Footnotes

1.
II. 11.
2.
Herod. I. 65. Concerning the expression κόσμος, with regard to the constitution of Sparta, see also Clearchus ap. Athen. XV. p. 681 C.
3.
Pausan. III. 16. 5. See above, vol. I. p. 69, note g.
4.
That is, of the Pythagorean philosophy. See below, ch. 9. § 16.
5.
Thucyd. II. 11. cf. I. 70. 71. Athen. XIV. p. 624 C. &c.
6.
Plat. Protag. p. 342 C. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 14, 4. Plutarch. Inst. Lac. p. 252. and particularly Isocrat. Busir. p. 225 A. The Spartans were ἐνδημότατοι, according to Thucyd. I. 70. See below, ch. 11. § 7.
7.
From Thucyd. I. 144. compared with Plutarch's Life of Agis, it may be seen that the ξενηλασία was only practised against tribes of different usages, particularly Athenians and Ionians. See Valer. Max. II. 6. ext. 1. Yet at the Gymnopædia (Plut. Ages. 29. cf. Cimon. 10. Xenoph. Mem. Socrat. I. 2. 61.) and other festivals, Sparta was full of foreigners, Cragius de Rep. Lac. III. p. 213. Poets, such as Thaletas, Terpander, Nymphæus of Cydonia, Theognis (who celebrates his hospitable reception in the ἀγλαὸν ἄστυ, v. 785.); philosophers, such as Pherecydes and Anaximander and Anacharsis the Scythian, were willingly admitted; other classes of persons were excluded. Thus there were regulations concerning persons, and the time of admitting foreigners: and hence the earlier writers, such as Thucydides, Xenophon, and Aristotle, always speak of ξενηλασίαι in the plural number. (Compare Plut. Inst. Lac. 20.) See also Plut. Lyc. 27. who refers to Thuc. II. 24. Aristoph. Av. 1013. and the Scholiast (from Theopompus), and Schol. Pac. 622. Suid. in διειρωνόξενοι and ξενηλατεῖν, who, as usual, has copied from the Scholiast to Aristophanes, that the Xenelasia was introduced ποτὲ ΣΠΟΔΙΑΣ γενομένης, for which we should clearly write ΣΙΤΟΔΕΙΑΣ. Theophil. Instit. I. tit. 2. Comp. de la Nauze Mem. de l'Acad. des Inscript. tom. XII. p. 159. It may be added that the numerous ξενίαι and προξενίαι, the hospitable connexions of states and individuals, served to alleviate the harshness of the institution. Thus the Lacedæmonians were connected with the Pisistratidæ (vol. I. p. 188, note c), and with the family of Callias (Xen. Symp. 8. 39); Endius with Clinias, the father of Alcibiades (Thuc. VIII. 6); king Archidamus with Pericles (ib. II. 13); Xenias the Elean with king Agis, the son of Archidamus, and the state of Sparta. (Paus. III. 8. 2.) See B. III. ch. 6. § 7, and vol. I. p. 209, n. z. The exchange of names, occasioned by προξενίαι, might be made the subject of a distinct investigation. See the note last cited, and Paus. III. 6. 41. Moreover the Spartans sometimes gave freedom from custom duties, and the privilege of occupying a seat of honour at the games at Sparta, to strangers, even of Athenian race; for example, to the Deceleans, according to Herod. IX. 73.
8.
p. 100. ed. Frank.
9.
See Naeke's Chœrilus, p. 74.
10.
Archiloch. p. 226. Liebel. Lycoph. 1385. and Tzetzes, Etym. in ἀσελγαίνειν and Ἐλεγηΐς. Concerning the effeminacy of the Codridæ, see Heraclid. Pont. I.
11.
ἄριστοι, ἀριστεῖς, ἄνακτες, βασιλεῖς, ἐπικρατέοντες, κοιρανέοντες.
12.
On the Gerontes, see below, ch. 6. § 1-4.
13.
We should particularly observe the assembly in the second book of the Odyssey, in which, however, Mentor (v. 239.) wishes to bring about a declaration of the people not strictly constitutional. But that the Homeric Ἀγορὰ independently exercised the rights of government, I cannot allow to Platner, De Notione Juris apud Homerum, p. 108. and Tittmann Griechischen Staatsverfassungen, p. 63. It was a species of Wittenagemote, in which none but the thanes had the right of voting, as among the Saxons in England. The people composed a concio, but no comitia. My opinion more nearly coincides with that of Wachsmuth, Jus Gentium apud Græcos, p. 18, sq.
14.
Æginetica, p. 133.
15.
Χρήματα χρήματ᾽ ἀνὴρ, Pindar. Isth. II. 11. See Dissen Explic. p. 493. Alcæus ap. Schol. et Zeeob. Prov.
16.
V. 190.
17.
Ap. Aristot. Pol. IV. 8. 7, 10.
18.
See Hüllmann, Staatsrecht, p. 103.
19.
Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 32. The emendation Πλοῦτις is confirmed by the comparison of Athenæus XII. p. 524 A.B.
20.
See book I. ch. 8.
21.
See Aristot. Pol. V. 10. 4. Panætius of Leontini was a demagogue in a previously oligarchical state, of which the constitution was similar to that of the Hippobotæ. See Polyænus V. 47.
22.
Herod. VI. 43.—Pindar (Pyth. II. 87.) supposes three constitutions, Tyranny, Dominion of the unrestrained Multitude, and Government of the Wise.
23.
Aristot. Pol. V. 4.
24.
Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 9. V. 3. 6. with Schneider's notes.
25.
VI. 46.
26.
Plut. Comp. Lycurg. 4. According to Livy XXXVIII. 34. 700 years up to 190 B.C. Cicero pro Flacco 26. also reckons 700 years, but to a different period.
27.
Isocrat. Panath. p. 285 C.
28.
Thus Schiller severely censures this lawgiver, for having so selfishly for ever destined his people to that course, which appeared to his own narrow and prejudiced mind to be the best.
29.
Θεοδμάτῳ σὺν ἐλευθερίᾳ Ὕλλίδος στάθμας Ἱέρων ἐν νόμοις ἔκτισσ᾽; ἐθέλοντι δὲ Παμφύλου καὶ μὰν Ἡρακλειδᾶν ἔκγονοι ὄχθαις ὕπο Ταυγέτου ναίοντες αἰεὶ μένειν τεθμοῖσιν ἐν Αἰγιμίου Δωρίοις. Pyth. I. 61. see Boeckh's Explic.
30.
Plutarch. Comp. Timol. 2. Dion. 53. Λακωνικὸν σχῆμα—κοσμεῖν. He was himself a citizen of Sparta, Plut. Dion. 17. 49.
31.
Yet Herodotus cannot have been acquainted with his work, since he considered himself as the first writer on the subject, Herod. VI. 55.
32.
Strabo VIII. p. 366. On the other hand, Ephorus is probably alluded to by Heraclides Ponticus 2. when he says τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων πολίτειαν ΤΙΝΕΣ Λυκούργῳ προσάπτουσι πᾶσαν.
33.
I. 65. Aristotle Pol. V. 10. 3. also calls the kings of Sparta before Lycurgus tyrants. On the other hand, Strabo VIII. p. 365. states, that “the conquerors of Laconia were from the beginning a nation subject to legal and moral restraints; but when they had intrusted the regulation of their government to Lycurgus, they so far excelled all others, that alone among the Greeks they ruled by land and sea.” That this is the meaning of the passage, is proved by the word καὶ in the clause καὶ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἐσωφρόνουν. Isocrates de Pace, p. 178 C. also contradicts indirectly the supposed anarchy of the Spartans. But in Panath. p. 270 A. he follows Thucydides I. 18. στασιάσαι φασὶν αὐτοὺς οἱ τὰ ἐκείνων ἀκριβοῦντες ὡς οὐδένας ἄλλους τῶν Ἑλλήνων.
34.
B. I. ch. 7 § 3, 5.
35.
Herod. I. 65 Ephorus ap. Strab. VIII. p. 366. Plut. Lycurg. 31. Nicol. Damasc. p. 449.
36.
B. I. ch. 1. § 9. Comp. b. II. ch. 2. § 2.
37.
According to Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 1. The meaning of this writer appears to be, that the Dorians had received these laws from the early inhabitants, as the Periœci had retained them most truly; but from the account given in the text, we must reject that idea.
38.
Plat. Leg. III. p. 685.
39.
This statement appears more correct than of Gortyna or Cnosus. Comp. Meursius, Creta, IV. 12.
40.
See Aristot. Pol. II. 8. 5. Ælian. V. H. XII. 50. Diog. Laërt. I. 38. Plut. Lyc. 3. Philos. cum princ. 4. p. 88. Pausan. I. 14. 3. Philod. de Mus. Col. 18, 19. Boeth. de Mus. I. 1. p. 174. Sext. Empir. adv. Math. p. 68 B. Suid. vol. II. p. 163. Compare b. II. ch. 8. § 11.
41.
Xenoph. Rep. Laced. 8. 5. According to whom Lycurgus asked the god, εἰ λῷον καὶ ἄμεινον εἴη τῇ Σπάρτῃ—doubtless a regular formula. This coincides with the dictum of the Pythian priestess in Plut. Quæst. Rom. 28. p. 329.
42.
See below, ch. 5. § 8.
43.
B. II. ch. 7. § 4. Later historians, from a mistaken explanation, suppose that the whole correspondence was a delusion, or a fraud of Lycurgus, Polyæn. I. 16. 1. Justin. III. 3.
44.
Called in the Lacedæmonian dialect Ποίθιοι, Photius in v.
45.
That this could not always be said of the θεοπρόποι, may be seen from Theognis, v. 783.
46.
This, I infer, nearly agreeing with Cragius, from Cicero de Div. I. 13. Conf. Herod. VI. 57. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 15.
47.
See particularly Timæus Lex. Plat. in v. ἐξηγηταὶ Πυθόχρηστοι.
48.
See Æginetica, p. 135. Compare Dissen Expl. Pind. Nem. III. p. 376. In the Thearion at Trœzen there were expiatory sacrifices, book II. ch. 2. § 8. In Thasos they were called Θεῦροι, Inscript. ap. Choiseul. Gouff. Voyage pittoresque, I. 2. p. 156. Here also they were in connexion with the temple of the Pythian Apollo.
49.
See Thuc. I. 84. Plat. Alcib. I. c. 38.
50.
VII. 2. 5. Engel de Rep. mil. Spart., a Göttingen prize Essay for 1790., where Cossacks, Spartans, and Cretans are classed together. Compare Heyne de Spartan. Rep. Comment. Götting. tom. IX. p. 8. It appears, indeed, from Aristotle Pol. VII. 14 (13) to have been the opinion of the writers who treated of the constitution of Sparta during the predominance of that state, that “the Lacedæmonians owed their external dominion to their constitution, according to which they had been trained to dangers and exertions from their youth (ὅτι διὰ τὸ γεγυμνάσθαι πρὸς τοῦς κινδύνους πολλῶν ἦρχον.)” But the intended effect of these institutions cannot be safely inferred from their actual consequences.
51.
IV. 126.
52.
Pausan. IV. 3. 3. συγχωροῦσιν ἈΝΑΔΑΣΑΣΘΑΙ πρὸς τοὺς Δωριέας τὴν γῆν. Pausanias, however, very frequently makes use of this expression, and often perhaps without any historical ground.
53.
Why I take no further notice of the account of Ephorus is explained in book I. ch 5. § 13.
54.
Pausan. III. 22. 7.
55.
Polyb. XX. 12. 2. with Schweighæuser's note, Liv. XXXIV. 29. XXXVIII. 30.
56.
αὐτόνομοι, Pausan. III. 21. 6.
57.
III. 21. 6. cf. 26. 6. The other six were at the time of Pausanias either again comprised in Messenia, as Pharæ, which Augustus had annexed to Laconia, Paus. IV. 30. 2. after it had at an earlier period been separated with Thuria and Abea from Messenia, Polyb. XXV, 1. 1, or they had fallen to decay, and were then uninhabited, as Pephnos, Helos, Cyphanta, and Leucæ. Whether Abea was included by Augustus in Laconia is doubtful, but it is probable from the situation of the place. This, with the other five mentioned above, would therefore make the number twenty-four complete. As proofs of the late independence of these towns we may mention decrees of Abea, Geronthræ, Gytheium, Œtylus, and Tænarus (Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1307, 1334, 1325, 1336, 1391, 1392, 1323, 1321, 1322, 1393, 1394). There are also inscriptions of the Eleutherolacones jointly, τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Ἑλευθερολακώνων (ib. 1389). Likewise, according to Eckhel, there are genuine coins, belonging to this and the Roman period, of Asine, Asopus, Bœæ, Gytheium, and Las; those of Taletum and Cythera are doubtful.
58.
Pausan. III. 26. 5. Sparta must, however, have retained some outlet to the sea. The Lacedæmonian coast is also called the territory of the Periœci in Thucyd. III. 16.
59.
Thucyd. I. 101. The Θουριᾶται of Thuria, near Calamæ. Welcker (Alcmanis Fragment, p. 87.) proposes Αἰθαίῳ for Ληθαίῳ in Theognis v. 1216. Bekker.
60.
Androtion ap. Steph. Byz. in v.
61.
See also in Αἰτωλία. They are also mentioned by Strabo, VIII. p. 362. (Eustath. ad Il. B. p. 293, 19. ad Dion. Perieg. 418). They had not however any connexion with the Hecatombæa; for Argos had the same festival.
62.
See book I. ch. 7. § 16. Lysias ap. Harpocrat. also calls Anthana a Lacedæmonian city. See Æginetica, p. 46, note q, p. 185. note v. Siebelis ad Pausan. II. 38. 6.
63.
Book I. ch. 5. § 10.
64.
See Manso, Sparta, vol. I. p. 93. Tittmann, vol. I. p. 89. That even the Lacedæmonian πλῆθος did not comprise the Periœci, is shown, e.g., by Polybius IV. 34. 7, where it rejects the alliance of the Ætolians, chiefly on account of the fear that they would ἐξανδραποδίζεσθαι τοὺς Περιοίκους. The name Λακεδαιμόνιοι, which signifies all, Periœci and Spartans, and frequently the former, as the early inhabitants, in opposition to the latter, is no more a proof of political equality than the appellation Θεσσαλοὶ of the freedom of the Penestæ.
65.
Χωρίτης, as the Lacedæmonians are often called, is probably identical with περίοικος, Ælian. V. H. IX. 27. Compare χωριτίδες Βάκχαι, in Hesychius. Οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας in Athen. XV. p. 674 A. from Sosibius are opposed τοῖς ἐκ τῆς ἀγωγῆς παισὶν (those educated in Sparta), and see Casaubon's note. The education of the Periœci was therefore entirely different from that of the Spartans.
66.
Isocrates Panath. p. 271 A. speaking of the Lacedæmonians having compelled the Periœci κατ᾽ ἄνδρα συμπαρατάττεσθαι σφίσιν αὐτοῖς, confounds the Periœci with the Helots, as also in what follows.
67.
In later times very different proportions occur, e.g., a very small number of Spartans in the army, when the city stood in need of its own citizens, and could not send them to a distance, or from other causes.
68.
Herod. VII. 234.
69.
No disobedience of the Periœci can be inferred from Thucyd. IV. 8. Some Periœci deserted to Epaminondas, Xenoph. Hell. VI. 5. 25. 23. Xenophon expresses himself more strongly, Hellen. VII. 2. 2.
70.
Xenoph. Hell. V. 3. 9.
71.
Thuc. IV. 53. cf. VII. 57.
72.
See Plin. H. N. IX. 36, 60. 21, 8. 36, 5. Comp. Meurs. Misc. Lac. II. 19. Mitscherlisch ad Hor. Carm. II. 18. 7.
73.
Plutarch, Lyc. 4. Ælian, V. H. VI. 6. Nicolaus Damascenus, and others.
74.
Herod. II. 167. cf. Cic. de Rep. II. 4. Corinthum pervertit aliquando—hic error ac dissipatio civium, quod mercandi cupiditate et navigandi, et agrorum et armorum cultum reliquerant. Compare Hüllmann Staatsrecht, p. 128.
75.
Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 13.
76.
This follows from Xenoph. Rep. Lac. II. 2. καὶ ἱππεῦσι καὶ ὁπλίταις, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τοῖς χειροτέχναις.
77.
Critias Λακεδ. πολιτ. ap. Athen. XI. p. 483 B. and Plutarch, Lycurg. 9. Pollux, VI. 46, 97. Hesych. Suid. Xenoph. Cyrop. I. 2. 8.
78.
Athen. V. 198 D. 199 E.
79.
κύλιξ Λάκαινα, Hesych. in χῖον.
80.
Plut. Lyc. ubi sup.
81.
Meurs. II. 17.
82.
Theoph. Hist. Plant. III. 17. 3.
83.
Daimachus ap. Steph. Byz. in Λακεδ. and from him Eustath. II. p. 294, 5. Rom.
84.
Salmas. Exer. Plin. p. 653 B. Moser in Creuzer's Init. Philos. vol. II. p. 152. Compare also Liban. Or. p. 87. e cod. August. ed. Reiske.
85.
Xenoph. Hell. III. 3. 7. Plin. H. N. VII. 56. ξυήλη Λακωνικὴ Pollux, I. 10, 137. concerning which see Phot. and Suid. in v., who refer to Xen. Anab. IV. 8. 25. ἐγχειρίδιον, I. 10, 149. ferrei annuli, Plin. XXXIII. 4. μάστιγες, Steph. Eust. ubi sup.
86.
Theocrit. X. 35. et Schol. Athen. XI. p. 483 B. V. p. 215 C. Steph. ubi sup. Hesych. in ἀμυκλαΐδες λακωνικὰ ὑποδήματα, cf. in ἐννήυσκλοι. Compare the shoes of the Amyclæan priestesses upon the monument of Amyclæ in Walpole's Memoirs, p. 454. Lacedæmonian men's shoes (ἁπλαῖ) are often mentioned elsewhere, Aristoph. Thesm. and Wasps. Schol. and Suidas, Critias ubi sup. Pollux, VII. 22, 80. cf. Meurs. I. 18.
