Scott, ii. pp. 284-293.
67.
Richard III. i. sc. ii. At Salisbury, Sept. 7, 1866.
68.
His school friend, and later, governor-general of India.
69.
March 19.—Reading, conversation, and survey in the house filled the morning at Cliveden. At four we went to Windsor ... I had an audience of the Queen ... I had the gratification of hearing, through Lady A. Bruce, that it was agreeable to H. M.—(Diary.)
70.
Gleanings, i.
71.
The Lancashire cotton famine.
72.
See the three articles on the Life of the Prince Consort in Gleanings, i. PP. 23-130.
73.
On the estimates for 1862-68.
74.
2 Henry IV., v. sc. i.
75.
Death of Wallenstein, Act v. Sc. 3. In Coleridge, v. 1.
76.
Denn nur der grosse Gegenstand vermag
Den tiefen Grund der Menschheit aufzuregen,
Im engen Kreis verengert sich der Sinn.
Es wächst der Mensch mit seinen grössern Zwecken.
Prologue to Wallenstein, stanza 5.
77.
See Walpole's Life of Russell, ii. p. 402.
78.
A memorandum of Mr. Gladstone's of March 1863 on the Roman Question is republished in Minghetti's posthumous volume, La Convenzione di Settembre, Bologna, 1899.
79.
April 11, 1862. That of March 7, 1861, is also worth turning over.
80.
Speech at Stafford House. June 2, 1883.
81.
Speech not discoverable by me.
82.
Hansard, April 19, 1864, pp. 1277, 1290. April 21, p. 1423.
83.
This was in reply to a letter from Lord Clarendon to Mr. Gladstone, April 23, '64, asking him: “Do not you think that he ought in a letter to some personal friends to state frankly the reasons which have induced him to go? He alone can put a stop to all these mischievous reports.... He ought to say that no government, English or foreign, has to do with his departure, and that he goes solely because the state of his health does not permit him to fulfil his engagements.”
84.
The story has been told from the radical point of view by Sir James Stansfeld in Review of Reviews, June 1895, p. 512. Another account by Mr. Seely, M.P., was furnished to the Times (April 21, 1864). Lord Shaftesbury, who was a staunch Garibaldian, presumably on high protestant grounds, also wrote to the Times (April 24): “The solid, persevering and hearty attachment of Mr. Gladstone to the cause of Italy and General Garibaldi is as notorious as it is generous and true, and I declare in the most solemn manner and on the word of a gentleman, my firm belief that we were all of us animated by the same ardent desire (without reference to anything and anybody but the General himself) to urge that and that only, which was indispensable to his personal welfare. It was, I assert, the General's own and unsuggested decision to give up the provincial journey altogether.”
85.
Fagan's Panizzi, ii. p. 252. The same view was reported to be taken at the English Court, and a story got abroad that the Queen had said that for the first time she felt half ashamed of being the head of a nation capable of such follies. Mérimée, Lettres à Panizzi, ii. p. 25. On the other hand, the diary has this entry: Oct. 1, 1864. Dined with H.M. She spoke good-humouredly of Garibaldi.
86.
Le Comte de Cavour: par Charles de Mazade (1877), p. 389.
87.
July 23, 1863.
88.
Memorandum of 1897.
89.
See Walpole's Russell, ii. pp. 402-404.
90.
For the revision of the Treaty of Vienna. See Ashley's Palmerston, ii. p. 424.
91.
See Ollivier's Empire Libéral, vii. 71; De la Gorce, iv. 512.
92.
July 4, 1864.
93.
Feb. 4, 1864.
94.
Lord Robert Cecil, July 4, 1864.
95.
Life of W. E. Forster, i. p. 362.
96.
Speech at Liverpool, April 6, 1866.
97.
The dinner in honour of M. Berryer.
98.
Above, p. 53.
99.
Heathcote, 3236; Hardy, 1904; Gladstone, 1724.
100.
Egerton 9171; Turner, 8806; Thompson (L.), 7703; Heywood (L.), Gladstone, 8786; Legh (C.), 8476; 7653.
101.
Aen. iv. 653. I have lived my life, my fated course have run.
102.
Aristotle, Rhet. i. 5, 4.
103.
Life of Wilberforce, in. pp. 161-164. The transcriber has omitted from Mr. Gladstone's second letter a sentence about Archbishop Manning's letter—“To me it seemed meant in the kindest and most friendly sense; but that the man is gone out, φροῦδος and has left nothing but the priest. No shirt collar ever took such a quantity of starch.”
104.
See Saturday Review, July 29; Spectator, June 24, etc.
105.
Ei fu! siccome immobile, etc. First line of Manzoni's ode on the death of Napoleon.
106.
First lord, Earl Russell; foreign secretary, Lord Clarendon; secretary for war. Earl de Grey; first lord of the admiralty, Duke of Somerset.
107.
Church's Letters, p. 171.
108.

Once at Hawarden I dropped the idle triviality that Mr. Pitt, Mr. Goschen, and a third person, were the three men who had been put into cabinet after the shortest spell of parliamentary life. (They were likewise out again after the shortest recorded spell of cabinet life.) “I don't believe any such thing,” said Mr. Gladstone. “Well, who is your man?” “What do you say,” he answered, “to Sir George Murray? Wellington put him into his cabinet (1828); he had been with him in the Peninsula.” On returning to London, I found that Murray had been five years in parliament, and having written to tell Mr. Gladstone so, the next day I received a summary postcard—“Then try Lord Henry Petty.” Here, as far as I make out, he was right.