87.
Λάκωνες ἐΰπεπλοι Epig. ap. Suid. in Λακωνικαί. Athen. V. 198. XI. 483 C. Compare book IV. ch. 2. § 3.
88.
These mines are not indeed anywhere expressly mentioned, but we must infer their existence from the number of iron fabrics, and the cheapness of iron. See below, ch. 10. § 9. and book I. ch. 4. § 3.
89.
The stone quarries upon mount Taygetus were, however, according to Strabo VIII. p. 367, first opened by the Romans. Compare Xenoph. ubi sup. Pollux, VII. 23, 100. Interp. Juven. XI. 173. Meurs. II. 18. Pliny also mentions Lacedæmonian cotes and smaragdi.
90.
Compare Thiersch, Ueber die Kunstepochen, Abhandlung II. p. 51.
91.
My opinion is, that in the oracle (Diog. Laërt. I. 106. Comp. Casaubon and Menage) Ἠτεῖος was the correct reading, for which Οἰταῖος was long ago substituted from ignorance.—The point was doubted at an early period in antiquity; even Plato, Protag. p. 343, appears not to consider Myson as a Lacedæmonian. See also Diod. de Virt. et Vit. p. 551. Paus. X. 24. 1. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 299. Sylb. Steph. Byz. in Χὴν and Ἠτία. There is a story in Plutarch, Quæst. Rom. 84, of Myson making in winter a fork for tossing the corn, and, when Chilon wondered at it, of his justifying himself by an apposite answer; where Myson is opposed, as a Periœcian farmer, to the noble Spartan.
92.
Paus. III. 22. 4.
93.
In a very rhetorical passage, Panathen. p. 270 D.
94.
Thuc. IV. 53. 54. Hesych. in Κυθηροδίκης.
95.
Thuc. VIII. 22. Manso, Sparta, vol. II. p. 516. It does not indeed follow that this Periœcus had authority over Lacedæmonians; but Sparta must have sent him out as a commander to the Chians.
96.
Herod. VI. 60. οὐ κατὰ λαμπροφωνίην (in the ἀγῶνες κηρύκων, comp. Faber Agonist. II. 15. Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 359.) ἐπιτιθέμενοι ἄλλοι σφέας παρακληίουσιν ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἐπιτελέουσι.
97.
Herod. VII. 134. τοῖσιν αἱ κηρυκηίαι αἱ ἐκ Σπάρτης πᾶσαι γέρας δίδονται.
98.
Θεοκήρυκες γένος τὸ ἀπὸ Ταλθυβίου παρὰ ΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΙΟΙΣ. Hesych. Perhaps Ἐλευθερολάκωσι. Hemsterhuis supposes that Eleutherna in Crete is alluded to. The common name of the herald in Sparta was Μούσαξ. See Valck. ad Adoniaz. p. 379.
99.
Pausan. III. 12. 6, 7. III. 23. 7.
100.
Herod. ubi sup.
101.
Herod. VII. 137.
102.
VI. 60. Concerning the ὀψοποιοὶ see Agatharch. ap. Athen. XII. p. 550 C. Perizonius ad Ælian. V. H. XIV. 7.
103.
Compare Athen. II. 39 C. with IV. 173 F.
104.
The Periœci also took part in the colonies of Sparta, e.g., of Heraclea Trachinia, where they probably belonged to the πολλοί; Thuc. III. 92, 93.
105.
Concerning the condition of the Helots, see, besides the more well-known books, Caperonnier, Mém. de l'Acad. des Inscript. tom. XXIII. p. 271. Schlaeger, Dissert. Helmst. 1730.
106.
Ephorus ap. Strab. VIII. p. 365, according to Valckenær's emendation, Theopompus ap. Athen. VI. p. 272. Even Hellanicus in Harpocration uses the word εἱλωτεύειν p. 15. Fragm. 54. ed. Sturz.; it is, however, uncertain whether the etymology there given is from Hellanicus. Cf. Steph. Byz.
107.
This derivation was known in ancient times, e.g., Schol. Plat. Alcib. I. p. 78. Apostol. VII. 62. Εἵλωτες οἱ ἐξ αἰχμαλωτῶν δοῦλοι. So also Δμῶς comes from δαμάω (ΔΕΜΩ). For the δμῶες, of whom there were large numbers (μάλα μύριοι, Od. XVII. 422. XIX. 78.) in the house of every prince (I. 397. VII. 225. Il. XIX. 333.), and who chiefly cultivated the land, cannot have been bought slaves (for the single examples to the contrary are rather exceptions), as this would suppose a very extensive traffic in slaves; nor could they have been persons taken accidentally in expeditions of plunder and war, as in that case there could not have been so large a number in every house; but they are probably persons who were taken at the original conquest of the soil. The passage, Od. I. 298. οὔς μοι ληίσσατο may be variously applied.—Concerning the etymology of Εἵλως, compare Lennep, Etymol. p. 257.
108.
Ap. Athen. VI. p. 265.
109.
See book I. ch. 4. § 7.
110.
Ap. Strab. VIII. p. 365. So also Pausanias III. 20. 6. calls the Helots δοῦλοι τοῦ κοινοῦ. Comp. Herod. VI. 70. where the θεράποντες are Helots.
111.
Ephorus ubi sup. Ilotæ sunt jam inde antiquitus castellani, agreste genus. Liv. XXXIV. 27.
112.
Plut. Instit. Lac. p. 255. where μισθῶσαι is an inaccurate expression.
113.
See book I. ch. 4. § 3. comp. particularly Polyb. V. 19.—Hesiod the poet of the Helots, according to the saying of the Spartan.
114.
Herod. IX. 80.
115.
Plutarch, Cleomen. 23. Manso, vol. I. p. 134.
116.
Plut. Lyc. 8. seventy for the master, twelve for the mistress of the house: compare ib. 24.
117.

ὡσπερ ὄνοι μεγάλοις ἄχθεσι τειρόμενοι,
δεσποσύνοισι φέροντες ἀναγκαίης ὑπὸ λυγρῆς
ἥμισυ πᾶν, ὅσσον καρπὸν ἄρουρα φέρει.

Fragm. 6. Gaisford. The passage is given in prose by Ælian V. II. VI. 1.

118.
Of the two lines of Tyrtæus afterwards cited by Pausanias, δεσπότας οἰμώζοντες, ὁμῶς ἄλοχοί τε καὶ αὐτοὶ, εὖτέ τιν᾽ οὐλομένη μοῖρα κίχοι θανάτου, it may be observed, that this duty of lamenting the king is attributed to the Periœci as well as the Helots in Herod. VI. 58.
119.
See Boeckh's Public Economy of Athens, vol. I. p. 109. eighty-two is about the fifth of four hundred. In Athens the θῆτες, πελάται, paid a sixth of the produce to the Eupatridæ. (This is without a doubt the corrupt supposition.) See Plutarch, Solon. 13. comp. Hemsterh. ad Hesych. in ἐπίμορτος.
120.
Athen. IV. 141 D. from Molpis on the Lacedæmonian state.
121.
Sphærus, ibid. p. 141 C. Compare also Myron ap. Athen. XIV. p. 657. παραδόντες αὐτοῖς τὴν χῶραν ἔταξαν ΜΟΙΡΑΝ ἣν αὐτοῖς ἀνοίσουσιν ἀεὶ, and Hesychius, γαβεργὸς (i.e. ΓΑϜΡΓΟΣ, γεωργὸς) ἔργου μισθωτὸς (which must be understood as in the passage quoted above, p. 32, note h. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “very early period,” starting “Plut. Instit. Lac.”]) Λάκωνες.
122.
In the time of Xenophon, however, Spartans resided upon the κλῆροι; see Hell. III. 3. 5. In the time of Aristotle (Polit. II. 2. 11.) individuals had already begun to attend to agriculture; Maxim. Tyr. Diss. XIII. p. 139, calls the Spartans and Cretans in general γεωργοί.
123.
Plutarch, Comp. Num. 2. Nepos, Paus. 3.
124.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 6. 3. Arist. Pol. II. 2. 5. Plut. Inst. Lac. p. 252.
125.
Compare Thuc. VII. 19. with IV. 80. and V. 34.
126.
Herod. IX. 10. 28.
127.
Herod. IX. 28. Thuc. III. 8.
128.
I. q. ἀμφιστάντες Hesych. in v. cf. Voss. Valcken. Adoniaz, p. 289.
129.
Herod. VII. 229. compare the passages quoted by Sturz. Lex. Xenoph. in Θεράπων.
130.
Θεραπων δοῦλον ὁπλοφόρον δηλοῖ κατὰ τὴν Κρητῶν γλῶτταν. Eustath. ad Il. p. 1240, 32. Bas. ad Dion. Perieg. 533. Eustathius frequently mentions this peculiarity of the Cretan idiom, and the names of slaves in general; also the Glossary in Iriarte, Reg. Bibl. Matritensis cod. Gr. p. I. p. 146, states that the expression θεράπων for δοῦλος is Cretan.
131.
Athen. p. 271 F, from Myron. These are the persons of whom Xenophon says (Hell. IV. 5. 14.) τούτους ἐκέλευον τοὺς ὑπασπιστὰς ἀραμένους ἀποφέρειν.
132.
Herod. VI. 80, 81. cf. 75.
133.
Xenoph. Hell. VII. 1. 12.
134.
Timæus ap. Polyb. XII. 6. 7. frag. 17. p. 224. ed. Goetter. Theopompus ap. Athen. VI. p. 265. compare Orchomenos, p. 242.
135.
The wives and children of Helots are often mentioned, e.g. in Thucyd. I. 103. At Athens the marriage of slaves was an uncommon event, and is usually found among the χωρὶς οἰκοῦντες. It was cheaper to purchase than to bring up slaves. (See Hume on the Populousness of Ancient Nations, Works, vol. III. p. 431-440. See p. 438, on the marriages of the Helots.)
136.
See Heraclides Ponticus.
137.
Welcker Alcman, Fragm. p. 6.
138.
Ap. Athen. XIV. p. 657 D. The κυνῆ is also probably signified as belonging to the dress of the Helots, in the account of the signal for conspiracy given by Antiochus of Phalanthus (Strab. VI. p. 278), although other writers (Æneas Poliorc. II.) mention a πῖλος in its stead.
139.
Κυνῆ Ἀρκὰς, Sophocl. Inachus ap. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 1203. Valcken. ad Theocrit. Adoniaz. p. 345. the same as the πῖλος Ἀρκὰς in Polyæn. IV. 14. galerus Arcadicus, Stat. Theb. IV. 299. VII. 39. Κυνῆ Βοιωτία as the country-dress, Hesychius. The Arcadians went into the fields in goats' and sheep-skins, Pausan. IV. 11. 1.
140.
Od. XXIV. 230.
141.
Pollux, VII. 4. 68. Compare Hesychius, Moeris, and Suidas in κατωνάκη. Theopompus and Menæchmus ἐν τοῖς Σικυωνιακοῖς ap. Athen. VI. p. 271 D. (cf. Schweigh.) call the Κατωνακοφόροι Sicyonian bondsmen. Comp. Ruhnken. ad Tim. p. 212.
142.
Aristoph. Lysistr. 1157. cf. Palmer. Exercit. p. 506.
143.
V. 53. Bekker.
144.
De rep. Ath. I. 10.
145.
Lycurg. 28. and elsewhere.
146.
Duris ap. Plutarch. Ages. 3.
147.
Theopomp. ap. Athen. XIV, p. 657 C.
148.
Plutarch, ubi sup.
149.
μόθων φορτικὸν ὄρχημα, Pollux, IV. 14. 101.
150.
Plutarch. c. 28. Comp. Num. I. Concerning the Crypteia, see Manso, vol. I. part 2. p. 141. Heyne, Comment. Gotting. vol. IX. p. 30.
151.
Panathen. p. 271 A. See above, p. 22. note q. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “troops of the line,” starting “Isocrates Panath. p. 271 A.”]
152.
Ap. Plutarch. Lyc. 28. Heraclid. Pont. 2.
153.
I. p. 633 C. Justin says of the same thing, III. 3. pueros puberes non in forum, sed in agrum deduci præcepit, ut primos annos non in luxuria, sed in opere et laboribus agerent,—neque prius in urbem redire quam viri facti essent. The same, with a few deviations, is stated in Schol. Plat. Leg. I. p. 225. Ruhn.
154.
VI. p. 763 B. Compare Barthélemy, Anacharsis, tom. IV. p. 461.
155.
Damoteles a Spartan, ἐπὶ τῆς κρυπτείας τεταγμένος, Plut. Cleomen. 28.
156.
IV. 80.
157.
Leg. VI. p. 776. cited by Athen. VI. p. 264. Comp. Plutarch, Lycurg. 28. See Philological Museum, vol. II. p. 68. note 40. Critias the Athenian also said, with more wit than truth, that in Sparta the free were most free (cf. Diogen. Prov. IV. 87. Apostol. VIII. 12.); and that the slaves were most slaves, ap. Liban. Or. XXIV. vol. II. p. 85. Reisk.
158.
Thuc. I. 118. V. 14, 23. Cf. Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 2.
159.
Although it is denied by Dio Chrys. Or. XXXVI. p. 448 B. Compare Manso I. 2. p. 153. and I. 1. p. 234.
160.
Hesych. in v.
161.
Boeckh's Economy of Athens, vol. I. p. 349. transl.
162.
Thuc. V. 34. cf. IV. 80.
163.
VII. 58. δύναται δὲ τὸ νεοδαμώδες ἐλεύθερον ἤδη εἶναι. The opposite is δαμώσεις (Steph. ΔΑΜΩΔΕΙΣ) δημόται ἢ οἱ ἐντελεῖς παρὰ Λακεδαιμονίους, Hesychius.
164.
Cf. Plut. Ages. 6.
165.
Athen. VI. 271 E. Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 279. Harpocration, Hesychius. The derivation from the town Mothone is like that of the name of the Helots from Helos. The Τρόφιμοι became Spartans from aliens by education, Xenoph. Hell. V. 3. 9. To these the confused account in Plut. Lacon. Inst. p. 252. probably refers.
166.
In Athenæus they are called free, in reference to their future, not their past condition. See Hemsterhuis ap Lennep. Etymol. vol. I. p. 575.
167.
Athen. ubi sup. Ælian, V. H. XII. 43. Two σύντροφοι or μόθακες of Cleomenes III. in Plut. Cleom. 8. These were, like Lysander, Heraclide Mothaces.
168.
Ap. Athen. VI. p. 271 D. where the comparison with the κατωνακοφόροι does not appear to have sufficient ground. See Casaub. ad Athen. VI. 20. Interp. Hesych. in v. ἐνευνακταί. Diodorus, Exc. Vat. VII.—X. n. 12., calls the Parthenians who had been sent under Phalanthus to Tarentum, sometimes Epeunacti, sometimes Parthenians. Since they are considered as young men (for Phalanthus has an ἐραστὴς named Agathiadas), they appear to have been, not Helots who had begotten children with Spartan women, but the male offspring of such unions. As the term is used by Theopompus, these would be called the sons of Epeunacti. Hesychius likewise makes the ἐπεύνακτοι equivalent to the παρθενίαι.
169.
According to the epitaph in Herod. VII. 228. 4000 men were buried at Thermopylæ, i.e., 300 Spartans, 700 Thespian Hoplitæ, and 3000 Ψιλοὶ, of whom 2100 were perhaps Helots. See below, ch. 12. § 6.
170.
VIII. 40.
171.
Polyb. VI. 45.
172.
According to the most probable statement in Plut. Lyc. 8, viz., that Lycurgus made 4500 lots, and Polydorus the same number.
173.
Plut. Alcib. I. p. 122 D. Tyrtæus ap. Schol. p. 78. Ruhnk. and ad Leg. I. p. 220. See book I. ch. 4. § 3. The valley of the Pamisus in many places gives a return of thirty times the seed, and is sown twice in the year. Sibthorp in Walpole's Memoirs, p. 60.
174.
Pausan. IV. 24. 2. τὴν μὲν ἄλλην πλὴν τῆς Ἀσιναίων αὐτοὶ διελάγχανον. Cf. III. 20. 6. Zenob. III. 39. Apostol. VII. 33. δουλότερος Μεσσηνίων: cf. Etymol. in Εἵλωτες. Etym. Gudian. p. 167, 32.
175.
Thuc. I. 100. πλεῖστοι δὲ τῶν Εἵλώτων ἐγένοντο οἱ τῶν παλαιῶν Μεσσηνίων τότε δουλωθέντων ἀπόγονοι. Plutarch, Cimon, 16. Lyc. 28, and Diodorus XI. 53, sqq. incorrectly distinguish the Helots from the Messenians. Compare book I. ch. 9. § 10.
176.
Compare Xen. Hell. VII. 2. 2. with VI. 5. 27.
177.
Polyb. VII. 10. 1. cf. IV. 32. 1, and Manso's Excursus on the restoration of Messenia, vol. III. part 2. p. 80.
178.
Plut. Agis. 8. The word Μαλέαν is perhaps corrupt.
179.
Xen. Hell. IV. 5. 11.
180.
Thuc. IV. 8. οἱ ἐγγύτατα τῶν περιοίκων.
181.
See above ch. 2. § 1.
182.
ἐπ᾽ ἀγρῷ, ἐν τοῖς χωρίοις. Compare above, p. 34. note s. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “a few days,” starting “In the time of Xenophon.”]
183.
Steph. Byz. Μεσόα τόπος Λακωνικῆς. Φυλὴ Λακωνική. Hesychius, Κυνόσουρα φυλὴ Λακωνική. Herodian περί μον λέξεως p. 13. 23. Dindorf. τὸ Κυνόσουρα ἐπὶ τῇ Λακωνικῇ φυλῇ. Cf. Schol. Callim. Dian. 94. Hesych. ἡ Πιτάνη φυλὴ.
184.
III. 16. 6.
185.
Boeckh, Corp. Inscript. No. 1338.
186.