“It is very unusual, I think,” Mr. Gladstone wrote to the prime minister (Jan. 6, 1866) “to put men into the cabinet without a previous official training. Lord Derby could not help himself. Peel put Knatchbull, but that was on political grounds that seemed broad, but proved narrow enough. Argyll was put there in '52-3, but there is not the same opportunity for previous training in the case of peers.”

109.
Life of Cobden, ii. p. 232.
110.
Life of Sir Charles Murray, p. 300.
111.
To Sir W. Farquhar, April 4, 1864.
112.
Life of Wilberforce, ii. pp. 136-46; Life of Shaftesbury, ii. p. 404.
113.
Pattison's Tendencies of Religious Thought in England, 1688-1750. Reprinted in his Essays, vol. ii.
114.
See the lines from Euripides at the head of the chapter.
115.
In a series of articles published in Good Words in January, February, March 1868, and reprinted, in volume form the same year. Reprinted again in Gleanings, vol. iii.
116.
Gleanings, iii. p. 41.
117.
Purgatorio, xxvii. 126-42.
118.
A concise account of this transaction is in Lord Selborne's Memorials Family and Personal, ii. pp. 481-7. See also Anson's Law and Custom of the Constitution, ii. p. 407.
119.
“The Courses of Religious Thought” in Gleanings, iii. p. 115.
120.
Life of Bishop Wilberforce, ii. p. 286.
121.
Life of Bishop Wilberforce, ii. p. 412.
122.
Ibid., iii. pp. 92, 101.
123.
Life of Lord Shaftesbury, iii. pp. 171, 188.
124.
Ibid., iii. pp. 201-2.
125.
Edinburgh, Review, April 1857, p. 567.
126.
Mr. M. Townsend in the Spectator.
127.
Spectator, October 29, 1864.
128.
Life of Dean Church, pp. 179, 188.
129.
Life of Jowett, i. 406.
130.
Liverpool, July 18, 1865.
131.
Norwich, May 16, 1890.
132.
“Quid igitur? quando ages negotium publicum? quando amicorum? quando tuum? quando denique nihil ages? Tum illud addidi, mihi enim liber esse non videtur qui non aliquando nihil agit.”—Cic., Orat. ii. 42.
133.
Martin's Prince Consort, ii. p. 245 n.
134.
1: Lord Ronald Gower, Reminiscences, pp. 114-5.
135.
See Morison's Life of St. Bernard (Ed. 1868), ii. ch. v.
136.
A French actor who pleased the town in those days.
137.

Edmund John Armstrong (1841-65). Republished in 1877. Sir Henry Taylor, Edinburgh Review, July 1878, says of this poet: “Of all the arts Poetic, that which was least understood between the Elizabethan age and the second quarter of this century was the art of writing blank verse.

“Armstrong's blank verse [The Prisoner of Mount Saint Michael] not otherwise than good in its ordinary fabric, affords by its occasional excellence a strong presumption that, had he lived, he would have attained to a consummate mastery of it.”

138.
Panizzi recovered and lived for eleven years. See Life, ii. p. 299.
139.
Grey Papers, Oct. 22, 1865.
140.
See vol. i. p. 625.
141.
Hans., Mar. 23, 1866, p. 873.
142.
Lord Robert Cecil had on the death of his elder brother in 1865 become Lord Cranborne.
143.
Above, i. p. 613.
144.
Aen. iv. 373: “The exile on my shore I sheltered and, fool as I was, shared with him my realm.”
145.
Prussia had declared war on Austria, June 18.
146.
Mr. Gladstone had sat on the front opposition bench from 1847 to the defeat of the Russell government in Feb. 1852. See footnote vol. i. p. 631.
147.
Charles Francis Adams. By his Son, p. 368.
148.
Son of Oliver Wendell Holmes, afterwards chief justice of Massachusetts, and in 1902 appointed a judge of the United States Supreme Court.
149.
Purcell, ii. p. 398.
150.
Oct. 22.—Saw the pope. Oct. 28.—We went at 3 (reluctantly) to the pope. Lady Augusta Stanley accompanied us. We had a conversation in French, rather miscellaneous. He was gracious as usual. N.B. his reference to the papal coinages.—(Diary)
151.
Mr. Gladstone was elected by 27 votes out of 29, two being cast for J. S. Mill. The minister of instruction wrote: “Veuillez croire, monsieur, qu'il n'est pas de décret que j'aie contresigné avec plus de bonheur que celui qui rattache à notre Institut de France un homme dont le savoir littéraire, l'habileté politique, et l'éloquence sont l'orgueil de l'Angleterre.”
152.
This proposal was in effect to abolish compounding in the limits of parliamentary boroughs. Carried May 27.
153.
The electorate was enlarged from 1,352,970 in 1867 to 2,243,259 in 1870.
154.
Sir Charles Wood had been created Viscount Halifax on his resignation of the India Office in 1866.
155.
Grant Duff, Elgin Speeches, p. 101.
156.
Spectator, April 20.
157.
Memories, etc., of Miss Caroline Fox, p. 339 (March 5, 1867).
158.
Life of Wilberforce, iii. p. 227.
159.
March 18.
160.
“Gladstone,” says Lord Selborne, “would have been ready to oppose Disraeli's bill as a whole, if he could have overcome the reluctance of his followers. But when a meeting was called to take counsel on the situation, it became apparent that this could not be done” (Memorials, Part ii. i. pp. 68-9).
161.
Halifax Papers.
162.
See above, p. 126.
163.
Gleanings, vii. p. 135.
164.
Hansard, May 31, 1869.
165.
At Greenwich, Dec. 21, 1868.
166.
He had also in his own mind the question of the acquisition of the Irish railways by the state, and the whole question of the position of the royal family in regard to Ireland. On the first of these two heads he was able to man a good commission, with the Duke of Devonshire at its head, and Lord Derby as his coadjutor. “But this commission,” he says, “did not venture to face any considerable change, and as they would not move, I, who might be held in a manner to have appealed to them, could do nothing.”
167.
Mr. Gladstone's letter to Lord Russell is given in Walpole's Russell, ii. 446.
168.