Boeckh, ibid. No. 1347, where it is written ΑΠΟ ΦΥΛΗΣ ΚΥΝΟΣΟΥΡΕΩΝ. Concerning which see Boeckh, p. 609. In Inscript. 1241. a διαβετης Λιμναιων (perhaps διοικητὴς Λιμνατῶν) occurs. See Boeckh, ib. p. 611.
187.
Thrasybulus also (Epigr. Plut. Apophth, Lac. p. 242. Anthol. Palat. VII. 229.) was evidently a Spartan, brought back to Pitana, and so also is Archias, the Pitanatan, in Herod. III. 55. See Strabo, V. p. 250.
188.
Suid. Fragm. 2. Welcker.
189.
IX. 35. At the same time, Heraclides Ponticus says of Alcman merely, ἠλευθερώθη.
190.
Pindar. Olymp. VI. 28. Eurip. Troad. 1116. Μενέλαος Πιτανάτης in Hesychius.
191.
Hesych. in Πιτανάτης.
192.
Herod. IX. 53. Thuc. I. 20. does not admit its existence. But Caracalla, in imitation of antiquity, composed a λόχος Πιτανάτης of Spartans, Herodian. IV. 8. The Tarentines (who retained the memory of the mother-city more in their names of places than in their customs) had a division of their army which was called Pitanates; the περίπολοι Πιτανᾶται are mentioned upon a coin of Tarentum: Millingen's Ancient Coins, pl. 1. n. 19.
193.
III. 55.
194.
Polyæn. II. 1. 14. cf. Plut. Ages. 32.
195.
Pausan. III. 14. 2.—Œnus was situated in the vicinity according to Athen. I. p. 31 C. and this also was near the city, Plut. Lyc. 6. See the map of Peloponnesus.
196.
Also according to Plut. de Exil. 6.
197.
VIII. p. 363 A. Doubtless the marshy grounds upon the Eurotas, which in this part frequently overflowed its banks. Compare book I. ch. 4. § 6.
198.
P. 364 A. comp. Tzschucke, p. 184.
199.
VII. 20. 4.
200.
I. 10. Pitana is called a κώμη in Schol. Thucyd. I. 20. and Limnæ is called the Λιμναῖον χωρίον in Pausan. III. 16. 6.
201.
II. 6. 3. Concerning the slaves of Crete, see Manso, Sparta, vol. I. part 2. p. 105. Ste Croix, Sur la Législation de Crète, p. 373. has confused the whole subject.
202.
Similarly the Lacedæmonians, according to Cicero de Rep. III. 9. (cf. Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 179, 201.) said proverbially, suos omnes agros, quos spiculo possent attingere.
203.
Athen. VI. p. 263 E. Hesychius, Eustath. ad Il. XV. p. 1024 Rom. Ruhnken ad Tim. p. 283. Concerning ἀφαμία or ἀφημία, see Schneider's Lexicon in ἀφαμιῶται. Hoeck's Kreta, vol. III. p. 36.
204.
Strabo XV. p. 701. Etym. Magn. in πενέσται, Photius in κλαρῶται and πενέσται. Lex. seguer. I. p. 292. emended by Meineke Euphor. p. 142.
205.
Polit. II. 7. 3. cf. II. 2. 13.
206.
So also in Strab. XII. p. 542 C. it is said that the slaves of the Heracleotes served upon the same conditions as ἡ Μνῴα σύνοδος ἐθήτευεν. Comp. Hermon ap. Athen. VI. p. 267 B. where Eustathius ad II. XV. p. 1024. Rom. μνῷται οἱ ἐλλενεῖς οἰκέται (those born in the country as opposed to purchased slaves) appears to have preserved the right reading. cf. ad II. XIII. p. 954. Hesych. vol. II. p. 611. Pollux III. 8. 23. κλαρῶται καὶ μνωΐται. Steph. Byz. (from the same source as Pollux) οὗτοι δὲ πρῶτοι ἐχρήσαντο θεράπουσιν ὡς Λακεδαιμόνιοι τοῖς εἵλωσι καὶ Ἀργεῖοι τοῖς γυμνησίοις καὶ Σικυώνιοι τοῖς κορυνηφόροις καὶ Ἰταλιῶται τοῖς Πελασγοῖς, καὶ Κρῆτες δμωΐταις. Write μνωΐταις in the more extensive signification of the word. In the same manner Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 533, who has been already corrected by Meineke ubi sup.
207.
Aristot, Polit. II. 7. 3. ἀπὸ πάντων τῶν γιγνομένων καρπῶν τε καὶ βοσκημάτων ἐκ τῶν δημοσίων καὶ φόρων οὓς φέρουσιν οἱ περίοικοι, τέτακται μέρος, i.e. “Of all the products of the soil and all the cattle which come from the public lands, a part is appointed.” The arrangement of the words is not more careless than in other passages.
208.
Ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 A.
209.
See below, ch. 10. § 7.
210.
At the Hermæa, however, the slaves feasted in public, and they were waited on by their masters, as at Trœzen in the month Geræstion; Carystius ap. Athen. XIV. p. 639 B. cf. VI. p. 263 F. In Sparta, during the Hyacinthia, the masters invited the slaves to be their guests, Polycrates ap. Athen. IV. p. 139 B.
211.
Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 1.
212.
Polit. II. 8. 5.
213.
Hesychius, Pollux and Stephanus as before.
214.
VI. 83.
215.
VII. 148. In this passage the battle, contrary to the calculation before given (book I. ch. 8. § 6.) upon the authority of Pausanias, is brought down to the time immediately preceding the Persian war, as is evident not only from the word νεωστὶ, but also from the circumstance that the Argives desired a thirty years' peace, to enable the children of the persons who had been slain to arrive at manhood. From this, then, it follows that the Gymnesii, expelled from Argos, did not obtain possession of Tiryns till after the Persian war (for that they were not there during this war may be inferred from Herod. IX. 28.), and the final victory over them would then coincide with the conquest of Tiryns (book I. ch. 8. § 7). If the oracle in Herod. VI. 19. had been accurately (και ΤΟΤΕ) fulfilled, the battle must fall in Olymp. 70. 3. 498 B.C., but no calculation can be founded on this datum.
216.
The same argument applies here as in the case of the slaves who made themselves masters of Volsinii. See Niebuhr's Roman History, vol. I. p. 101. sq. ed. 2. English Transl.
217.
The liberation of Argive slaves is alluded to in a passage of Hesychius in ἐλεύθερον ὕδωρ: ἐν Ἄργει ἀπὸ τῆς Συναγείας (perhaps ΦΥΣΑΔΕΙΑΣ, cf. Callim. Lav. Pall. 47. Euphorion Fragm. 19. Meineke) πίνουσι κρήνης ἐλευθερούμενοι τῶν οἰκετῶν.
218.
Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 8.
219.
Book I. ch. 7. § 16.
220.
Not the Gymnesii. See vol. I. p. 191, note p.
221.
Panathen. p. 270 A. B. cf. 286 A. I am also of opinion that Pausanias was in error when (II. 19.) he states that the Argives had from an early period been distinguished for their love of equality and freedom.
222.
See Thuc. V. 67, 72. Diod. XII. 80. Plutarch, Alcib. 15. Pausan. II. 20. 1. where the leader of the 1000 λογάδες is called Bryas, and particularly Aristot. Pol. V. 4. Comp. Manso, vol. II. p. 432. with the remarks of Tittmann, p. 602.
223.
The Elean Περιοικὶς may serve for a comparison. This was the name of all the territory which the Eleans had conquered in addition to their original land, the Κοίλη Ἦλις. (Thuc. II. 25. Xen. Hell. III. 2. 23.) It was, however, divided into tribes, which increased or diminished with the loss or accession of territory. The number of the Hellanodicæ was arranged according to that of the tribes. The ancient territory of the Eleans, Κοίλη Ἦλις, included four tribes; Pisatis was divided into an equal number; and if the whole of Triphylia obeyed the Eleans, four more were added. (See Paus. V. 9. 5.) Compare Aristodemus of Elis in Harpocration in v. Ἑλλανοδίκης, Etym. Mag. p. 331, 20. For further details see a paper by the author in Welcker's and Naeke's Rheinisches Museum, vol. II. p. 167.
224.
Plutarch, Quæst. Græc. I. Hesychius.
225.
Below, ch. 5. § 2.
226.
Πάντα ὀκτὼ, Photius in v. Suidas (in Schott's Prov. XI. 64.) Apostol. XV. 67.
227.
Hesychius. According to Isaac Vossius Κυνόφυλοι. The Corinthian κυνῆ, Herod. IV. 180. was perhaps at an early period the peculiar dress of this class. See above, ch. 3. § 3.
228.
Thus the harbour Lechæum was a place of refuge for maltreated slaves as well as Munychia, Hesych. in Λέχαιον.
229.
Steph. Byz. in Χίος, Pollux ubi sup. Etym. Gud. p. 165. 53. where θῆτες, γυμνῆτες (for γυμνήσιοι), πενέσται, πελάται (erroneously for κλαρῶται), κορυνηφόροι, and καλλικύριοι are classed together.
230.
See above, p. 38, note o. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “lining of fur,” starting “Pollux, VII. 4. 68.”]
231.
Herod. V. 68. where, however, it is difficult to believe that this fourth tribe was not established until after the time of Cleisthenes. The tribe which in Sicyon was called Λιγιαλεῖς was perhaps in Phlius known by the title of Χθονοφυλὴ, the mythical name of the daughter of Sicyon, and the mother or wife of Phlias, Pausan. II. 63. 12. 6. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 45.
232.
The able historian Thirlwall thinks it more probable that Cleisthenes united the three Doric tribes in a single tribe, and that the Hyatæ, Oneatæ, and Chœreatæ, were the three country tribes, tribus rusticæ, which Cleisthenes had admitted into the dominant community. But a measure of this kind appears to be unexampled in the history of the Greek constitutions, and could hardly have been confounded by Herodotus with a mere change of names. It may be here mentioned that the temple of Zeus the Enumerator, in Sicyon, was referred to the establishment of the tribes, Bekker's Anecd. Gr. vol. II. p. 790. Σικυώνιοι κατὰ φυλὰς ἑαυτοὺς τάξαντες καὶ ἀριθμήσαντες Διὸς Στοιχέως ἱερὸν ἱδρύσαντο.
233.
See, e.g., concerning the κληροδοσία of Cnidos, Diodor. V. 53. That the lots were even apportioned in the mother-country may be seen from what occurred at the founding of Syracuse, book I. ch. 6. § 7. Compare the account of the colonization of Epidamnus, Thucyd. I. 27.
234.
This, e.g., was the case in the Corinthian Apollonia, Herod. IX. 93. Aristot. Pol. IV. 3. 8. So also in Thera, Orchomenos, p. 337.
235.
Thucyd. VI. 17. of the cities of Sicily, ὄχλοις τε γὰρ ξυμμίκτοις πολυανδροῦσιν, &c.
236.
The clearest instance, although not of a Doric city, is in Thucyd. V. 4. The Leontini had created a large number of new citizens, who, partly forming the popular party, pressed for a redivision of the lands (ἀναδασμός). Upon this, the nobles entirely expelled the commons. See below, ch. 9. § 15.
237.
Herod. VII. 155. Aristot. Polit. Syrac. ap. Phot. in v. Dionys. Hal. VI. 62. p. 388. 35. Marmor. Par. l. 52. Hesychius γάμοροι—ἢ οἱ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐγγείων τιμημάτων (à censu agrorum) τὰ κοινὰ διέποντες. Ἐγγείων κτημάτων, the correction of Ruhnken ad Tim. Lex. in v. γεωμόροι, is not needed. The expression ἀπὸ τιμημάτων ἄρχειν, διοικεῖν, &c., occurs. See Wesseling ad Diod. XVIII. 18.
238.
Hesychius (cf. Interp. vol. II. p 260.), Photius, Suidas, and Phavorinus in Καλλικύριοι, Etym. Gud. p. 165. Zenob. IV. 54. Καλλικίριοι ἐν Συρακούσαις ἐκλήθησαν οἱ ὑπεισελθόντες ΓΕΩΜΟΡΟΙΣ, as it should be written (see below, ch. 9. § 7.), Plut. Prov. Alex. 10. p. 588. Eustathius ad Il. p. 295. Rom. Κιλλικύριοι δὲ ἐν Κρήτη, Μαριανδυνοὶ δὲ ἐν Ἡρακλείᾳ τῇ Ποντικῇ καὶ Ἀροτται ἐν Συρακούσαις should be written Κιλλικύριοι δὲ ἐν Συρακούσαις—ΚΛΑΡΟΤΑΙΔΕ ἐν Κρήτῃ. Dionysius ubi sup. calls them πελάται. Καλλικύριοι seems to be a mere corruption of foreigners, who tried to make a Greek word of it.
239.
Phylarch, ap. Athen. VI. p. 271 C. The μισθωτοὶ were called προύνικοι in Byzantium, according to Pollux VII. 29. 132.
240.
Strab. XII. p. 542 C.
241.
Euphorion (Fragm. 73. Mein.) and Callistratus ὁ Ἀριστοφάνειος ap. Athen. VI. p. 263 D. E. Hesychius in δωροφόροι. The masters are called by Euphorion ἄνακτες, according to the Homeric idiom.
242.
Aristot. Pol. VII. 5. 7. where the Periœci of Heraclea, who served in the fleet, are probably the Mariandyni. In this passage Heraclea Pontica is meant, whereas in V. 4. 2. (μετὰ τὸν ἀποικισμὸν εὐθὺς) Heraclea Trachinia is evidently intended—compare Schlosser; and the same town is probably signified in the other passages.
243.
See above, p. 60, note l. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “strictly so called,” starting “This, e.g., was the case.”]
244.

The oracle in Herod. IV. 159.

ὅς δὲ κεν ἐς Λιβύαν πολυήρατον ὕστερον ἔλθῃ γᾶς ἀναδαιομένας, μετὰ οἳ ποκά φαμι μελήσειν.

Compare ὑστερεῖν τῆς κληροδοσίας, Diod. V. 53.

245.
Herod. IV. 161. The most probable explanation of this passage seems to be that given in the text, viz., that Demonax left to the first conquerors the possession of their subjects, and did not divide them equally among the new colonists; and this is approved by Thrige, Res Cyrenensium, p. 148. Niebuhr, however, History of Rome, vol. I. note 708. ed. 2, understands it to mean that the Periœci were the original subjects of the Theræans in their island, who in the colony stood on an equal footing with their former masters: an equality which is not necessarily implied by an union in the same tribe.
246.
Concerning the Achæans, Thuc. VIII. 3. cf. Liv. XXXIII. 34. Of the Magnetes and others, Thuc. II. 101. Demosth. Philipp. II. p. 71. Olynth. II. p. 20. Concerning the Perrhæbi, Thuc. IV. 78. Strab. IX. p. 440.—Compare Orchomenos, p. 252.
247.
Tittmann. Amphictyonen bund, p. 35. see particularly Herod. VII. 132.
248.
Xen. Hell. VI. 1. 7. where the περίοικοι must not be confounded with the Penestæ; see Schneider ad Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 9.
249.
According to Thucyd. IV. 78.
250.
VII. 176.
251.
There were also Penestæ among the Macedonians, according to Eustathius ad Dionys. Perieg. 533. But with those mentioned in Livy XLIII. 20. sqq. we have here no concern.
252.
Euboica ap. Athen. VI. p. 264 B. cf. Eustath. Il. XIII. p. 954, 38. Rom. Phot. Lex. in v. πενέσται, where read, ἀπὸ τῶν ὑπὸ Αἵμονος ἐν ἈΡΝΗΙ νικηθέντων Βοιωτῶν (see Orchomenos, p. 378.) as in Suidas.
253.
Athen. VI. p. 265 C.
254.
According to Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 3. the Penestæ revolted from the Thessalians when the latter were waging war with the Achæans, Perrhæbians, and Magnetes.
255.
Archem. ubi sup. Strab. XII. p. 542 C. Eustath. p. 954. Photius, ἐπὶ τῷ μήτε παθεῖν τι ἐργαζόμενοι, μήτε ἐκβληθῆναι.
256.
Pollux III. 83.
257.
Theopompus ap. Schol. Theocrit. XVI. 35. Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 13. Staphylus περὶ θετταλῶν ap. Harpocrat. Ammonius, Photius, Hesychius, Etym. in v.
258.
Heraclid. Pont. 2. In Eustathius ad Il. II. p. 295, Photius (ubi sup.), and Hesychius, they are called οἱ μὴ γόνῳ δοῦλοι, a very obscure expression. The explanation of another writer, ἐλεύθεροι μίσθῳ δουλεύοντες, is entirely false.
259.
Euripid. Phrix. ap. Athen. p. 264 C. Λάτρις πενέστης (hence Hesychius πενέσται λάτρεις) ἀμὸς ἀρχαίων δόμων.
260.
In the Θεσσαλικὰ of Philocrates (εἰ γνήσια) ap. Athen. p. 264 A. Staphylus ubi sup. Photius, in πενέσται.
261.
Theocrit. XVI. 35. (see Meineke Comment. Miscell. I. p. 53.) But when Theocritus says that “they received provision for a month measured out,” he evidently confounds them with common slaves.—Menon brought 200 Penestæ of his own to the Athenians, Pseudo-Demosth, περί συντάξ. p. 113. 6. or 300, according to the speech in Aristocrat, p. 687. 2.
262.
Athen. p. 264 B. Hesych. in πενέστης.
263.
Timæus in V. πενεστικὸν, Eustath. Il. XIII. p. 954, &c.
264.
Archemachus and Eustathius as above—although the name is evidently derived from πένης.
265.
Demosth. in Aristocrat, p. 687. 1.
266.
Aristoph. Vesp. 1263.
267.
All three together in Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 9. cf. Thuc. IV. 78. At the time of Alexander of Pheræ it is probable that there were tyrants in Thessaly who had risen from demagogues, and were therefore hostile to the Aleuadæ, Diodor. XVI. 1.
268.
The statement of Aristotle ap. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 397. concerning an ancient expulsion of the Barbarians from Arcadia, was merely made for the purpose of explaining the name Προσέληνοι.