Till like a clock worn out with eating time,
The wheels of weary life at last stood still.—Dryden's Œdipus.

169.
Lord R. Gower, Reminiscences, p. 202.
170.
Gleanings, vii.
171.
In Lancashire (Nov. 24) the numbers were—Cross, 7729; Turner, 7676; Gladstone, 7415; Grenfell, 6939. At Greenwich (Nov. 17)—Salomons, 6645; Gladstone, 6351; Parker, 4661; Mahon, 4342.
172.
England and Wales, Liberal, 1,231,450, Conservative, 824,056, Liberal Majority, 407,393. Scotland, Liberal, 123,410, Conservative, 23,391, Liberal Majority 100,019. Ireland, Liberal, 53,379, Conservative, 38,083, Liberal Majority, 17,297.
173.
National Review, June 1898.
174.
The reader will find the list of its members, now and at later periods of its existence, in the Appendix.
175.
No: Archbishop Trench and Lord Carnarvon. See Selborne, Memorials, i. pp. 114-6.
176.
See Life of Tait, ii. pp. 8-14.
177.
The Irish Church bill is the greatest monument of genius that I have yet known from Gladstone; even his marvellous budgets are not so marvellous.—Dr. Temple to Acland, March 12, 1869.
178.
368 against 250.
179.
Life of Tait, ii. pp. 18-19. How little he was himself the dupe of these illusions was shown by the next sentence, “What is of importance now is the course to be pursued by the House of Lords.” Bishop Magee met Disraeli on Jan. 28, '69. “Dizzy said very little,” he wrote to a friend, “and that merely as a politician, on the possibilities in the House of Lords. He regards it as a lost game in the Commons.”—Life of Archbishop Magee, i. p. 214.
180.
See Daily News, April 26, 1869.
181.
The memorandum is dated Aug. 14, 1869.
182.

1. The Lords' amendment as to curates to be adopted, £380,000. 2. The Ulster glebes, 465,000. 3. The glebe houses to be free, 150,000. Total £995,000.

Or the Bishop of Peterborough's amendment as to the tax upon livings in lieu of No. 3, would carry a heavier charge by 124,000. Total £1,119,000.

183.
The version in society was that “Gladstone wanted to throw up the bill after the debate of last Tuesday, when the words of the preamble were re-inserted, but he was outvoted in his cabinet; and it is said that Lord Granville told him that if he gave up the bill he must find somebody else to lead the Lords.”—(July 22, 1869), Memoirs of an Ex-Minister, ii. p. 409.
184.
They were somewhat but not very greatly improved. The Ulster glebes, however, were gone. He now demanded: 1. The acceptance of the amendment respecting curates = £380,000; 2. Five per cent, to be added to the seven per cent, on commutations = £300,000; 3. The glebe houses to be given to the church at ten years' purchase of the sites, a slight modification of Lord Salisbury's amendment = £140,000. From this it appeared that even in the mid hours of this final day Lord Cairns asked above £800,000.
185.
Life of Archbishop Tait, ii. p. 45.
186.
When the present writer once referred to the Principle of the Act of 1860 as being that the hiring of land is just as much founded on trade principles as the chartering of a ship or the hiring of a street cab, loud approbation came from the tory benches. So deep was parliamentary ignorance of Ireland even in 1887, after the Acts of 1870 and 1881.—Hans. 314, p. 295.
187.
Spectator.
188.
Lecky, Democracy and Liberty, i. p. 165.
189.
Article on Mr. Forster, Nineteenth Century, September 1888.
190.
“In 1843 the government of Sir R. Peel, with a majority of 90, introduced an Education bill, rather large, and meant to provide for the factory districts. The nonconformists at large took up arms against it, and after full consideration in the cabinet (one of my first acts in cabinet), they withdrew it rather than stir up the religious flame.”—Mr. Gladstone to Herbert Gladstone, May 7, 1896.
191.
In 1869 about 1,300,000 children were being educated in state-aided schools, 1,000,000 in schools that received no grant, were not inspected, and were altogether inefficient, and 2,000,000 ought to have been, but were not at school at all. The main burden of national education fell on the shoulders of 200,000 persons whose voluntary subscriptions supported the schools. “In other words, the efforts of a handful out of the whole nation had accomplished the fairly efficient education of about one-third of the children, and had provided schools for about one-half; but the rest either went to inefficient schools, or to no school at all, and for them there was no room even had the power to compel their attendance existed.”—See Sir Henry Craik's The State in its Relation to Education, pp. 84, 85.
192.
Life of Dale, p. 295.
193.
Life of Forster, i. p. 497.
194.
For the rest of the letter see Appendix.
195.
See Appendix.
196.
In 1874 the conservative government brought in a bill restoring to the church of England numerous schools in cases where the founder had recognised the authority of a bishop, or had directed attendance in the service of that church, or had required that the masters should be in holy orders. Mr. Gladstone protested against the bill as “inequitable, unusual, and unwise,” and it was largely modified in committee.
197.
See vol. i., book iv., chap. iv. By the act of 1854 a student could proceed to the bachelor's degree without the test of subscribing to the Thirty-nine Articles. Cambridge was a shade more liberal. At both universities dissenters were shut out from college fellowships, unless willing to make a declaration of conformity.
198.
Speech on Mr. Dodson's bill, March 16, 1864.
199.
Vol. i. p. 509.
200.
July 28, 1870.
201.
Reminiscences of the King of Roumania. Edited from the original by Sydney Whitman. 1899. P. 92.
202.
King William wrote to Bismarck (Feb. 20, 1870) that the news of the Hohenzollern candidature had come upon him like a thunderbolt, and that they must confer about it. Kaiser Wilhelm I. und Bismarck, i. p. 207.
203.
The story of a ministerial council at Berlin on March 15, at which the question was discussed between the king, his ministers, and the Hohenzollern princes, with the result that all decided for acceptance, is denied by Bismarck.—Recollections, ii. p. 89.
204.
Hansard, July 11, 1870.
205.
The despatch is dated July 6 in the blue-book (C. 167, p. 3), but it was not sent that day, as the date of Mr. Gladstone's letter shows. No cabinet seems to have been held before July 9. The despatch was laid before the cabinet, and was sent to Berlin by special messenger that evening. The only other cabinet meeting during this critical period was on July 14.
206.
Gleanings, iv. p. 222. Modern French historians do not differ from Mr. Gladstone.
207.
The Rothschild telegram was: The Prince has given up his candidature. The French are satisfied.
208.
No. 39. Correspondence respecting the negotiations preliminary to the war between France and Prussia, 1870.
209.
The Diplomatic Reminiscences of Lord Augustus Loftus. Second series, i. p. 283.
210.
Busch, i. p. 312.
211.
Bismarck: His Reflections and Reminiscences, 1898, ii. pp. 95-101. As I have it before me, the reader will perhaps care to see the telegram as Bismarck received it, drawn up by Abeken at the King's command, handed in at Ems, July 13, in the afternoon, and reaching Berlin at six in the evening: “His Majesty writes to me: ‘Count Benedetti spoke to me on the promenade, in order to demand from me, finally in a very importunate manner, that I should authorise him to telegraph at once that I bound myself for all future time never again to give my consent if the Hohenzollerns should renew their candidature. I refused at last somewhat sternly, as it is neither right nor possible to undertake engagements of this kind à tout jamais. Naturally I told him I had as yet received no news, and as he was earlier informed about Paris and Madrid he could clearly see that my government once more had no hand in the matter.’ His Majesty has since received a letter from the Prince. His Majesty having told Count Benedetti that he was awaiting news from the Prince, has decided, with reference to the above demand, upon the representation of Count Eulenburg and myself, not to receive Count Benedetti again, but only to let him be informed through an aide-de-camp: That his Majesty has now received from the Prince confirmation of the news which Benedetti had already received from Paris, and had nothing further to say to the ambassador. His Majesty leaves it to your excellency whether Benedetti's fresh demand and its rejection should not be at once communicated both to our ambassadors and to the press.” (ii. p. 96.)
212.
See Sorel, Hist. diplomatique de la guerre franco-allemande (1875), i. pp. 169-71.
213.
In the Reichstag, on July 20, Bismarck reproached the French ministers for not yielding to the pressure of the members of the opposition like Thiers and Gambetta, and producing the document, which would have overthrown the base on which the declaration of war was founded. Yet he had prepared this document for the very purpose of tempting France into a declaration of war.
214.
Grant Duff's Diaries, ii. p. 153. The technical declaration of war by France was made at Berlin on July 19.
215.
Life, ii. p. 78.
216.
“II fallait donner à l'Europe le temps d'intervenir, ce qui n'empêchait pas que vos armements continuassent, et il ne fallait pas se hâter, de venir ici dans le moment où la susceptibilité française devait être la plus exigeante, des faits qui devaient causer une irritation dangereuse.... Ce n'est pas pour l'intérêt essentiel de la France, c'est par la faute du cabinet que nous avons la guerre.”—Thiers, in the Chamber, July 15, 1870. For this line of contention he was called an “unpatriotic trumpet of disaster,” and other names commonly bestowed on all men in all countries who venture to say that what chances for the hour to be a popular war is a blunder.
217.
Gleanings, iv. p. 222.
218.
Gleanings, iv. p. 197.
219.
To be found in Gleanings, iv. In republishing it, Mr. Gladstone says, “This article is the only one ever written by me, which was meant for the time to be in substance, as well as in form, anonymous.” That was in 1878. Three years later he contributed an anonymous article, “The Conservative Collapse,” to the Fortnightly Review (May 1880).
220.
House of Lords, Feb. 14, 1871.
221.
The stipulations “were politically absurd, and therefore in the long run impossible.” “The most inept conclusions of the peace of Paris.”—Bismarck, Reflections, ii. p. 114.
222.
Hansard, May 6, 1856. See also May 24, 1855, and Aug. 3, 1855.
223.
Bismarck, in his Reflections, takes credit to himself for having come to an understanding with Russia on this question at the outbreak of the Franco-German war.
224.
“The whole pith of the despatch was yours.”—Granville to Mr. Gladstone, Nov. 18, 1870.
225.