269.
In Athen. VI. p. 271 D. and X. p. 443 B. Casaubon reads Ἀρδιαίους and Ἀρδιαῖοι for Ἀρκαδίους and Ἀριαῖοι. See Clinton Fast. Hellen. vol. II. p. 420. note p. ed. 2. Wachsmuth, Hellenische Alterthumskunde, vol. I. p. 323. Boeckh Corp. Inscript. vol. I. p. ult. The Greek name for the Arcadians is not Ἀρκάδιοι but Ἄρκαδες.
270.
See above, § 2.
271.
See above, ch. 3. § 3. What connexion there was between this measure and the union of Megara with four hamlets (book I. ch. 5. § 10.) I have not been able to satisfy myself.
272.
This enables us to reconcile Xen. Hell. V. 2. 7. (cf. VI. 4. 18. ἐκ τῶν κωμῶν—ἀριστοκρατούμενοι, and VI. 5. 3.) with Ephorus ap. Strab, VIII. p. 337. Harpocration in v. Μαντινέων διοικισμὸς, and Isocrat. περὶ εἰρήνης in Harpocration. Cf. Diod. XV. 5. 12. Polyb. IV. 27. 6. Pausan. VIII. 8.
273.
Therefore before Caryæ fell under the power of Lacedæmon; for it is evident that the Arcadian Caryæ, close to Laconia, and belonging to the territory of Tegea, and the Lacedæmonian Caryæ, are the same place. Photius in v. τὰς Καρύας Ἀρκάδων οὔσας ἀπετέμνοντο Λακεδαιμόνιοι. Compare Meineke Euphorion, p. 96. That this had taken place before the second Messenian war, I can hardly believe from the narrative in Pausan. IV. 16. 5.
274.
See Pausan. VIII. 45. 1. Comp. Strabo VIII. p. 337. and Aristot. Pol. II. 1. 5.
275.
Hence Homer calls it the “fertile demus,” πίονα δῆμον.
276.
Od. XXIV. 414. κατὰ πτόλιν.
277.
Od. XI. 187.
278.
Pausan. VII. 18. 3.
279.
According to Steph. Byz. in v. the district was originally called Δύμη, and the city Στράτος.
280.
Strab. ubi sup. cf. VIII. p. 386. οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἴωνες κωμηδὸν ᾤκουν (the cities were unwalled, Thuc. III. 33.), οἱ δ᾽ Ἀχαιοὶ πόλεις ἔκτισαν. Concerning the συνοικισμὸς of Patræ, Dyme and Ægium. See Strabo VIII. p. 337.
281.
Εὐπατρίδαι οἱ αὐτὸ τὸ ἄστυ οἰκοῦντες, Bekk. Anecd. p. 257. Etym. M. in v.
282.
Κυδαθήναιον δῆμοσ ἐν ἄστει Hesychius. Schol. Plat. Symp. p. 43. Ruhnken.
283.
Κυδαθηναῖος ἔνδοξος Ἀθηναῖος, Hesychius.
284.
Leg. I. p. 626 C.
285.
In Homer there is no trace of a δῆμος as a political power opposed to another. The passage in Il. II. 546., in which the δῆμος of Athens is mentioned, is as late at least as the age of Solon.
286.
V. 948. Thus Æschyl. Suppl. 375. concerning the monarch, σύ τοι πόλις, σὺ δὲ τὸ δήμιον, πρύτανις ἄκϝιτος ὤν.
287.
See particularly such passages as that in Chishull's Ant. Asiat. p. 113. Συβριτιων ἁ πολις και οἱ κοσμοι Τηιων τᾳ βουλᾳ και τῳ δαμῳ χαιρειν, p. 137. Αλλαριωταν οἱ κοσμοι και ἁ πολις Παριων τᾳ πολει και τῳ δαμῳ. Sometimes, however, especially in inscriptions of late date, δῆμος also occurs, as in Pococke IV. 2. p. 43. n. 2. which should be restored nearly as follows: αγαθᾳ τυχᾳ. εδοξε τᾳ βουλᾳ και τῳ δαμῳ Κλεισθενεα.... Σινωπεα. Αντιοχον και Αγαθοκλην Σωσιγενεος Ἱεροπολιτας προξενος ημεν αυτος και εγγονα, ὑπαρχεν δε αυτοις και ισοπολιτειαν και γας και οικιας εγκτησιν και ατελειαν, &c.
288.
See the Rhetra cited below, ch. 5. § 8. The citizens of Sparta were called δαμώδεις (above, p. 43, note n [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Neodamodes,” starting “VIII. 58.”]); νεοδαμώδεις, i.e., “new Spartans,” answers to the Syracusan νεοπολῖται, Diod. XIV. 7. δαμοσία, the train of the king in war; below, ch. 12. § 5. A measure ratified by the community was called δαμώσικτος; below, ch. 5. § 11.
289.
Ch. 3. § 3. On Periander, see Diog. Laërt. I. 98. from Ephorus and Aristotle, Nicolaus Damascenus, Heracl. Pont. 5. on the Pisistratidæ, above p. 38, note p. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “very same measure,” starting “Aristoph. Lysistr. 1157.”] Meurs. Pisistrat. 7. cf. Maxim. Tyr. XIII. 140. Dav. Concerning Gelo, Plutarch. Apophth. Reg. p. 89. the Thirty, Xenoph. Hell. II. 4. 1. a Cephallenian tyrant, Heraclid. Pont. 31. See in general Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 7. and the excellent note of Meier de bonis damnat. p. 185.
290.
See also Diod. XIV. 10.
291.
Polyb. IV. 73. 6. οἱ πολιτευόμενοι—οἱ ἐπὶ τῆς χώρας κατοικοῦντες. Oxylus also, according to Pausan. V. 4. 1. incorporated a number of hamlets with the city.
292.
Aristot. Pol. III. 3, where the πολίτου ἀρετὴ is restricted to those ὅσοι τῶν ἔργων εἰσὶν ἀφειμένοι τῶν ἀνανκαίων.
293.
The instances of admission of foreigners to the rights of Spartan citizens (of which some are very uncertain), collected by Tittmann, p. 641. prove nothing against Herodotus, IX. 35. Ephorus ap. Strab. VIII. p. 364. speaks of the reception of aliens as Periœci. Concerning the strictness of the Megarians as to this point, see Plutarch, de Monarchia 2. p. 204.
294.
Book I. ch. 1. § 8. Andron (ap. Strab. X. p. 475.) explains it from the Tripolis near mount Parnassus.
295.
V. 68. cf. Steph. Byz. in Ὕλλεῖς, Δυμᾶν. Hemsterh. ad Aristoph. Plut. 385.
296.
Pyth. I. 61. V. 71. and in the fragment of the Ἰσθμιονῖκαι, Ὕλλου τε καὶ Αἰγιμίου Δωριεὺς στρατός.
297.
Ubi sup. cf. Schol. Pyth. I. 121.
298.
Hesychius Δύμη ἐν Σπάρτῃ φυλὴ καὶ τόπος, which is not indeed a decisive testimony.
299.
V. 68. All the three tribes occur in Argive inscriptions of late date; see Boeckh ad Inscript. 1123. the Πάμφυλοι however are introduced on conjecture. Ὕλλις ἀπὸ Ἀργείας μιᾶς τῶν νυμφῶν, Callimachus ap. Steph. in Ὕλλεῖς, unless it should be written Αἰγαίας, or some such word. See Introduction, § 9.
300.
Plutarch. Mul. Virt. 5. p. 269.
301.
Pindar, ubi sup.
302.
Hesych. in Ὕλλέες. Compare Æginetica, p. 140.
303.
Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 404.
304.
Gruter p. 401. Castelli Inscript. Sic. p. 79.
305.
Il. II. 668. book I. ch. 6. § 3.
306.
Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1073. and see his Explic. ad Pind. Pyth. I. p. 234.
307.
Charaxap. Steph. in Ὕλλεῖς.
308.
Book I. ch. 6. § 1.
309.
Æginetica, pp. 40. and 140. note x. Steph. Byz. Δυμᾶν, φῦλον Δωριέων, ἦσαν δὲ τρεῖς, Ὕλλεῖς καὶ Πάμφυλοι καὶ Δυμᾶνες, ἐξ Ἡρακλέους, καὶ προσετέθη ἡ Ὑρνηθία, ὡς Ἔφορος ά: which passage should be understood thus: “There were originally three tribes, Hylleans, Pamphylians, and Dymanes, which go back to the time of Hercules; and to these the Hyrnathian tribe was afterwards added,” viz., at Argos, where it occurs in inscriptions, Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1130, 1131. The name is obscure, and particularly its connexion with the heroine Hyrnetho, the daughter of Temenus. See Paus. II. 26. Steph. Byz. in Ὕρνίθιον.
310.
Ibid. p. 140.
311.
See above, p. 58, note c. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “dwelt in the city,” starting “Πάντα ὀκτὼ.”]
312.
See Orchomenos, p. 329. Tribes with patronymic terminations occur, however, elsewhere, as in the great Tenian inscription in the British Museum the tribes of the Heraclidæ, the Thestiadæ, and these, together with several others also, as divisions of the country. The name of the Heraclidæ in the Ionian island of Tenos is not easily accounted for; on the presence of Hercules there, see, however, Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 1304. from the Τηνιακὰ of Ænesidemus.
313.
Athen. IV. p. 141 F. from Demetrius Scepsius, comp. Orchomenos, p. 328. Hesychius incorrectly interprets ὠβάτης as φυλέτης. The name ὠβὰ was retained till the Roman time, Boeckh Inscript. No. 1272, 1273, 1274.
314.
The γένη of the mechanics and peasants in Athens often had a patronymic name from their occupations. Compare Buttmann on the meaning of the word phratria, in the Berlin Transactions for 1818 19. p. 12.
315.
The five divisions of the city are the four κῶμαι, Pitana, Mesoa, Cynosura, and Limnæ (see above, ch. 3. § 7); and, fifthly, the πόλις itself, the hill on which the temple of Athene Chalciœcus stood.
316.
Hesychius and Etym. in Ἀγιάδαι, where, however, Laconia is put for Sparta. Probably in Pitana. See Pausanias III. 14. 2. where ἐν Ἀγιαδῶν has been correctly edited by Bekker, after Heeringa and Porson.
317.
Below, § 8.
318.
Diod. XI. 50. See also Plut. Lys. 24.
319.
Plut. Solon. 12.
320.
Herod. V. 72.
321.
See the Sigean inscription in Clarke's Travels, vol. II. sect. 1. p. 162. Compare Walpole's Memoirs, p. 103. Epigr. Hom. 14. In Byzantium also there were patrias, probably the same as phratrias, as Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. II. 2. 3. mentions πατριωτικὰ χρήματα in that town.
322.
See Ignarra de Phratriis. Comp. Buttmann, p. 36.
323.
Ælius Dionysius ap. Eustath. Il. II. p. 363. Orus ap. Etym. Mag. Buttmann indeed denies the truth of this remark, but it must not be given up hastily. For, in the first place, the Ionic festival Ἀπατούρια is manifestly an union of the πάτραι, yet it is always represented as a festival of the phratrias; and secondly, in the Thasian decree in Choiseul Gouffier I. 2. p. 156. it is permitted to newly-created citizens to be admitted into a πάτρη; but we never find that new citizens were elected into ancient γένη. It is also confirmed by the words in the Tenian Inscription from Choiseul's collection (in the Louvre, No. 566.), καὶ [εἰς] φυλὴν καὶ φρατρίαν προσγρά [ψασθ] αι [ἣν ἂν βούλωνται], and the same in the inscription quoted in p. 81. note g. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Asiatic colonies,” starting “See the Sigean inscription.”]
324.
The names of the larger division or tribe were the same at Sparta and Athens, viz., φυλὴ; but the Spartan ὠβὰ corresponded with the Athenian φρατρία, the Doric πάτρα with the Athenian γένος. See Schneider's Lexicon in v. πάτρα, Boeckh Not. Crit. ad Pind. Nem. IV. 77. and Dissen Expl. Nem. VIII. p. 450. Æginetica, p. 139.
325.
I. 65.
326.
Pollux VIII. 111. Hesych. in ἀτριάκαστοι. But in Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 101. τριακὰς is a division of a borough. See Boeckh, vol. I. p. 900.—Whether the τριακάδες of Epicharmus (Hesych. in Σκωρνυφίων) are families, is uncertain.
327.
Perhaps the persons ἀπὸ γένους, whom Leonidas wished to send back from Thermopylæ (Plut. Herod. Mal. 52.), were the only surviving members of their families.
328.
Yet they had not any essential privilege in Sparta, Plut. Lys. 24.
329.
οἱ πρῶτοι ἄνδρες Thucyd. IV. 108. V. 15. ἄριστοι Plut. Lys. 30. The καλοὶ κἀγαθοὶ in Aristot. Poll. II. 9. are in general persons of distinction; there may undoubtedly have been persons of this description among the Periœci (Xen. Hell. V. 3. 9.), but in this passage of Aristotle these do not come into consideration.
330.
In Leptin. p. 489. cf. Wolf.
331.
Rep. Laced. 10. 7.
332.
Xen. Hell. III. 3. 5. cf. Aristot. Pol. V. 7. From this it is probable, that in Xenophon Σπαρτιᾶται is used in a limited sense for Ὅμοιοι. cf. Schneider. ad loc. et ad V. 3. 9.
333.
Rep. Laced. 13. 1.
334.
Anab. IV. 6. 14. Xenophon, who imitates the Lacedæmonian spirit in so many different manners in the Cyropædia, here also mentions ὅμοιοι and ὁμότιμοι, I. 5. 5. II. 1, 2.
335.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 10. 7. cf. 33. and see B. IV. ch. 5. § 1.
336.
Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 21. according to the reading μὴ μετέχειν αὐτῆς, i.e., τῆς πολιτείας. See B. IV. ch. 3. § 3. Concerning the grounds of the distinction of the Equals, see C. F. Hermann De Conditione atque Origine eorum qui Homoei apud Laced. appellati sunt. 1832.
337.
See above, note u. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “education of an Equal,” starting “Anab. IV. 6. 14.”]
338.
Aristotle says, probably without any reference to the more definite expression, that the Parthenians were ἐκ τῶν ὁμοίων, Polit. V. 6. 1. See also Manso, vol. I. part 1. p. 231, 238. vol. III. part 1. p. 217.
339.
See book I. ch. 7. § 4. above, ch. 1. § 9.
340.
Ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 6. Διὸς Ἑλλανίου καὶ Ἀθηνᾶς Ἑλλανίας ἱερὸν ἱδρυσάμενον, φυλὰς φυλάξαντα καὶ ὠβὰς ὠβάξαντα τριάκοντα, γερουσίαν σὺν ἀρχαγέταις καταστήσαντα, ὤρας ἐξ ὤρας ἀπελλάζειν μεταξὺ Βαβύκας τε καὶ Κνακίωνος, οὒτως εἰσφέρειν τε καὶ ἀφίστασθαι. δάμῳ δὲ κυρίαν ἦμεν καὶ κράτος. Ἀπελλάζειν means “to summon the people to an assembly,” “in concionem vocare.” See Hesychius in v. Valcken. ad Theocrit. Adon. p. 209. Lennep Etymol. vol. I. p. 152. Plutarch evidently derives the word from Ἀπέλλων, Apollo. The words ὤρας ἐξ ὤρας are nearly inexplicable, and Mazochi's alteration, Tab. Herac. vol. I. p. 149, ὠβὰς (or ὠβὰν) does not much diminish the difficulty. The best explanation of ὤρας ἐξ ὤρας seems to be, “one month after another,” i.e. monthly. Towards the end, κυρίαν ἦμεν seems to be the best reading; one MS. has γυριανήμην. Valckenaer, ib. p. 291. proposes δάμῳ δ᾽ ἀνωγὰν ἦμεν.
341.
Ib. αἰ δὲ σκολιὰν ὁ δᾶμος ἕλοιτο, τοὺς πρεσβυγενέας καὶ ἀρχαγέτας ἀποστατῆρασ ἦμεν. Compare Plutarch. An Seni sit ger. Resp. 10.
342.
For εὐθείαις ῥήτραις, which is read both in Plutarch and Diodorus, Frank, p. 173. 199, corrects εὐθείαις γνώμαις, and explains it to mean the proposal made to the people. But both the context and syntax require, not that to which they answer, but that which they answer; i.e., they simply approve or reject the proposed law. Both νόμος and ῥήτρα are used for a decree in its imperfect stage (below, ch. 9. § 11. Plutarch Agis 8.); nor is ῥήτρα applied only to the laws of Lycurgus.
343.
Ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 6. Diod. Vat. Excerpt. VII—X. 3. p. 3. Mai. Instead of the two first verses Diodorus has Δὴ γὰρ ἀργυρότοξος ἄναξ ἑκάεργος Ἀπόλλων χρυσοκόμης ἔχρη πίονος ἐξ ἀδύτου, but these do not connect with what follows so well as those in Plutarch. In the fifth line Plutarch has πρεσβύτας, Diodorus πρεσβυγενεῖς: which is the word in the law cited in the last note but one. The last verse, which agrees with the final sentence of the original rhetra, is preserved in Diodorus, who has three more.
344.
VII. 134.
345.
Demosth. de Corona, p. 255.
346.
Castelli Inscript. Sic. p. 79, 84. Gruter, p. 401.
347.
Dodwell's Travels, vol. II. p. 503. Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 403. sqq.
348.
Ἁλία κατάκλητος (compare Schoemann de Comitiis, p. 291.) Tab. Heracl. p. 154, 260. ed. Mazoc. cf. Iud. p. 281.
349.
Hesychius.
350.
Aristot. Pol. V. 1. 6.
351.
Hesychius. The Athenian ἡλιαία is the same word. Compare below, ch. 11. § 2. and, in general, Dorville ad Charit. p. 70. Taylor ad Demosth. p. 227. Reisk. In Aristoph. Lysist. 93. συναλιάζω is the word used by the Lacedæm. woman for to convene, to assemble.
352.
Bekker Anecd. p. 210. Ἐκκλησία is however the word always used in the Inscriptions published by Chishull.