Bismarck's private opinion was this: “Gortchakoff is not carrying on in this matter a real Russian policy (that is, one in the true interests of Russia), but rather a policy of violent aggression. People still believe that Russian diplomats are particularly crafty and clever, full of artifices and stratagems, but that is not the case. If the people at St. Petersburg were clever they would not make any declaration of the kind but would quietly build men-of-war in the Black Sea and wait until they were questioned on the subject. Then they might reply they knew nothing about it, but would make inquiries and so let the matter drag on. That might continue for a long time, and finally people would get accustomed to it.”—Busch, Bismarck: Some Secret Pages of his History, i. pp. 312-13.
226.
Correspondence respecting the treaty of March 30, 1856, No. 76, pp. 44, 45, c. 245.
227.
The tripartite treaty of England, France, Austria, of April 15, 1856.
228.
Russell to Lord Granville, c. 245, No. 78, p. 46.
229.
Sorel's Guerre Franco-Allemande, ii. chap. 4.
230.
That this failure to take advantage of the conference was an error on the part of France is admitted by modern French historians. Hanotaux, France Contemporaine, i. p. 108; Sorel, ii. pp. 216-7. Lord Granville had himself pointed out how a discussion upon the terms of peace might have been raised.
231.
Lord Stanley on the Luxemburg Guarantee, June 14, 1867.—The guarantee now given is collective only. That is an important distinction. It means this, that in the event of a violation of neutrality, all the powers who have signed the treaty may be called upon for their collective action. No one of those powers is liable to be called upon to act singly or separately. It is a case so to speak of “limited liability.” We are bound in honour—you cannot put a legal construction upon it—to see in concert with others that these arrangements are maintained. But if the other powers join with us, it is certain that there will be no violation of neutrality. If they, situated exactly as we are, decline to join, we are not bound single-handed to make up the deficiencies of the rest.
232.
The number of men was reduced from 49,000 in 1868 to 20,941 in 1870; at the same time the military expenditure on the colonies was reduced from £3,388,023 to £1,905,538.
233.
Reign of Queen Victoria, edited by T. H. Ward (1887), i. p. 211.
234.
Hansard, Feb. 21 and March 23, 1871.
235.
At the end of the volume, the reader will find some interesting remarks by Mr. Gladstone on these points. See Appendix.
236.
Memorials, Personal and Political, vol. i. pp. 193, 194.
237.
E. A. Freeman, in Pall Mall Gazette, February 12, 1874.
238.
Representative Government, chap. x.
239.
The reader may remember his stripling letters—vol. i. p. 99.
240.
In the House of Lords only 48 peers voted for the bill against 97. Many of the whigs abstained.
241.
The first parliamentary election by ballot in England was the return of Mr. Childers at Pontefract (Aug. 15, 1872) on his acceptance of the duchy.
242.
Life of Grote, pp. 312, 313.
243.
See Appendix.
244.
Writing to Mr. Lowe on his budget proposals, Mr. Gladstone Says (April 11, 1871): “The lucifer matches I hope and think you would carry, but I have little information, and that old. I advise that on this Glyn be consulted as to the feeling in the House of Commons. I am sceptical as to the ultimate revenue of one million.”
245.
See The Match Tax: a Problem in Finance. By W. Stanley Jevons (London: Stanford, 1871). A searching defence of the impost.
246.
See a speech in the House of Commons by Mr. Childers, April 24, 1873.
247.
The estimates of 1874-5 were practically the estimates of the Gladstone government, showing a revenue of £77,995,000, or a surplus of £5,492,000. See Lord Welby's letter to Mr. Lowe in Life of Lord Sherbrooke, ii. pp. 383, 384.
248.
Economist, Feb. 8, 1873.
249.
Life of Tennyson, ii. p. 108.
250.
Mr. Bright had retired from the cabinet on account of ill health in December 1870.
251.
34 and 35 Vict. c. 91, sect. 1.
252.
Selborne's Memorials, i. p. 200.
253.
Brand Papers.
254.
House of Commons, June 15, 1880.
255.
Walpole's Russell, ii. p. 373 n.
256.
See Rhodes, iv. pp. 377-86.
257.
Walpole's Russell, ii. p. 370.
258.
Sir William Harcourt called the Act “the best and most complete law for the enforcement of neutrality in any country.” See Hansard, Aug. 1, 3, 4, 1870.
259.
Life of Childers, i. p. 173.
260.
A Historical Account of the Neutrality of Great Britain during the American Civil War. 1870.
261.
Franklin, in the negotiations on the recognition of the independence of the American colonies in 1782, had made the same suggestion of the cession of Canada by way of reparation and indemnification to the colonists for losses suffered by them in their rebellion, and Lord Shelburne was as deaf in 1782 as Lord de Grey in 1871. At an inaugural dinner of what was then called the Colonial Society (March 10, 1869), Mr. Johnson, then American minister, made some semi-facetious remarks about colonies finding themselves transferred from the union jack to the stars and stripes. Lord Granville said he was rather afraid that the minister of the great republic, who had spoken with such singular eloquence, would feel it was a little want of sense on his part, that made him unprepared at that moment to open negotiations for the cession of British Canada. Mr. Gladstone, who was present, referred to the days when he had been at the colonial office, when in every British colony there was a party, called “the British party,” which, he rejoiced to think, had since become totally extinct.
262.
Selborne, Personal and Political Memorials, i. p. 214.
263.
International Law, p. 240. On the doubtful value of the rules, see Lawrence's Principles of International Law (1895), pp. 553-4.
264.
Boyd, third Eng. edition of Wheaton (1889), p. 593.
265.
Lord de Grey had been created Marquis of Ripon after the signature of the treaty of Washington.
266.
See Moore, History and Digest of International Arbitration to which the United States have been a Party. Washington, 1898, i. pp. 629-37.
267.
Mr. Bruce writes home from the cabinet room: “June 5, 1872: You must read the House of Lords debate on the Alabama treaty. It was a most mischievous move of Lord Russell, as the discussion must weaken our last chance—not a bad one—of settling differences. The debate was adjourned. But there is no doubt that a vote will be carried which, if it were in the House of Commons, would lead to resignation. We cannot of course treat the vote of the Lords, where we are always in a minority, as of the same quality. But it will be misunderstood in America. We are now in the cabinet discussing the next steps.” The motion was withdrawn.
268.
Charles Francis Adams. By his Son. Boston, 1900, pp. 394-7.
269.
Sir James Stansfeld, Review of Reviews, xi. p. 519.
270.
Pall Mall Gazette, Dec. 14, 1883.
271.
M. C. M. Simpson's Many Memories, pp. 232-3.
272.
Quoted in Sir E.W. Hamilton's Monograph, p. 324.
273.
May 6, 10, 1873. Life of Wilberforce, iii. p. 413.
274.
Gleanings, i. pp. 232-3.
275.
July 25, 1889.
276.
See the remarkable article in the Quarterly Review, April, 1901, p. 320.
277.
Pall Mall Gazette, Sept. 29, 1871.
278.
See Appendix.
279.
Quarterly Review for April, 1901, p. 305.
280.
This circumstance is accurately told, among other places, in Mr. Sidney Lee's Queen Victoria.
281.
During the twelve years in which he held the office of prime minister, he was answerable for sixty-seven new peerages (twenty-two of these now extinct), and on his recommendation fourteen Scotch and Irish peers were called to the House of Lords. In addition, he was responsible for seven promotions of peers to higher rank. During the same period ninety-seven baronetcies were created.—See Sir Edward Hamilton, Mr. Gladstone, a Monograph, p. 97.
282.
Life of Grote, pp. 306-10.
283.
The promotion of Dr. Temple to the bench.
284.
Stephen's Life of Fawcett, p. 282.
285.
The adverse majority was made up of 209 English, 68 Irish, and 10 Scotch members. The minority contained 222 English, 47 Scotch, and 15 Irish members. The absentees numbered 75, of whom 53 were English, 3 Scotch, and 19 Irish. There voted with the opposition 43 liberals—eight English and Scotch, including Mr. Bouverie, Mr. Fawcett, Mr. Horsman, Sir Robert Peel, and 35 Irish, of whom 25 were catholics and 10 protestants.
286.
Life of W. E. Forster, i. p. 550.
287.
March 13.—Cabinet again at twelve. Decided to resign ... Gladstone made quite a touching little speech. He began playfully. This was the last of some 150 cabinets or so, and he wished to say to his colleagues with what “profound gratitude”—and here he completely broke down, and he could say nothing, except that he could not enter on the details. ... Tears came to my eyes, and we were all touched.—Life of W. E. Forster, i. pp. 550, 551.
288.

Carm. iii. 5, 27. In Mr. Gladstone's own translation, The Odes of Horace (p. 84):—

... Can wool repair
The colours that it lost when soaked with dye?
Ah, no. True merit once resigned,
No trick nor feint will serve as well.

A rendering less apt for this occasion finds favour with some scholars, that true virtue can never be restored to those who have once fallen away from it.

289.
He said he had once made a computation of what property the church would acquire if disestablished on the Irish terms, and he made out that “between life incomes, private endowments, and the value of fabrics and advowsons, something like ninety millions would have to be given in the process of disestablishment to the ministers, members, and patrons of the church of England. That is a very staggering kind of arrangement to make in supplying the young lady with a fortune and turning her out to begin the world.”—Hans., May 16, 1873.
290.
The house of Mr. Frederick Leveson Gower where for many years Mr. Gladstone constantly enjoyed a hospitality in which he delighted.
291.
Life of Hope-Scott, ii. p. 284.
292.
Rising as soon as Mr. Ayrton sat down he said that his colleague had not accurately stated the law of ministerial responsibility. He then himself laid down its true conditions under the circumstances, with the precision usual to him in such affairs. This was one of the latest performances of the great parliament of 1868.—July 30, Hans, 217, p. 1265.
293.
The following changes were made in the cabinet: Lord Ripon (president of the council), and Mr. Childers (chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster) retired. Mr. Bright succeeded Mr. Childers, Mr. Bruce (home secretary, created Lord Aberdare) Lord Ripon. Mr. Lowe became home secretary, and Mr. Gladstone chancellor of the exchequer in union with the office of first lord. The minor changes were numerous. Mr. Monsell was succeeded at the post office by Dr. Lyon Playfair; Mr. Ayrton was made judge advocate-general, and Mr. Adam took his place as commissioner of public works; Mr. Baxter retired from the treasury, Mr. Dodson becoming financial, and Mr. A. Peel parliamentary secretaries to the treasury; Lord F. Cavendish and Mr. A. Greville were appointed lords of the treasury. On Sir John Coleridge being appointed lord chief justice, and Sir George Jessel master of the rolls, they were succeeded by Mr. Henry James as attorney-general and Mr. Vernon Harcourt as solicitor-general. “We have effectually extracted the brains from below the gangway,” Lord Aberdare wrote, Nov. 19, 1873, “Playfair, Harcourt, James, and Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice, who is Lowe's private secretary, being gone, will leave Fawcett all alone, for Trevelyan does not share his ill-will towards the government.”
294.
30 and 31 Vict., cap. 102, sec. 52, and schedule H.
295.
Sir Spencer Walpole thinks that Perceval's case (Life of Perceval, ii. P. 55) covered Mr. Gladstone. In its constitutional aspect this is true, but the Act of 1867 introduced technical difficulties that made a new element.
296.
Yet Lord Selborne says that Coleridge 'must have been misunderstood'!—Memorials, i. pp. 328-9.
297.
21 and 22 Vict., c. 110 (1858).
298.
Mr. Childers (Life, i. p. 220) writing after the election in 1874, says, “It is clear to me that he would not have dissolved but for the question about the double office.” In the sentence before he says, “Some day perhaps Gladstone will recognise his mistake in August.” This mistake, it appears, was going to the exchequer himself, instead of placing Mr. Childers there (p. 219). I am sure that this able and excellent man thought what he said about “the question of the double office,” but his surmise was not quite impartial. Nor was he at the time a member of the cabinet.
299.
Memoir of Hope-Scott ii. p. 284.
300.
To Lord Grey de Wilton, Oct. 3, 1873.
301.