353.
The εἰωθὼς ξύλλογος in Thucyd. I. 67. transacts business with the ξυμμάχοι, as the ἐκκλησία or ἔκκληχοι in Xen. Hell. V. 2. Il. VI. 3. 3. Compare Cragius de Rep. Lac. IV. 17. Morus Ind. Xenoph. and Sturz. Lex. Xen. in v. ἐκκλησία.
354.
Ἔσκλητος in Syracuse occurs in Hesychius. The same grammarian has, ἀνεκκλητειν ἐξαίρεσιν ποιεῖσθαι παρὰ Ῥοδίοις.
355.
Xen. Hell. III. 3. 8.
356.
As Tittmann, p. 100. supposes, who also states that by ἔκκλητοι and ἐκκλησία (which are evidently synonyms) the small assembly is often (but query when?) meant, as τέλη are mentioned instead, Xen. Hell. II. 2. 23.—Thus in an ἐκκλησία in Thuc. VI. 88. the ephors and τέλη are alone mentioned as deliberating. Thus in Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 2. Cleombrotus sends from the army to ask the τέλη in Sparta, and the ἐκκλησία answers. The peace after the battle of Ægospotamos was concluded by the ἐκκλησία and the confederate assembly at Sparta, Xen. Hell. II. 2. 19. sqq.; and yet in the document in Plut. Lys. 14. the τέλη alone are named. In innumerable instances the τέλη do what on other occasions the whole πόλις performs, Xen. V. 3. 23, 25. see below, ch. 7. § 5, 8. The simple solution of this difficulty is, according to my view, given in § 10.
357.
Plut. Lyc. 25. cf. Liban. Or. Archid. vol. IV. p. 420. ἡβωντες also were prohibited from filling any public situation out of the country, Thucyd. IV. 132. The Parthenians, according to Justin. III. 4. quit their country at the age of thirty, because their civic rights begin at that time. See also Clinton F. II. vol. II. p. 386.
358.
Cf. Plut. Pelop. 17. Schol. Lycoph. 550. The strict meaning is the “Saffron river.”
359.
See above, ch. 3. § 7.
360.
Not till late times in the Scias. Paus. III. 12. 8.
361.
Schol. Thucyd. I. 67. where it should be observed that εἰωθότα does not refer to time.
362.
Herod. VII. 134.
363.
Herod. VII 149. οἱ πλεῦνες. Thucyd. I. 67, 72. ξύλλογος εἰωθὼς or τὸ πλῆθος V. 77. δοκεῖ τᾷ ἐκκλησίᾳ; cf. VI. 88. Xen. Hell. IV. 6. 3. ἔδοξε τοῖς ἐφόροις καὶ τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ; cf. VI. 88. Xen. Hell. IV. 6. 3. ἔδοξε τοῖς ἐφόροις καὶ τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ ανανκαῖον ειναι στρατευεσθαι
364.
Plut. Lyc. 26. Justin. III. 3, &c.
365.
A litigation generally preceded (Herod. VI. 65. Plut. Agid. 11.), and after its termination the people passed their decree, Plut. cf. Xen. Hell. III. 3. 3. also Polyb. IV. 35. 9.
366.
Plut. Ag. 9. (compare Tittmann, p. 94. note 25.) Lye. 29.
367.
Thucyd. V. 34.
368.
Libanius ubi sup.
369.
Thucyd. I. 80. Xen. Hell, III. 3. 8. Plut. Ag. 9, &c.
370.
Thuc. I. 67. and frequently.
371.
The story in Æschin. in Timarch. p. 25, 33. Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 239. præc. Reip. 4. p. 144. and Gellius N. A. XVIII. 3. that the people once wishing to accede to the opinion of an immoral person, a councillor proposed that if it was brought forward by a man of blameless character it should then pass, proves nothing, as the account is entirely unconnected, and we do not know by what right the original proposer had spoken. The same story is alluded to by Isiodorus Pelus. Epist. III. 232. Lysandir (Plutarch. 25.) probably spoke in a public capacity.
372.
See above, p. 89. note t. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “magistrates alone,” starting “As Tittman.”]
373.
δαμώσικτον, δεδοκιμασμένον, Hesychius.
374.
Plutarch Lys. 25. Ages. 20.
375.
Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4. Κυρία δ᾽ οὐδενός ἐστιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἢ συνεπιψηφίσαι τὰ δόξαντα τοῖς γέρουσι καὶ τοῖς κόσμοις, which must be taken cum grano salis. Aristotle II. 8. says that the ἕτεραι πολιτεῖαι, i.e., Crete and Sparta, differed from Carthage in this respect, that in them only the magistrates spoke, while in the latter state any person could come forward and oppose the public officers; but he makes no difference between Sparta and Crete. See above, § 8.
376.
The Lacedæmonians and Cretans used, according to Hesychius, the form γερωνία (the same grammarian has, however, γερώα also), where Valckenaer appears rightly to read γερωἵα (Epist. ad Roever. p. 323. ad Adoniaz. p. 271. Küster ad Hesych. p. 822.), which by a more guttural sound of the aspirate is called γερωχία in Aristoph. Lys. 980, probably the correct form. Γεροντία is the office of a geron, in Xen. Rep. Lac. 10. 1, 3. See Nicolaus Damascenus.
377.
Herod. VII. 148. In the Cretan states, γερουσία was the common form (see also the inscription in Montfaucon Diar. Ital. p. 74.) as well as βουλὴ (βωλὰ Koen ad Gregor. p. 639.) according to Arist. Pol. II. 7. 3. and late inscriptions; the members of which are called γέροντες by Aristotle and Strabo X. p. 484. In Cos βουλὰ occurs in the time of the emperors, Villoison Mém. de l'Acad. des Inscript. tom. XLVII. p. 325. Spon., Misc. Erud. Ant. X. 51. as well as γερουσία, Spon., n. 57, 58.
378.
This appellation may be perceived in the γερούσιος ὅρκος, Il. XXII. 119, γέροντες βουλευταὶ, Il. VI. 113.
379.
Who were also of the number of the gerontes, Od. XXI. 21. see above, ch. 1. § 3.
380.
Which is beautifully expressed by Pindar ap. Plutarch. Lyc. 21. An seni sit ger. Resp. 10. ἔνθα βουλαὶ γερόντων, καὶ νέων ἀνδρῶν ἀριστεύοντιν αἰχμαὶ, καὶ χοροὶ καὶ μοῦσα καὶ ἀγλαΐα. (Fragm. p. 663. Boeckh).
381.
Plut. Lyc. 26. cf. Xenoph. de Rep. Lac. 10. 1.
382.
Pol. II. 6. 15. In Leptin. p. 489. cf. Xenoph. ubi sup.
383.
Which was also testified by the presents made by the king, Plut. Ages. 4. the double portion at the syssitia, Plut. Lyc. 26. Concerning the public repasts of Homeric gerontes, see Il. IV. 344. IX. 70.
384.
Ὅμοιοι, καλοὶ καγαθοὶ, see above, ch. 5. § 7.
385.
Aristot. ubi sup. Plutarch. Lyc. 26. Ages. IV. Polyb. VI. 45. 5. Some late inscriptions indeed mention persons who had three and four times filled the office of geron (Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1261. and 1320.); but in that age the whole institution had been changed.
386.
See above, ch. 5. § 3.
387.
Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 18.
388.
IV. 5. 11.
389.
For what follows compare Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 17. II. 7. 6. Plut. Lyc. ubi sup.
390.
Plato Leg. III. p. 692 A. calls it τὴν κατὰ γῆρας σώφρονα δύναμιν.
391.
Plato has perhaps treated this question better than any other ancient writer, ibid. VII. p. 793.
392.
Plutarch. Agid. 11. τοὺς γέροντας, οἷς τὸ κράτος ἦν ἐν τῷ προβουλεύειν. Comp. Demosth. in Leptin. p. 489. 20. δεσπότης ἐστὶ τῶν πολλῶν. Æschin. in Timarch. p. 25. 35. Dion. Hal. Archæol. II. 14. ἡ γερουσία πᾶν εἶχε τῶν κοινῶν τὸ κράτος. Paus. III. 11. 2. Cic. de Senect. 6. amplissimus magistratus.
393.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 10. 2. Aristot. Pol. III. 1. 4, 9. Plut. Lyc. 26. Lac. Apophth. p. 197. see below, ch. 7. § 11. [Transcriber's Note: There is no such section number in that chapter.]
394.
Arbitri et magistri disciplinæ publicæ, Gell. N. A. XVIII. 3. Æschin. ubi sup. Hence σωφροσύνη was in particular required of them.
395.
That the parallel between the Thirty at Athens and the Spartan gerusia fails in many points, has been justly remarked in the Philological Museum, vol. II. p. 54; yet the gerusia must have served as a model for the establishment of this body, since there is nothing similar in the Athenian institutions. The oligarchical faction in Athens, after the battle of Ægospotamos, and before the surrender of the city to Lysander, had also procured the election of five ephors. See Lysias cout. Eratosth. § 43.
396.
Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p. 484. (p. 171. Marx.); above, ch. 5. § 11.
397.
Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 5. It acted also without doubt in a judicial capacity.
398.
Strabo, οἱ τῆς τῶν κόσμων ἀρχῆς ἠξιωμένοι καὶ τὰ ἄλλα δόκιμοι κρινόμενοι. Cf. Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 5.
399.
Aristot. ubi sup.
400.
See above, p. 94, note b. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “peace and war,” starting “Herod. VII. 148.”]
401.
Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 8. These remains of the ancient oligarchy at Elis were deprived by Phormio of a part of their power, as Ephialtes weakened the Areopagus at Athens, according to Plutarch Reip. gerend. Præcept. 10. vol. XII. p 155.
402.
Thuc. V. 47. Compare Plutarch Præc. Reip. 10.
403.
The ἱεραὶ γερουσίαι, for example, of Eleusis in later times, we have here no concern with; yet we may notice the following monument, as belonging to the Peloponnesus (Boeckh Inscript. No. 1395). ἡ ἱερὰ ουπησια (Boeckh conjectures γερωσία) Γ. Ἰούλιον Ἐπαφρόδειτον ἀγρετεύσαντα (difficult of explanation) τὸ ΡqΔ ἔτος (according to Visconti Mus. Pio-Clem. II. p. 66. from the liberation of Greece by Flamininus) καὶ δόντα ἑκάστῳ γέροντι νομῆς δηνάρια δέκα, &c. Perhaps this ἱερὰ γερωσία is the Ὀλυμπιακὴ βουλὴ of the Eleans. See Pausan. V. 6. 4. VI. 3. 3. Perizon. ad Æl. V. H. X. 1. See b. I. ch. 7. § 7.
404.
See above, ch. 1. § 3. Platner de Notione Juris, p. 90.
405.
Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 5. V. 9. 1. Dionys. Rom. Archæol. V. 74. says that the Spartan monarchy was ἐπὶ ῥητοῖς τισὶν διοικούμενον, as Thucydides calls the Homeric, I. 13.
406.
Xen. de Rep. Laced. 15. cf. Hell. III. 3. 1. σεμνοτέρα ἢ κατ᾽ ἄνθρωπον ταφή.
407.
According to Herod. VI. 50. for ten days after the king's death there was no assembly of the people or officers of state (ἀγορὰ or ἀρχαιρεσίη); and the nomination of the new king did not take place until this period had expired; the regularity of which public mourning may be inferred from the expression αἱ ἡμέραι in Xenoph. Hell. III. 3. 1. [where L. Dindorf ingeniously reads ἐπεὶ δὲ ὡσιώθησαν αἱ ἡμέραι καὶ ἔδει βασιλέα καθίστασθαι for ὡσ εἰώθεσαν αἱ ἡμ. παρῆλθον, comparing Photius and Suidas ὁσιωθῆναι ἡμέρας λέγουσιν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ τινὸς, οἷον μὴ ἱερὰς ἀλλ᾽ ὁσίας νομιοθῆναι.] Heraclides Ponticus, has, however, only three days.
408.
Herod. VI. 58. ἐκ πάσης δεῖ Λακεδαίμονος (i.e., Λακωνικῆς, as in VII. 220, &c.) χωρὶς Σπαρτιητέων (in addition to the Spartans) ἀριθμῷ τῶν περιοίκων (a fixed number of Periœci; the dative depending on δεῖ; otherwise Werfer Act. Monac. vol. II. p. 241.) ἀναγκαστοὺς ἐς τὸ κῆδος ἰέναι. τούτων ὦν καὶ τῶν εἰλώτων (see above, p. 32, note o. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “entire produce of the land,” starting “Of the two lines of Tyrtæus.”]) καὶ αὐτῶν Σπαρτιητέων, &c. Compare the oracle in VII. 220. πενθήσει βασιλῆ φθίμενον Λακεδαίμονος οὖρος, “the furthest boundaries of Lacedæmon.” The μιαίνεσθαι was the more imposing, as it was strictly interdicted in private mourning, Plut. Inst. Lac. p. 252. The generality of this mourning for princes of the Heraclidæ in early times is rendered probable by the fact noticed in vol. I. p. 98, note g.
409.
The εἴδωλα were probably preserved; for they could not have been meant merely to represent the corpse, since the body of the king was almost always brought home even from a great distance, as in the case of Agesilaus. Perhaps it was to the εἴδωλον that the prohibition of Agesilaus referred, μήτε πλαστὰν μήτε μιμηλὰν τινα ποιήσασθαι αὑτοῦ εἰκόνα. Plutarch Ages. 2. Reg. Apophth. p. 129. Lac. Apophth. p. 191.
410.
Concerning the public sacrifices of the king, see Xen. Hell. III. 3. 4.
411.
Herod. VI. 46.
412.
A sacrifice to Zeus Agetor at the first departure (Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 13. 2. see below, ch. 12. § 5.); then on the boundary διαβατήρια to Zeus and Athene. (ibid. cf. Polyæn. I. 10.); also διαβατήρια on other occasions, Plutarch. Ages. 6, where the parallel with Agamemnon is remarkably striking.
413.
See above, ch. 1. § 9.
414.
Plut. Agis 11.
415.
Which point is more fully discussed by Hoeck, Kreta, vol. I. p. 245.
416.
It is a δίκη Plut. Agis 11. νεῖκος Herod. VI. 66. with the preceding κατωμοσία of the accuser VI. 65. which is followed by a decree in the name of the whole community (πόλις Xen. Hell. III. 3. 3. οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι Herod. V. 42.) See above, ch. 5. § 9. Cleonymus also was not declared to have a worse claim than Areus, by a free selection, founded on comparative merit (as it appears from Plutarch. Pyrrh. 26.) but the gerusia merely declared at the ἀμφισβήτησις, that he, as the younger son, came after the heir of the elder son, Pausan. III. 6. 2.
417.
See, e.g., Herod. V. 42. VI. 52. VII. 3. Xen. Hell. III. 3. 2. Nepos Ages. I. 3.
418.
As Lycurgus of Charilaus, Nicomedes of Pleistoanax.
419.
As Demaratus was succeeded by Leutychides, whose right to the throne went back to the eighth ancestor of Theopompus, if with Palmerius we correct Herod. VIII. 131. according to Pausanias' genealogy of the Kings.
420.
Plutarch. Pyrrh. 5.
421.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 15. 7. from whom Nicolaus Damascenus Λακεδ. See an allusion to the oath of the Ephors in Julian. Or. I. p. 14 D.
422.
Thucyd. I. 20. who contradicts the statement of other historians; but probably refers to Hellanicus (see above, ch. 1. § 7.) rather than Herodotus, whose work he could scarcely have read. Herodotus (VI. 57.) however appears to me to have followed the opinion generally received in Greece, of the two votes of each king, although the expression is not quite clear. The notion of the Scholiast to Thucydides, adopted by Larcher, that each king had only one vote, though it had the force of two, is ridiculous. The γερουσία was ἰσόψηφος τὰ μέγιστα with the kings, according to Plat. Leg. III. p. 692. Herodotus is followed by Lucian Harm. 3.
423.
See above, ch. 5. § 3.
424.
Herod, ubi sup. δικάζειν δὲ μούνους τοὺς βασιλῆας τοσάδε μοῦνα. cf. Plut. Lac. Apophth. Agesil. p. 187.
425.
Herod. VI. 57.
426.
Lysias in Evand. p. 176. 22. Pollux. VIII. 89.
427.
Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 20.—An example in Xen. Hell. VI. 5. 4. Agesil. 2. 25.
428.
Herod. VI. 57. καὶ προξείνους ἀποδεικνύναι τούτοισι προσκεῖσθαι τοὺς ἂν ἐθέλωσι τῶν αστῶν. In other places the proxeni were appointed by the states whose proxeni they were: for example, a Theban was proxenus of the Athenians at Thebes: but in Sparta, as the connexion with foreign nations was more restricted, a state, which wished to have a proxenus there, was forced to apply to the king to nominate one. This appears to be the meaning of the above passage of Herodotus.
429.
Aristot. Pol. III, 9. 2. cf. III. 9. 8. Isocrat. Nicocl. p. 31 D.
430.
Herod. VI. 56. who must not be understood to refer to the declaration of war, Xen. Rep. Laced. 13. 10. A case occurs in Thucyd. VIII. 5. ὁ γὰρ Ἄγις ... ἔχων τὴν μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ δύναμιν, κύριος ἦν καὶ ἀποστέλλειν εἴ ποί τινα ἐβούλετο στρατιὰν, καὶ ξυναγείρειν, καὶ χρήματα πράσσειν. cf. V. 60. διὰ τόν νόμον.
431.
Xen. Hell. II. 2. 12. V. 3. 24. cf. Thuc. V. 60. It was however permitted to the king to send ambassadors, e.g., to mediate, according to Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 10. where I do not perceive the necessity of changing αὖ into οὐ; μέντοι marks the opposition to the preceding purely military duties of the king.
432.
Herod. V. 75. Both kings were rarely out of Sparta, Xen. Hell. V. 3. 10.
433.
Thuc. V. 63, where the words ἐν παρόντι do not prove that they passed the law for only one campaign. See Manso, Sparta, vol. I. part 2. p. 231. vol. II. p. 378. note k. Concerning the Thirty about the king's person, see below, ch. 12. § 5.
434.
See below, ch. 7. § 5.
435.
Od. XI. 184. Il. XII. 312. cf. IX. 578. Pind. Olymp. XIII. 60. βαθὺς κλᾶρος.
436.
This is called δήμια πίνειν in Il. XVII. 250. (cf. σιτεόμενοι τὰ δημόσια Herod. VI. 57.) In Crete foreigners were fed δημόθεν, Od. XIX. 197. cf. Æschyl. Suppl. 964. and Platner, ubi sup. p. 100. The passage in Od. XI. 184. should be thus rendered. “Telemachus enjoys in quiet the royal lands, and feasts on the banquets, which it is proper that a man of judicial dignity should eat, for all invite him.” Concerning the last words, see p. 110.
437.
Xen. Rep. Laced. 15. 2.
438.
Plat. Alcib. I. 39. p. 123 A. οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι is equivalent to περίοικοι.
439.
Thucydid. V. 63. [An Æginetan drachma contains on an average ninety-five English grains of pure silver (see Knight Proleg. Hom. § 56.), according to which its value would be about fourteen pence in our money.]
440.
Plutarch. Ag. 9.
441.
Alc. I. 38. p. 122 E.
442.
Compare Herod. VI. 57. (where the word δεῖπνον also refers to the συσσίτια) with Xen. Rep. Lac. 15. 4. quoted by Schol. Od. IV. 65. In Crete the cosmus on duty (ὁ ἄρχων) had four portions, Heracl. Pont. 3.
443.
Herod. ubi sup. According to Xen. Hell. IV. 3. 14. and Plut. Ages. 17. the king sent to whom he pleased a share of his sacrifices. According to Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 15. 5. he also had a little pig out of every brood for sacrificing.
444.
See p. 109. note p. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “expense of the community,” starting “This is called δήμια πίνειν.”]
445.
Herod. VI. 57. ἢν θυσίην τις (not a private individual, but a person appointed by the public) δημοτελῆ ποιέηται.
446.
Herod. IX. 81.
447.
According to Phylarchus in Polyb. II. 62. 1. These are the μέγισται λήψεις in Plat. Alcib. I. 39. p. 123 A.
448.
Xen. Ages. 8. Plutarch Ages. 19. (see vol. I. p. 100. note o.) Hell. V. 3. 20. comp. Nepos. Ages. 7. The βοώνητα in Pausanias III. 12. 3. are of a different nature.
449.
As Manso shows, vol. III. 2. p. 330.
450.
De Rep. Lac. 15. 6. According to the same writer (15. 2.) three ὅμοιοι provided in war for all the necessities of the king, who are considered by Raoul-Rochette, Deux Lettres sur l'authenticité des Inscriptions de Fourmont, 1819. p. 136. as a part of the six ἐμπασάντες in a (spurious) inscription of Fourmont's (ἐμπασέντες in Hesychius), Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 68. The point is by no means clear.
451.
Herod. VII. 149. Aristot. Pol. V. 8, 4. See Æginetica, p. 52. Plutarch Lycurg. 7. (comp. Plato Leg. III. p. 692.) states generally that the power of the kings at Argos and Messene had been at first too extensive, and that by the violence of the governors, and disobedience of the governed, it was at last destroyed, without mentioning any time. The words of Diodorus (Fragm. 5, p. 635.) ἡ βασιλεία ἤτοι τοπαρχία τῆς Ἀργείας ἔτη φμθ. (comp. Eusebius, Malelas and Cedrenus), cannot be referred to this: he reckons this number of years from Inachus to Pelops (160-705 Euseb.).—I may be permitted in this note to subjoin the best arrangement of the Argive kings which the scanty accounts of antiquity seem to furnish. 1. Heraclidæ. Temenus, the father of Ceisus, the father of Medon (What Pausanias II. 19. 2. says of the limitations imposed upon this king, must be judged of from what has been seen above, p. 56. note x [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Thus Isocrates,” starting “Panathen. p. 270.”]; according to the Pseudo-Platonic Epistle VIII. p. 485 Bekk. the kings of Argos and Messene were about the time of Lycurgus tyrants). Then about four kings are wanting after the δέκατος ἀπὸ Τημένου of Ephorus, Æginet. p. 60. After the beginning of the Olympiads Eratus (Paus. II. 36. 5. IV. 8. 1.) who was probably succeeded immediately by Phidon, the son of Aristodamidas (according to Satyrus and Diodorus, Æginetica, p. 61.), before and about the 8th Olympiad. At a later period Damocratidas, about the 30th Olympiad (Pausan. IV. 35. 2. cf. 24. 2. This date is too low, according to Clinton F. H. vol. I. p. 190; but not according to my date for the Messenian wars, nor according to that of Pausanias.) Phido II. confounded by Herod. VI. 127. with the earlier king of the same name (Æginetica, p. 60.) father of Λακήδης (in Ionic Λεωκήδης, as in Herodotus,) who wooed the daughter of Cleisthenes (about Olymp. 45. 600 B. C), and when king made himself despised by his effeminacy (Plutarch, de cap. ex hoste util. p. 278. where Λακύδης should be corrected.) His son Meltas (Μέλταν τὸν Λακηδέω, as should be written) was deposed by the people, according to Pausan. II. 19. 2.; but according to Plutarch. Alex. M. virt. 8. p. 269. the family of the Heraclidæ expired. He was succeeded, according to Plutarch, (ubi sup.) and Pyth. Orac. 5. p. 254. II. by Ægon, of another family, about Olymp. 55. 560 B.C. and it was probably the descendants of this king, who still reigned in Argos at the time of the Persian war. According to Schol. Pind. Olymp. VI. 152. Archinus was a king of Argos; but he was a tyrant, Polyæn. III. 8. 1.
452.
See vol. I. p. 90. note n.
453.
Ἐπὶ βασιλέος Πασγάδα, or Πασιάδα, according to Boeckh, Corp. Inscript. No. 1052. of about the time of Alexander.
454.
See b. I. ch. 6. § 1. and ch. 7. § 11. [Transcriber's Note: There is no such section number in that chapter.]
455.
B. I. ch. 6. § 10.
456.
Ib. § 7, 8. According to several writers, Pollis was one of the kings of Syracuse, who by others is called an Argive, from whom the Πόλιος οἶνος is derived, Athen. I. p. 31 B. Pollux VI. 2. 16. from Aristotle, Ælian, V. H. XII. 31. In the Etymologist, the correct reading is probably ὑπὸ Πόλλιδος τοῦ ΣΥΡΑΚΟΣΙΟΥ τυράννου: compare Mazocchi Tab. Heracl. p. 202.
457.
B. I. ch. 7. § 11. A king named Aristophilidas in Herod. III. 136.
458.
Ib. c. 7. § 3. and the passage of Aristides quoted there in § 1. In Halicarnassus an Antheus is mentioned as of a royal family (Parthen. 14.), probably one of the Antheadæ; see ib. § 3.
459.
B. I. ch. 5. § 2.
460.
Herod. IV. 154.
461.
See b. I. ch. 6. § 11.
462.
Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 12. p. 383.
463.
Aristot. Pol. V. 9. I. Cic. de Leg. III. 7. de Rep. II. 33. Plutarch. Lyc. 7, 29. ad princ. I. p. 90. Euseb. ad Olymp. IV. 4. Val. Max. IV. 1. Compare Manso, vol. I. p. 243.
464.
Heraclid. Pont. 4.
465.
They are ἐπώνυμοι in the Theræan Testamentum Epictetæ; ἐπὶ ἐφόρων τῶν σὺν φοιβοτέλει. Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 2448.
466.
Polyb. IV. 4. 2. 31. In the cities of the Eleutherolacones, there were also ephors, as at Geronthræ in the decree in Boeckh. Inscript. 1334. and at Tænarum, ib. No. 1321, 1322; and in the time of Gordian, ἡ πόλις τῶν Βειτυλέων i.e., Œtylus, the Βίτυλα of Ptolemy, now Vitulo, ib. 1323. For Cyriacus (ap. Reines. p. 335.) is probably incorrect in stating that the inscription was found in Pylo Messeniaca.
467.
In which city an ephor is as ἐπώνυμος of the πόλις in the Heraclean Tables.
468.
I. 65.
469.
De Rep. Lac. 8. 3. So also Plutarch. Agesil. 5. Pseudo-Plat. Epist. 8. p. 354 B. Suidas in Λυκοῦργος, also Satyrus ap. Diog. Laërt. I. 3. 1. According to others, it was introduced by Cheilon, who, according to Pamphila and Sosicrates, was ephorus ἐπώνυμος in Olymp. 56. 1. 556 B.C. (according to Eusebius Olymp. 55. 4. 557 B.C.) Compare Manso, vol. III. 2. p. 332. The passage of Diog. Laërt. I. 3. 1. (68) creates no difficulty according to the reading of Casaubon; γέγονε δὲ ἔφορος κατὰ τὴν πεντηκοστὴν πέμπτην Ὀλυμπιάδα. Παμφίλη δέ φησι κατὰ τὴν ἕκτην. καὶ πρῶτον ἔφορον γενέσθαι ἐπὶ Εὐθυδήμου (Olymp. 56. 1.), ὥς φησι Σωσικράτης. καὶ πρῶτος εἰσηγήσατο ἐφόρους τοῖς βασιλεῦσι παραζευγνύμαι; Σάτυρος δὲ Λυκοῦργον. The first πρῶτον refers to the office of the ephor eponymus; and hence appears to have originated the mistake which is contained in the words καὶ πρῶτος εἰσηγήσατο, &c., viz., that Chilon first introduced the practice of associating ephors with the kings. Manso, ubi sup., has taken the same view of the passage.
470.
Cic. de Leg. and de Rep. ubi sup. Valer. Max. IV. 1.
471.
Compare Niebuhr's Roman History, vol. I. p. 436. ed. 1. Engl. Transl. with whose opinions on the ephors, as well as on the government of Sparta in general, the views taken in this work generally disagree.
472.
Polit. III. 1. 7. according to which passage the ephors allotted themselves to different branches of the δίκαι τῶν συμβολαίων.
473.
Compare Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 196. Anaxandridas. ἐρωτῶντος δὲ τινος αὐτὸν, διὰ τί τὰς περὶ τοῦ θανάτου δίκας πλείοσιν ἡμέραις οἱ γέροντες κρίνουσι, and p. 207. Eurycratidas—πυθομένου τινὸς, διὰ τί περὶ τὰ τῶν συμβολαίων δίκαια ἑκάστης ἡμέρας κρίνουσιν οἱ ἔφοροι. Here, however, δίκαι ἀπὸ συμβόλων appear to be meant, as the answer shows; which is doubtless a mistake.
474.
Aristot. Pol. II. 8. 4. III. 1. 7. says, as it appears to me, most clearly, that while in Carthage a certain board or court of public officers decided all law-suits, in Sparta the public officers indeed alone acted as judges, but decided only those cases which belonged to their respective departments. Cf. Justin. III. 3.
475.
According to the Etymol. Gudian. ἔφοροι are οἱ τὰ τῶν πόλεων ὤνια ἐπισκεπτόμενοι.
476.
Cf. Herod. I. 153.
477.
Thucyd. V. 34.
478.
See above, p. 101. note i. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “ten days,” starting “According to Herod. VI. 50.”]
479.
Hell. III. 3. 5.
480.
Ælian. V. H. II. 15.
481.
See Tittmann, p. 107, n. 4. where some contradictory statements are also noticed.
482.
Sparta also frequently appointed five judges for extraordinary cases, as for example, concerning the possession of Salamis, the fate of the Platæans, Thucyd. III. 52. The same number were also appointed by the Iasians to decide the lawsuits of the Calymnians, Chandl. Inscript. p. 21. LVIII.
483.
Ch. 5. § 4.
484.
Polit. II. 3. 10. II. 6. 14, 15. II. 8. 2. IV. 7. 4.
485.
μηδεμίαν κληρωτήν, Aristot. Pol. IV. 7. 5.
486.
Plat. Leg. III. p. 692. calls the power of the ephors ἐγγὺς τῆς κληρωτῆς. Without an election, however, Chilon could not have attained the ephoralty, nor his brother have been able to complain that he was postponed. Diog. Laërt. ubi sup. The nomination by the kings (Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 197.) is an error.
487.
Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 6.
488.
See above, ch. 5. § 9.
489.
Κρίσεων μεγάλων κύριοι, Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 16.
490.
Ib. II. 6. 17.
491.
Plutarch. Agis 12. Compare Aristot. Ret. III. 18. 6.
492.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 8. 4.
493.
Herod. VI. 82.
494.
Xen. Ages. I. 36. Plutarch. Ages. 4. Cleom. 10. An Seni sit ger. Resp. 27. Præc. Reip. ger. 21.
495.
Plutarch. Cleom. 10.
496.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 8. 4. ἄρχοντα κύριοι εἷρξαὶ τε καὶ περὶ τῆς ψυχῆς εἰς ἀγῶνα καταστῆσαι. cf. Plut. Lys. 30. The same in reference to the king, Thucyd. I. 131. Nepos (Paus. 3. 5.) probably adds the words “cuivis ephoro” ex suo. Libanius Orat. I. p. 86. Reisk. is incorrect in stating that the ephors had power to imprison the king, and put him to death (δῆσαι καὶ κτανεῖν). Thus the ephors only seized and detained Pausanias; the sentence was passed by the Spartans (οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται), i.e., the court of justice, concerning which see the next note.
497.
Δικαστήριον συναγαγόντες, Herod. VI. 85. See particularly Pausan. III. 5. 3. and Plutarch Agis 19. Less accurately, Apophth. p. 195.
498.
Xen. Hell. III. 5. 25.
499.
Plutarch. Ag. 19.
500.
Thucyd. V. 63.
501.
Xen. Anab. II. 6. 4. ἐθανατώθη ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ τελῶν ὡς ἀπειθῶν, where τὰ τέλη must signify this supreme court.
502.
Ὕπῆγον θανάτου, Xen. Hell. V. 4. 24. The ephors did not seize Cinadon till after a secret conference with the gerusia; his punishment was probably fixed by the supreme court;—see Xen. Hell. III. 3. 5. Polyæan. II. 14. 1.
503.
This is apparently affirmed (in addition to Libanius quoted in p. 122. n. l. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “life or death,” starting “Xen. Rep. Lac. 8. 4.”]) by Plutarch. Periol. 22. Lysand. 19. and Lac. Apophth. p. 209; but it can be only inaccuracy of expression.
504.
Plutarch. Erot. 5. p. 77. where a very fabulous story is related of an event, which is reported to have taken place before the earthquake in the 78th Olympiad. In Polybius V. 91. 2. the ephors are represented as recalling banished persons. Concerning the punishment of exile at Sparta, see below, ch. 11. § 4.
505.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 8. 4. cf. Polyæn. II. 26. 1.
506.
Plutarch. Ages. 2. 5. cf. de Am. Frat. 9. p. 46.
507.
Theophrast. ap. Plutarch. Ages. 2. de Educ. Puer. 2. Otherwise Heraclides Lembus ap. Athen. XIII. p. 566 A.
508.
For this reason the ephors compelled Anaxandridas to marry two wives, Herod. V. 39-41., and watched the wives of the kings, Plat. Alcib. I. 36. p. 121 B. See above, ch. 6. § 6.
509.
Plutarch. Lys. 19. They decided in the case of Gylippus, according to Posidonius ap. Athen. VI. p. 234 A. as ταμίαι of the state, as they appear to have been from notes i and k, p. 127. [Transcriber's Note: Footnote “i” is the footnote to “the plunder,” starting “Xerod. IX. 76.”, and footnote “k” is the footnote to “public treasury,” starting “Plutarch. Lys. 16.”]
510.
At least according to Schol. Thucyd. I. 84.
511.
Plutarch. Inst. Lac. p. 254.
512.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 4. 3. 6. Ælian. V. H. III. 10. XIV. 7.
513.
Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 16. Plut. Ages. 29. the history of Timotheus.
514.
Herod. VI. 63.
515.
Pol. II. 6. 16.
516.
Plutarch. Ag. 9.
517.
Thucyd. I. 87.
518.
Plutarch. Ag. 5. ῥήτραν ἔγραψε.
519.
Ælian. V. H. III. 17.
520.
Xen. Hell. II. 2. 13, 19.
521.
Herod. III. 148. Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 214.
522.
See, for example, Herod. IX. 8. Xen. Hell. II. 2. 17. III. 1. 1. Polyb. IV. 34. 5. Thuc. I. 90. ἀρχαὶ and τέλη are generally mentioned.
523.
Xen. Hell. II. 2. 19.
524.
See particularly Thuc. V. 36. Cf. Xen. Hell. V. 2. 9. That in these cases they always recurred to the public assembly is evident, Xen. Hell. III. 2. 23. IV. 6. 3.
525.
Thuc. V. 19. 24.
526.
Thuc. VI. 88.
527.
Xen. Hell. II. 4. 29. Παυσανίας πείσας τῶν ἐφόρων τρεῖς ἐξάγει φρουράν. cf. III. 2. 25. IV. 2. 9. V. 4. 19. Plut. Lys. 20. Thuc. VIII. 12. See also Anab. II. 6. 2. Hell. V. 1. 1. where they grant permission to privateer.
528.
Herod. IX. 7. 10. Plut. Arist. 10.
529.
Προκηρύττουσι τὰ ἔτη, Xen. Rep. Lac. 11. 2. φρουρὰν ἔφαινον μεχρὶ τῶν τετταράκοντα ἀφ᾽ ἥβης, Hell. VI. 4. 17.
530.
That is, authorized by the state, as Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 3. shows.
531.
Xen. Hell. III. 1. 8. III. 2. 6.
532.
Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 3. πέμψας πρὸς τοὺς ἐφόρους ἠρώτα τί χρὴ ποιεῖν. Hence they were especially οἱ οἴκοι, τὰ οἴκοι τέλη, Sturz Lex. Xenoph. vol. III. p. 254. Compare Plutarch. Lys. 14. Cleom. 8. and the spurious letters of Brasidas and Lysander in Lac. Apophth. pp. 203, 227.