In 1871-73 the tories gained twenty-three seats against only one gained by the liberals; in the first three years of the government nine seats had been lost and nine gained.

“Individuals may recover from even serious sickness; it does not appear to be the way with governments.”—Mr. Gladstone, Nineteenth Century, Sept. 1887.

302.
Dec. 2, 1873.
303.
The conservatives had gained a seat at Stroud on Jan. 6, and greatly reduced the liberal majority at Newcastle-on-Tyne.
304.
“The continual loss of elections,” Lord Aberdare wrote to his wife, “and the expediency of avoiding being further weakened in detail, have determined us to take at once the opinion of the country, and to stand or fall by it. I am rejoiced at this resolution.”—Aberdare Papers, Jan. 23, 1874.
305.
It was an extraordinary feat for a Statesman of sixty-five who had quite recently been confined to his bed with bronchitis. The day was damp and drizzly; numbers, which are variously estimated from six to seven thousand, had to be as far as possible brought within the range of his voice, and his only platform was a cart with some sort of covering, in the front of which he had to stand bareheaded.—Spectator, Jan. 31, 1874.
306.
Mr. Gladstone on Electoral Pacts, Nineteenth Century, November 1878.
307.
February 17, 1874.—“I was with the Queen to-day at Windsor for three-quarters of an hour, and nothing could be more frank, natural, and kind, than her manner throughout. In conversation at the audience, I of course followed the line on which we agreed last night. She assented freely to all the honours I had proposed. There was therefore no impediment whatever to the immediate and plenary execution of my commission from the cabinet; and I at once tendered our resignations, which I understand to have been graciously accepted. She left me, I have no doubt, to set about making other arrangements.”
308.
March 19, 1874.
309.
Aberdare Papers.
310.
See vol. i. p. 337.
311.
Blachford's Letters, p. 362.
312.
Herod. vii. 157.
313.
Congregationalist, Feb. 1875, p. 66.
314.
See Cecconi's Storia del Conc. Vat. i. p. 3. For Mr. Gladstone's earlier views on the temporal power, see above, vol. i. p. 403.
315.
See Purcell, ii. chap. 16.
316.
“Outside the Roman state, I am amazed at the Italian government giving over into the hands of the pope not only the nomination to the bishoprics as spiritual offices, but a nomination which is to carry with it the temporalities of the sees. They ought to know their own business best; but to me it seems that this is liberality carried into folly; and I know that some Italians think so.”—To Lord Granville, Dec. 21, 1870.
317.
Conversations of Döllinger, by Louise von Köbell, p. 100.
318.
Mr. Gladstone in Speaker, Jan, 18, 1890.
319.
Gleanings, vi. pp. 107-191. There the reader will also find (p. 141) the six resolutions deemed by him to furnish a safer and wiser basis of legislation than the Public Worship Regulation Act.
320.
The Vatican Decrees in their bearing on Civil Allegiance: a Political Expostulation.
321.
Republishing his article on ritualism in 1878 (Gleanings, vi. p. 127) Mr. Gladstone appends in a footnote on the passage that stated the anti-vatican campaign, an expression of belief and hope that “some at least who have joined the Latin church since the great change effected by the Vatican council, would upon occasion given, whether with logical warrant or not, adhere under all circumstances to their civil loyalty and duty.”
322.
He died in 1821, when Mr. Gladstone was a boy at Eton.
323.
Dr. Michael's Ignaz von Döllinger, p. 296.
324.
For a detailed description of this collection, see Times, June 21, 26, 1875. His London house for the next five years was 73 Harley Street.
325.
Guardian, May 22, 1872.
326.
In the preface to his fourth edition Strauss said, “My countrymen might learn from the foreigner how the earnest conscientious statesman recognises a similar quality in an author whose influence he nevertheless considers to be dangerous. They might learn how the true gentleman speaks of one whom he cannot but admit to have devoted a long life to the search of truth, and allow to have sacrificed every personal prospect to the promulgation of that which appeared to him as such.”
327.
Olymp. i. 53.
328.
George Meredith.
329.
Barrow's Works, iv. p. 107 (ed. 1830).
330.
See Southey's Life, vi. p. 327.
331.