533.
Xen. Hell. III. 2. 6. Plut. Pericl. 22.
534.
Thuc. I. 131. Plut. Lys. 19. Agesilaus was recalled, according to Xenophon Hell. IV. 2, 3. by “the state,” Ages. 1. 36. by τὰ οἴκοι τέλη, according to Plutarch Ages. 15. by the ephors.
535.
Xen. Hell. V. 4. 24.
536.
Plut. Lys. 20. Xen. Ages. 1. 26.
537.
Μὴ περιπατεῖτε, the command to the army at Decelea, Ælian. V. H. II. 5.
538.
This is seen most clearly from Thucyd. VI. 88, where the ephors and τέλη send ambassadors, i.e., wish to persuade the public assembly to do this, and from Xen. Hell. II. 2. 17-19. VI. 4. 2. 3. Compare p. 89. note t. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “magistrates alone,” starting “As Tittman.”]
539.
Herod. IX. 76. Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 5. Hell. II. 4. 35, 36. cf. Thuc. IV. 15.
540.
Herod. IX. 76.
541.
Plutarch. Lys. 16. Diod. XIII. 106.
542.
Xen. Hell. III. 4. 2. ἔφοροι τὰς πατρίους πολιτείας παρήνγειλαν. Thus the τέλη guarantee their independence to whatever allies Brasidas could gain over, Thuc. IV. 86, 88.
543.
Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 32.
544.
τῆς πολιτείας τὸ κρυπτόν, Thucyd. V. 68.
545.
Leg. IV. p. 712 D. Polit. II. 6. 14.
546.
Plutarch. Cleom. 10.
547.
Dodwell de Cyc. Diss. VIII. 5. p. 320. Manso, vol. II. p. 379.
548.
Which also explains the affair with the Aulonitæ in Xen. Hell. III. 3. 8.
549.
Aristot. ap. Plutarch. Cleom. 9. de sera Num. Vind. 4. p. 222. Κείρεσθαι τὸν μύστακα καὶ προσέχειν τοῖς νόμοις. Concerning the Laconian word μύσταξ, see Hesychius and Valcken. ad Adoniaz. p. 288.
550.
Pausan. III. 11. 2. Plutarch. Cleom. 8. Ag. 16.
551.
See Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 237. Comp. Ælian. V. H. II. 15. This building therefore corresponds to the Prytaneum at Athens, in which the civil laws (ἄξονες) were kept, and ambassadors entertained, together with certain distinguished citizens: indeed the prytanes of Athens themselves, as being presidents of the public assembly, have some similarity to the ephors. See also Proclus ad Hesiod. Op. et Di. 722.
552.
Plutarch Cleom. 8, 9.
553.
Plut. Ag. 9. Cic. de Div. I. 43, 96. Compare Manso, vol. III. 1. p. 261. Siebelis ad Pausan. III. 26. 1.
554.
Above, ch. 6. § 6.—The ephors also had certain duties to perform at the sacrifices of Athene Chalciœcus, Polyb. IV. 35. 2.
555.
Ἁνειμένη δίαιτα, II. 6. 16.
556.
Which Pausanias had once wished to effect, Aristot. Pol. V. 1. 5.
557.
See the comparison of Philo de Provid. 2. p. 80. Aucher.
558.
Compare also the Scholiast, and Ducker ad Thucyd. I. 58. Sturz Lex. Xen. IV. p. 276. Αἱ ἁρχαὶ, τὰ ἁρχεῖα is the same, Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 800. In the army οἱ ἐν τέλει are the officers down to the Pentecoster, Xen. Hell. III. 5. 22, 23.
559.
Pausan. III. 11. 2.
560.
A πρέσβυς νομοφυλάκων in recent inscriptions, Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1363, 1364. So also a πρέσβυς βιδέων in No. 1364. (hence βίδεοι περὶ τὸν in inscriptions of late date), and there were six bidei inclusively of this one, as the inscription last quoted, and another of Fourmont's, prove. See above, p. 94. note b. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “peace and war,” starting “Herod. VII. 148.”] Why I pass over Fourmont's pretended ancient inscriptions it is needless to say.
561.
Hesych. in v.
562.
Hesych. in v. In later times also ἁγοράνομοι, in the inscription No. 1364. Hesychius's translation δήμαρχοι does not even explain the name of the γερόακται.
563.
Plut. Ages. 30. Lac. Apophth. p. 189.
564.
Meurs. Misc. Lac. II. 4.
565.
Corsini Not. Græc. Diss. V. p. 95.
566.
Boeckh No. 1364; compare Boeckh p. 611.
567.
Since the first appearance of this work, Boeckh, in his Corp. Inscript. vol. I. p. 605, has shown that the πατρόνομοι obtained indeed the power of the gerusia; but that the latter body still possessed an honorary dignity, comp. ib. p. 610. He further proves, p. 606, that the first patronomus was the ἐπώνομος of the state; and that the expression ἐπὶ τοῦ δείνα, in the lists of magistrates, refers to him. The regular number of the nomophylaces, according to Boeckh's references to Fourmont's Inscriptions, p. 609, was also five. There was however sometimes a sixth. The bidiæi are called in the inscriptions βίδεοι, or βίδυοι; this, according to Boeckh's ingenious explanation, is the Laconian form of ἴδυοι, ϝίδυοι, and signifies witnesses and judges among the youth. Compare the ἴστωρ Hom. II. XVIII. 801. XXIII. 486. and concerning the ἴδυοι in ancient laws, see Ælius Dionysius quoted by Enstathius on the first passage.
568.
Polit. II. 7. 3.—ap. Strab. X. p. 482 A—de Rep. II. 33. Van Dale de Ephoris et Cosmis in his Dissert. Antiquar.
569.
Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 5.
570.
Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 3.
571.
ἔδοξε τοῖς κόσμοις καὶ τᾷ πόλει.
572.
Treaty between the Hierapytnii and Priansii in Chishull's Ant. Asiat. pag. 130. πρειγηία (πρειγεία, legatio) δὲ ὧ κὰ χρείαν ἔχη πορηίω, παρεχόντων οἱ κόσμοι.
573.
Cnosian decree, ibid. p. 121. τὸς δὲ κόσμος δόμεν ἀντίγραφον τῶδε τῶ ψαφίσματος σφραγίσαντας τᾷ δαμοσίᾳ σφραγῖδι ἀποκομίσαι Ἡροδότῳ καὶ Μενεκλεῖ.
574.
As it appears from the treaty of the Hierapytnians, p. 130.
575.
Ephorus ap. Strab. p. 484 B.
576.
Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4.
577.
Treaty of the Hierapytnians, p. 130. A different regulation in that of the Latians and Olontians, p. 134.
578.
Vid. ibid. p. 130.
579.
Decree of the Istronians and Sybritians, p. 113, 114. οἱ κόσμοι—ἐπαναγκαζόντων ἀποδιδόμεν τοὺς ἔχοντας.
580.
Ibid. p. 131. The Hierapytnians and Priansians had for a time had no commercium juris dandi repetendique (κοινοδίκιον); in this treaty it is agreed that the cosmi of the year shall bring before a court appointed by both cities those lawsuits which had been interrupted by the want of a common tribunal; that they shall carry them through during the term of their office, and give sureties for this in a month after the conclusion of the treaty. Then follow similar stipulations for the future.
581.
In the treaty of the Hierapytnians, p. 131, it is permitted that a γραφὴ τιμητὴ, according to the Athenian custom, should be instituted against the cosmus; in the decree of the Sybritians (p. 114.), however, the cosmi are guaranteed for a particular exercise of their power, to be ἁζάμιοι καὶ ἀνυπόδικοι πάσας ζαμίας.
582.
Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 7.
583.
Lyctian Inscript. Gruter. p. 194. 15. Οἱ σύν τινι κόσμοι frequently occurs. Cf. Polyb. XXIII. 15. 1.
584.
This sense is required by the context in Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 7; so that after the words τῶν δυνατῶν, τινὲς should be restored, and the passage be written thus: πάντων δὲ φαυλότατον τὸ τῆς ἀκοσμίας, ἣν συνιστᾶσι πολλάκις, ὅταν μὴ δίκας βούλωνται δοῦναι, τῶν δυνατῶν τινές.
585.
VI. 46. 4. From the context it is plain that the senate was at that time chosen annually in Crete.
586.
Similarly Tittmann, p. 413.
587.
Strabo, p. 481 B.
588.
See Herod. V. 92. Pausan. II. 4. See book I. ch. 8. § 3.
589.
See the great inscription, earlier than the Roman times, in Boeckh's Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 403, in which Aristomenes the prytanis, the son of Aristolaidas, a Hyllean, is mentioned, whose head occurs on a coin in connexion with the head of Hercules. Another inscription in the same book also mentions four prytanes together. At that time, however, the government was democratic, since the ἁλία was also a court of justice, p. 406.
590.
Suidas: Χάρων πρυτάνεις ἢ ἄρχοντες Λακεδαιμονίων. It is also used for king by Pindar and Æschylus.
591.
Ἡρακλείδου πρυτανεύοντος, Paus. X. 2. 2.
592.
See b. II. ch. 1. § 8. Compare the history in Aristot. Pol. V. 3. 3. Plut. Præc. Rep. ger. 52. p. 200. sq.
593.
See Dissen's Commentary and my note to Pindar Nem. XI. 4. where now I agree with Boeckh, that the ἑταῖροι compose the βουλὴ, over which the πρύτανις presides.
594.
This I infer from Polyb. XXVII. 6. 2. Στρατοκλέους πρυτανεύοντος τὴν δευτέραν ἕκμηνον. Comp. Paulsen de Rhodo, p. 56.
595.
See particularly Polyb. XV. 23. 3. XVI. 15. 8. XXIII. 3. 10. XXIX. 4. 4. XXIX. 5. 6. ἀρχὴ μάλιστα αὐτοκράτωρ, Appian. Bell. Civ. IV. 66. Comp. Plut. Præc. Rep. ger. 17. p. 173. Liv. XLII. 45. Poseidonius the historian was prytanis at Rhodes, Strabo VII. p. 316.
596.
Polyb. XXIX. 4. 1.
597.
Polybius and Appius ubi sup. mention δημαγωγοὶ; the former writer had also explained the τρέπος τῆς δημηγορίας, but the passage is lost.
598.
Strabo XIV. p. 652. See below, ch. 9. § 3.
599.
See Ubbo Emmius de Rep. Rhod.
600.
Ad Pind. ubi sup.
601.
Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 3.—The prytanes of Cyzicus were on the other hand democratic.
602.
Hesychius κέρκος—ἐχρῆτο δὲ αὐτῇ μᾶλλον ὁ ἐν Κῳ πρύτανις. Compare with this the sacrifice in the Peace of Aristophanes. The prytanis in the city of Crotona, sacred to Apollo, went every seventh day about the altars, Athen, XII. p. 522 C. Concerning the care of the prytanes for the κοινὴ ἑστία, see Aristot. Pol. VI. 5.
603.
See particularly Andoc. de Myst. p. 37.
604.
Boeckh's Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 64.
605.
Ibid. vol. I. p. 232. where the nature of this office was first explained. The Areopagites also probably received their κρέας through these officers. Comp. Hesych. and Photius in κρέας.
606.
Hence Solon ap. Plut. 19. ἐκ πρυτανείου καταδικασθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν βασιλέων.—They also sat together in the royal porch, probably also as a court of justice. Pollux VIII. 111, 120. Hesych. in Φυλοβασιλεῖς.
607.
Aristot. Pol. V. 1. 6.
608.
Book II. ch. 8. § 6.
609.
Boeckh in several places, Schoemann de Comitiis, p. 364.
610.
V. 71. Compare Schoemann de Comitiis, p. 12.
611.
Olymp. 90. 1. 420 B.C. mentioned by Thuc. V. 47. Cf. Æginetica, p. 134.
612.
Plut. Quæst. Græc. I.
613.
A very numerous synedrion in the Prytaneum at the time of Cassander, Diod. XIX. 63.
614.
Æl. Dionys. ap. Eustath. ad Od. XVII. p. 1285. Rom. Hesych. in v.
615.
Hence Philip (ap. Demosth. de Corona, p. 280.) writes to the demiurgi and synedri of the Peloponnesians.
616.
Thuc. ubi sup.
617.
Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1193. and see Boeckh, pp. 11. and 594.
618.
Polyb. XXIV. 5. 16. Liv. XXXII. 22. XXXVIII. 30. and Drakenborch's note, Plut. Arat. 43. ΔΑΜΙΟΡΓΟΙ in a Dymæan inscription, ib. 1543.
619.
Etym. Mag. p. 265, 45. Zonaras in v.
620.
Ibid. Aristot. Pol. III. 1.
621.
Thuc. I. 56. with the Scholia. Compare Suidas in δημιουργός. Ἐπιδημίουργοι are upper demiurgi, as the ἐπιστρατηγοὶ in Egypt, in the time of the Ptolemies, were upper or superior στρατηγοί.
622.
As in Mantinea, Xen. Hell. V. 2. 3. 6. They were different from the regular τέλη, Thuc. V. 47. In early times the δαμιουργίαι were of considerable duration, Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 3. Compare Æginetica, p. 134.
623.
See above ch. 4. § 2.
624.
See ch. 6. § 10. The notions of the ancients, on the subject of the Argive kings, seem very vague and doubtful.
625.
Book I. ch. 8. § 7.
626.
Diod. XII. 75.
627.
See particularly Thucyd. V. 29. 41. 44.—τὸ πλῆθος ἐψηφίσατο (404 B.C.). Demosth. de Rhod. Libert, p. 197.
628.
Thuc. V. 27, 28.
629.
See the passages quoted above, p. 56. note y. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “great civil power,” starting “See Thuc. V. 67.”]
630.
Aristotle Pol. II. 3. 5. calls them τοὺς γνωρίμους.
631.
Aristot. ubi sup. Diod. XII. 80. Thuc. V. 81. τὸν ἐν Ἄργει δῆμον κατέλυσαν, καὶ ὀλιγαρχία κατέστη. Cf. 76.
632.
In July of 417 B.C. Thuc. V. 82. Diod. XII. 80.
633.
Thuc. V. 84. Diod. XII. 81.
634.
Thuc. VI. 61. Diod. XIII. 5.
635.
C. 11.—πάντας, ὄντας ἑκατὸν, the emendation of Casaubon, who wishes to introduce the word ἑκατοστὺς; does not agree with what follows. Perhaps there were at that time ten tribes at Argos, as in Athens, and the χίλιοι λογάδες are here meant: but even then it would be difficult to fix the time of this event.
636.
Compare Plut. Alcib. 14. Nicostratus, who according to Theopompus ap. Athen. VI. p. 252 A. was προστάτης τῆς πόλεως at the time of Artaxerxes Ochus, was probably an officer of this description. Compare what was said on the demiurgi, ch. 8. § 5.
637.
Below, § 8.
638.
Diod. XV. 40.
639.
Diod. XV. 57, 58.
640.
Plutarch (Præc. Reip. ger. 17. p. 175.) reckons 1500 in all. He is followed by Helladius Chrestom. p. 979. in Gronov. Thesaur. Gr. vol. X.
641.
Plut. ubi sup. compare also Dionys. Hal. Archæol. Rom. VII. 66.
642.
Pausan. II. 20. 1.
643.
Isocrat. ad Philipp. p. 92 C. D. Even however after this time principes occur, Liv. XXXII. 38.
644.
Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 5. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 851. Phavorinus in ὀστρακίνδα. Compare Paradys de Ostracismo in the Classical Journal, vol. XIX. p. 348.
645.
See Aristid. II. p. 388.
646.
Isocrat. ubi sup.
647.
Ἀργεία φορὰ ap. Diogenian. II. 79. Apostol. IV. 28. Eustath. ad Il. β᾽. p. 286 Rom.
648.
Cicero Brut. 13.
649.
Ch. 5. § 1. ch. 8. § 5.
650.
See vol. I. p. 187 note a.
651.
Herod. VII. 99.
652.
Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 2.
653.
P. 94. note b. and p. 140. note m. [Transcriber's Note: These are the footnotes to “peace and war,” starting “Herod. VII. 148.,” and to “sacrifices of the prytanis,” starting “Hesychius κέρκος.”]
654.
Olymp. VII. 87. Callianax was one of the ancestors of Diagoras of the γένος Ἐρατιδῶν.
655.
Compare what Timocreon the Rhodian said in Olymp. 75. 4. 477 B.C. concerning the proceedings of Themistocles in this and in other islands, Plut. Them. 21.
656.
See Boeckh's masterly explanation of this ode at the end.
657.
See Thucyd. VIII. 35, 84. Xen. Hell. I. 1, 2. I. 5. 19. Diod. XIII. 38, 43. Pausan. VI. 7. 2. The correctness of what Androtion relates in this passage is very doubtful.
658.
Thuc. VII. 57.
659.
Thuc. VIII. 44.
660.
Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 5, 6. V. 5. 4. These three passages apparently refer to the same event; which (if this is the case) must have taken place at the time to which I have in the text referred it; for in the middle one the popular party is said to have been defeated by the nobles, πρὸ τῆς ἐπαναστάσεως, which cannot signify “before the revolution,” a meaning which neither the words nor the context will admit; but “before the congregation of the inhabitants of the three small towns to the city of Rhodes,” the ἀνάστασις ἐπὶ μίαν Ῥόδον. Goettling indeed (ad. l.) is of opinion, that the two first passages cannot refer to the same event, since in the first the constitution of Rhodes is stated to have perished through φόβος, in the latter through καταφρόνησις. But the same example might have been strictly applicable to both; the γνώριμοι dreaded the disturbances of the demagogues, and at the same time despised the irregular proceedings of the people, and therefore overthrew the democracy.
661.
Diod. XIII. 75. See also Boeckh, Public Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 155.
662.
Diod. XIV. 79.
663.
Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 20-22. Diod. XIV. 97.
664.
In the speech concerning the freedom of the Rhodians, cf. περὶ Συντάξεως, p. 194. The oligarchy of Hegesilochus (Theopompus ap. Athen. X. p. 444.) perhaps belongs to this period.