εὐδαίμων μὲν ὅς ὲκ θαλάσσας ἔφυγε χεῖμα, λιμέυα δ᾽ἔκιχεν; εὐδαίμων δ᾽ὅς ὕπερθε μόχθων ἐγένεθ.

Happy the man who from out the floods has fled the storm and found the haven; happy too is he who has surmounted toil and trouble.—Bacchae, 902-5.

332.
Pyth. iv. 485; Life of Tennyson, ii. pp. 332, 308. Mr. Gladstone's share in the pensions to Wordsworth and Tennyson is described in Mr. Parker's Peel, iii. pp. 437-442.
333.
The glorious lines of the Lycian chief in Iliad, xii. 322-8, valiantly repeated, by the way, by Carteret, as he lay dying, and the very essence and spirit of the minister to whom Mr. Watts was writing.
334.
Mr. Gladstone to Mr. W. L. Courtney, Sept. 5, 1888.
335.
See above, vol. i. p. 143.
336.
Referred to by Mr. Gladstone in the House of Commons, Nov. 19, 1867.
337.
The Prelude, vii.
338.
Vol. i. pp. 476 and 521.
339.
Mr. Stead, then at the Northern Echo in Darlington, began his redoubtable journalistic career in pressing this question into life.
340.
The Bulgarian Horrors, and the Question of the East.
341.
The story of the heroic death of Colonel Kiréeff, her brother, was vividly told by Kinglake in the introduction to the cabinet edition of his Invasion of the Crimea. This episode is supposed by some to have helped to intensify Mr. Gladstone's feeling on the issues of the eastern war.
342.
Lessons in Massacre.
343.
Church, Life, p. 252.
344.
Letters of J. R. Green, pp. 446-7.
345.
Spectator.
346.
Mr. Balfour, House of Commons, May 20, 1898.
347.
At this interview Mr. Chamberlain was present. He had asked Mr. Gladstone what he would like to do or see in Birmingham. Mr. Gladstone said he thought he should like to call upon Dr. Newman. The wonderful pair were nervous and constrained, and each seemed a little relieved when, after twenty minutes of commonplace conversation, they rose to part.
348.
Speeches of the Fifteenth Earl of Derby, i. p. 297.
349.
Pall Mall Gazette, Feb. 26, 1898.
350.
Lord Carnarvon resigned in January, 1878, when the fleet was ordered to the Dardanelles, and Lord Derby in March on the calling out of the reserves.
351.
Russia demanded from Turkey the Dobrudscha in order to cede it to Roumania in exchange for the Roumanian province of Bessarabia.
352.
As it happened, the severance of northern from southern Bulgaria only lasted seven years.
353.
Mr. Gladstone made an important speech on the treaty-making power on June 13, 1878.
354.
At Knightsbridge, July 27, 1878.
355.
See Gleanings, ii. p. 213.
356.
Ibid. ii. pp. 146-7.
357.
Spectator, February 8, 1879.
358.
Saturday Review, November 29, 1879.
359.
Much Ado, Act i. Sc. i.
360.
Faguet.
361.
Lord Selborne (Memorials, i. 471) says that Lord Granville reported to him (Dec. 21), that Lord Hartington at this meeting wished to insist upon Mr. Gladstone resuming the lead, but that the rest were, for the present at all events, against any such step. Lord Granville's own view was that the question, like many other questions, would have to be solved ambulando.
362.
Speech at West Calder, April 1, 1880.
363.
The other candidates stood:—Barran (L.), 23,674; Jackson (C), 13,331; Wheelhouse (C), 11,965. As the constituency was three-cornered, Gladstone, Barran, and Jackson were elected.
364.
Letter to electors of Leeds, April 7, 1880.
365.
The iron railing of this balcony is now a sacred relic in the hands of a faithful follower.
366.
Published anonymously in the Fortnightly Review, May 1880.
367.
See, for instance, Pall Mall Gazette, April 2 and 22, then conducted by Mr. Greenwood, the most vigorous and relentless of Mr. Gladstone's critics.
368.
November 25, 1879.
369.
The Plimsoll matter was a movement to give Mr. Gladstone a public reception on his arrival in London. Mr. Gladstone declined the reception as inconsistent with his intention, expressed at Edinburgh, to avoid all demonstration, and also because it would be regarded as an attempt made for the first time to establish a practice of public rejoicing in the metropolis over the catastrophe of an administration and a political party, and would wound feelings which ought to be respected as well as spared.
370.
See an interesting letter from Viscount Esher, Times, Feb. 22, 1892.
371.
“Without their full acquiescence—and indeed their earnest pressure—he could not even now take a step which would seem to slight claims which he has amply and generously acknowledged.... If either now or a few days later he accepts the task of forming and the duty of presiding over a liberal administration, it will be because Lord Granville and Lord Hartington, with characteristic patriotism, have themselves been among the first to feel and the most eager to urge Mr. Gladstone's return to the post to which he has been summoned.”—Daily News, April 22.
372.
Up to this point the memorandum is on Windsor notepaper, and must have been written between the end of the audience and the time for the train—a very characteristic instance of his alacrity.
373.
The reader will find the list of the members of the cabinet, now and at later periods of its existence, in the Appendix.