665.
If I correctly understand de Repub. III. 35. cf. I. 31. and the traces of the later constitution in Aristid. Rhod. Conc. II. p. 385. and Dio Chrysost. Orat. 31. passim.—With the passage in Cicero compare particularly Sallust. de Rep. Ord. 2., who states, that in Rhodes rich and poor sat together in judgment on both important and unimportant affairs. Tacitus also in Dial, de Cl. Orat. 40. represents the Rhodian constitution as democratic.
666.
Strab. XIV. p. 653 A.
667.
Meurs. Rhod. c. 20.—The supposed letter of Cleobulus to Solon, in which he says that Lindus δαμοκρατεῖ (Diog, Laërt. I. 93. Suidas in Κλεόβουλος) evidently cannot be used for the constitutional history of Rhodes.
668.
Pind. Olymp. XIII. 2. οἶκος ἄμερος ἀστοῖς.
669.
In early times a close friendship existed between Corinth and Athens, Herod. V. 75. 95. Thuc. I. 40, 41.
670.
See Xen. Hell. IV. 4. 3. sqq.
671.
IV. 4. 6. sqq.
672.
See particularly VII. 4. 6. The refugees from Corinth to Argos in Olymp. 101. 2. 375 B.C. (mentioned by Diodorus XV. 40.) were therefore democrats.
673.
Plut. Dion. 53. No conclusion can be drawn from the word δημοκρατία in Plutarch. Timol. 50. for it is there used only to signify the contrary of τυραννίς.
674.
Diod. XVI. 65, 66.
675.
Polit. V. 5. 9.
676.
Thuc. III. 73.
677.
See Dionys. Halic. Archæol. Rom. VII. 66. Diod. XIII. 48.
678.
Thuc. III. 81.
679.
For a βουλευτὴς could hope, by virtue of his office, to persuade the people to an alliance with Athens, Thuc. III. 70.
680.
Thuc. III. 70.
681.
Thuc. III. 70. IV. 46. Æneas Poliorc. 11. Diodorus XII. 57. however says only, τοὺς δημαγωγεῖν εἰωθότας καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ πλήθους προίστασθαι.
682.
Strabo lib. VII. Excerpt. 2. Proverb. Metric. p. 569. Schott.
683.
Concerning the ἐλεφαντίναι κώπαι of the Corcyræan whips, see Aristoph. ap. Hesych. in Κερκυραία μάστιξ, Schol. Aristoph. Av. 1463. Zenob. IV. 49.
684.
In Olymp. 92. 3. 410 B.C. Diod. XIII. 48. and in Olymp. 101. 3. 374 B.C. Diod. XV. 46.
685.
Æneas Poliorc. 11.
686.
See p. 138. note y. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “democratic age,” starting “See the great inscription.”] Perhaps five prytanes in the inscription in Mustoxidi, Illustr. Corciresi, tom. II. p. 87. [Δαμ]οξενος Μολωτα πρυτανευσας και οἱ συναρχοι [Δαμ]ων Μολωτα Ικεταιδας ... Κ[λεα]ρχος Λεοντος ... ρ..ρου θεοις.
687.
The inscription quoted above, p. 138. note y.
688.
Πρόδικοι and πρόβουλοι also occur in another inscription, not written in the Doric dialect, in Mustoxidi, tom. II. p. 92. n. 43., in which an ἀμφίπολος (as in Syracuse) is also mentioned.
689.

If Periander was the son of Gorgus, and the latter (according to Anton. Lib.) the brother of Cypselus, Neanthes of Cyzicus (ap. Diog. Laërt. I. 98.) was correct in stating that the two Perianders were ἀνεψιοί. Yet the hypothesis adopted in b. I. ch. 6. § 8. has its reasons. According to that, the genealogy would be

[Transcriber's Note: The graph shows Cypselus the father of one Periander, and Gorgue (Gorgias) the father of another Periander.]

and then also Psammetichus might be considered as son of the same Gorgias (Gordias), without supposing the oracle in Herodotus V. 92 to be false.

690.
Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 9. Plut. Erot. 23. p. 60.
691.
Aristot. Pol. V. 3. 6. The Spartans also assisted in overthrowing the tyranny, b. I. ch. 9. § 5.
692.
Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 9. According to Anton. Liber. 4. a tyrant Phalæcus also reigned at Ambracia, against whom an insurrection was caused by an oracle of Apollo, whom the Ambraciots considered as the author of their εὐνομία. This Phalæcus (as is evident from the passage quoted) is called Phayilus by Ælian. de Nat. Animal XII. 40. Compare the MSS. of Ovid's Ibis, 502.
693.
Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 4.
694.
Ibid. III. 11. 1. V. 1. 6.
695.
This I conceive to be the meaning of Aristot. Pol. V. 1. 6. according to the reading of Victorius, Ἡλιαία is only a different form of ἁλιαία. See above, p. 88. note n. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “the Epidamnians,” starting “Aristot. Pol. V. 1. 6.”] The occasion of the revolution is perhaps related in V. 3. 4.
696.
In the clause ἄρχων ὁ εἷς ἦν ἐν (V. 1. 6.), it appears to me, that the word ἐστὶν, in III. 11. 1. and the context, require the omission of ἦν. [This conjecture has since been confirmed by the best manuscript of the Politics. See Goettling's edition, p. 391.]
697.
Ælian. V. H. XIII. 5.
698.
Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 13.
699.
See above, ch. 4. § 4.
700.
Strabo VII. p. 316 C.
701.
Aristot. Pol. IV. 3. 8. cf. Herod. IX. 93.
702.
Ælian. ubi sup.
703.
Ἐν Συρακούσαις τῶν Γεωμόρων κατεχόντων τὴν ἀρχὴν are the words of the Parian Marble, Ep. 37. ad Olymp. 41.
704.
See above, p. 113. note m. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Syracuse and Corcyra,” starting “Ib. § 7, 8.”]
705.
Ch. 4. § 4.
706.
See also Plutarch. Præc. Reip. 32. p. 201. In the account of the confiscation of Agathocles' property (Diod. Exc. 8. p. 549 Wess.) the geomori appear as the supreme court of justice.
707.
Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 57.
708.
Herod. VII. 155. Dion. Hal. VI. 62. Compare Zenobius, quoted above, p. 61. note p. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “from the Greek,” starting “Hesychius.”]
709.
This is stated by Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 6. The story in Aristot. Pol. V. 3. 1. Plut. Præc. Reip. ubi sup. refers to the dissolution of the ancient hereditary aristocracy, which Plutarch calls ἀρίστην πολιτείαν.
710.
Herod, ubi sup.
711.
Diod. XI. 26. Ælian. V. H. XIII. 36.
712.
Thuc. VII. 55. Demosth. Leptin. p. 506, &c.
713.
Pol. V. 3. 6. Compare, however, V. 10. 3.
714.
Herod. VII. 156. Diod. XI. 25. The reason why there was so great a number of foreign mercenaries in Sicily, is, that the native Sicilians would not serve as hired troops (Hesychius and Apostolius in Σικελὸς στρατ. Toup in Suid. vol. II. p. 614); the tyrants were therefore compelled to hire Condottieri, as for instance Phormis the Mænalian.
715.
Diod. XI. 72, 73.
716.
Diod. XI. 76. cf. Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 11. This is the πολιτογραφία and the ἀναδασμὸς, Diod. XI. 86. Compare Goeller de Situ Syracusarum, 3. p. 9.
717.
Οἱ χαριέστατοι Diod. XI. 87. Compare the χαρίεντες in Plutarch Phocion. 29. Dion. 28. Aristot. Eth. Nic. I. 4. 2. I. 5. 4. IV. 8. 10. Concerning the Petalismus, see, besides Diodorus, Hesychius in v. Rivinus in Schlaeger's Dissert. 1774. vol. I. p. 107.
718.
What sycophants were in a democracy, were the ὠτακουσταί and ποταγωγίδες in the tyranny of Hieron. (Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 3. comp. the vetus interpres ap. Schneider.), and of the Dionysii (Plut. Dion, de Curios. 16. p. 147. who supposed that the latter were men). Compare vol. I. p. 183. note n.
719.
See the mutilated Scholia to Hermogenes in Reiske's Orators, vol. VIII. p. 196. together with Aristotle ap. Cic. Brut. XII. 46.
720.
Siculi acuti, Cic. Verrin. III. 8. acuta gens et controversa natura, Brut. XII. 46. dicaces, Verr. IV. 43. faceti, Orat. II. 54.
721.
Diod. XI. 82. probably from Philistus.
722.
Thuc. VI. 32 sqq. 72 sq. Diod. XV. 19. 95.
723.
Thuc. VI. 35.
724.
Thuc. VI. 32, 41. Diod. XIII. 19.
725.
Hermocrates, of an aristocratic disposition, filled a public office.—The νεώτεροι in Thucyd. VI. 38. cannot, from the context, be generally the young men of the city; they must be a party of youthful aristocrats, who were peculiarly hostile to the people, and, according to the statement of Athenagoras, wished to take advantage of the fear of a war and the blockade of Syracuse, for the purpose of regaining their lost privileges. In this sense οἱ τε δυνάμενοι καὶ οἱ νέοι are combined in VI. 39. [See Arnold's History of Rome, vol. I. p. 332, note 29.]
726.
Diodorus XIII. 19, 55. calls him a demagogue.
727.
Aristot. Pol. V. 3. 6. Diod. XIII. 35. The δημηγοροῦντες cast lots merely for the succession in which they were to address the people, Plut. Reg. Apophth. p. 89, 90. The generals were still chosen from among the δυνατώτατοι, Diod. XIII. 91.
728.
Diod. XIII. 33, 35.
729.
Plut. ubi sup. p. 92.
730.
Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 5. V. 8. 4. Diod. XIII. 96.
731.
Diod. XIII. 94. cf. Polyæn. V. 2. 2.
732.
Diod. XIV. 45, 64, 70. See several passages in Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. II. 2. 20. The assemblies summoned by Dion, for example, against Dionysius the Second (Diod. XVI. 10, 17, 20. Plut. Dion. 33, 38.), must not be considered as in any way connected with the tyranny. Cicero de Rep. III. 31. denies that Syracuse in the reign of Dionysius was a Respublica at all.
733.
Plutarch. Dion. 28.
734.
Ibid. 53. σχῆμα—ἀριστοκρατίαν ἔχον τὴν ἐπιστατοῦσαν καὶ βραβεύουσαν τὰ μέγιστα. See above, ch. 1. § 7.
735.
Diod. XVI. 70.
736.
Plutarch. Timol. 37.
737.
Diod. XVI. 81. with Wesseling's note, Cic. in Verr. I. 2. 51.
738.
Diod. XIII. 35. XVI. 70.
739.
Diod. XIX. 3-5. After a democracy of this kind, and before the time of Agathocles, the state was legally governed by a synedrion of 600 of the most distinguished persons (χαριέστατοι), XIX. 6.
740.
Diod. XIX. 4. 6-9. He also sometimes convened public assemblies, when it pleased him to play the δημοτικός. Diod. XX. 63, 79.
741.
Otherwise it must have been newly appointed by election or lot at the death of Hieronymus, of which Livy XXIV. 22 says not a word. The seniores (c. 24.) are probably members of this senate; a γερουσία also probably existed at that time, which occurs in a late inscription in Castelli Inscript. Sic. V. 5. p. 44.
742.
Liv. XXIV. 27.
743.
See Hesychius, Suidas, and Zenobius in ἱππάρχου πίναξ; on this tablet were entered τὰ τῶν ἀτακτούντων ὀνόματα. In Diod. XIV. 64. ἱππεῖς appears to be the name of the class of knights.
744.
At Gela Cleander was tyrant, after a period of oligarchy (Aristot. Pol. V. 10. 4.), from 505 to 498 B.C. (Herod. VII. 157. Dion. Hal. VII. 1. Pausan. VI. 9.); then his brother Hippocrates 498-491 B.C. Gelon in 491 B.C. At Agrigentum there was a timocracy (Arist. Pol. V. 8. 4.), then Phalaris 555-548 B.C. according to Eusebius and Bentley, then Alcmanes and Alcander (Heracl. Pont. 36.), Theron 488-473 B.C. according to Boeckh, and Thrasydæus, who was expelled in the same year.
745.
Diod. XI. 53. κομισάμενοι τὴν δημοκρατίαν.
746.
See Diogen. Laërt. VIII. 66. Timæus Fragm. 2. ed. Goeller. Sturz Empedocles, p. 108.
747.
Aristot. ap. Diog. VIII. 63. The words, ὥστε οὐ μόνον ἦν τῶν πλουσίων ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν τὰ δημοτικὰ φρονούντων, do not present any difficulty.
748.
Cic. Verr. I. 2. 50.
749.
Gruter, p. 401. Castelli, p. 79, &c.
750.
Ἁλιασμα ἑκτας διμηνον Καρνειον ἑξηκοντος ΠΕΜΠΤΑΙ. See above concerning Rhodes, § 3.
751.
The Hierothytes was the παραπροστάτας of the βουλὴ (ΠΑΡΑΠΡΟΣΤΑΤΑ ΤΑΣ should be written).
752.
Verr. I. 4. 23, 39.
753.
Concerning the ἱεράπολοι see Boissonade in the Classical Journal, vol. XVII. p. 396.
754.
Maffei Mus. Veron. p. 329. Muratori, p. 642, 1. Castello, p. 84. cf. ibid. p. 25.
755.
Βουλας ἁλιασμα (vulg. ἁλιασματα) δευτερας ἑξαμηνου Καρνειου τριακαδι.
756.
Εδοξε τᾳ ἁλιᾳ καθα και τᾳ βουλᾳ, as the sense requires us to read with Castello.
757.
See also the Calymnian decree (Chandler, p. 21. n. 85.) εδοξε τᾳ βουλᾳ και τῳ δαμῳ γνωμα προσταταν.
758.
B. I. ch. 8. § 2.
759.
Plutarch, de sera Num. Vind. 7. p. 231.
760.
Thucyd. V. 81.
761.
Xen. Hell. VII. 1. 44.
762.
VII. 1. 45. VII. 3. 4.
763.
Ἄκρατος καὶ Δωρικὴ ἀριστοκρατία, Plutarch. Arat. 2.
764.
Some members of the oligarchical party of Argos also fled to Phlius, Thucyd. V. 83.
765.
Xen. Hell. V. 2. 8. sqq. V. 3. 10. sqq. V. 3. 21. sqq. Fifty persons of each party made a plan for a new constitution. Hell. V. 3. 25. The refugees residing at Argos, in 375 B.C. were manifestly democrats, the same as in Xen. Hell. VII. 2. 5. in 369 B.C.
766.
Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 18. Μεγαρεῖς Θεαγένη—ἐκβαλόντες, ὀλίγον χρόνον ἐσωφρόνησαν κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν.
767.
See above, ch. 3. § 3. It appears to me nearly certain that the passage refers to Megara near Corinth.
768.
See above, ch. 1. § 4. ch. 4. § 8.
769.
V. 43, 66, 847. ed. Bekker. [See generally on the aristocratical tendency of the poetry of Theognis, and the constitution of Megara, Welcker, Prolegomena ad Theognin, pp. x-xli.]
770.
Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 6. V. 4. 3. Plut. ubi sup. I suspect that Theognis (v. 677.) speaks of this period, χρήματα δ᾽ ἁρπάζουσι βίᾳ, κόσμος δ᾽ ἀπόλωλεν, and in the whole political allegory of the passage. This was the time of the violence done to the Peloponnesian theori, Plutarch ubi sup. p. 59.
771.
Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 851. Phavorinus in ὀστρακίνδα.
772.
Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 3. IV. 12. 10.
773.
Thuc. I. 114. cf. 103.
774.
Thuc. IV. 66, 74.
775.
Thuc. ubi sup. et V. 31. In this aristocratic period the πρόβουλοι were magistrates of high authority in Megara, Aristoph. Acharn. 755.
776.
Diod. XV. 40.
777.
περὶ παραπρεσβείας, pp. 435, 436.
778.
Above, p. 113, note i. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “very late period,” starting “Ἐπὶ βασιλέος Πασγάδα.”]
779.
Plutarch. Symp. VIII. 8. 4. p. 319, where indeed the expression is very indefinite.
780.
De Corona, p. 255. and in another decree in Polyb. IV. 52. 4. They also occur in coins.
781.
In Caylus, Recueil, II. pl. 55. in the king's library at Paris. It is the same which Corsini F. A. I. 2. p. 469. considered as Delphian. It decrees a crown to a Ἁγεμὼν βουλὰς, and the eight persons whose names are subscribed are probably senators.
782.
Vol. I. p. 250, note l.
783.
See, besides other writers, Boettiger, Amalthea, vol. II. p. 304.—Of the hieromnemons Letronne has treated at full length, Mém. de l'Acad. des Inscriptions, tom. VI. p. 221, but without remarking that, besides Delphi, they are peculiar to Megara and its colonies,
784.
At least if Dineus (Dinæus) was king, see book I. ch. 6. § 9; this Dineus is, however, called by Hesychius Milesius, § 20, only general of the Byzantians, and τοπάρχης of Chalcedon. He appears, nevertheless, to be an historical personage. Concerning the bondslaves, see above, ch. 4, § 5.
785.
According to Hesychius Milesius, Λέων τις τῶν Βυζαντίων ἀριστοκρατίαν ἐδέξατο.
786.
Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 27. What the Thirty in Diodorus XIV. 12. are, whom Clearchus put to death after the magistrates, we are entirely ignorant, since the right explanation or emendation of the word Βοιωτοὺς is still a desideratum.
787.
Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 10.
788.
Theopompus ap. Athen. XII. p. 526 E. cf. Memnon. 23. ap. Phot. Biblioth. p. 724.
789.
Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. II. 2. 3. The transit duties levied at the Bosporus are well known, Boeckh's Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 40.
790.
A decree of the senate before it had received the sanction of the people was also called ῥήτρα in Sparta; see above, ch. 5. § 8.
791.
It occurs on coins. See Heyne Comment. rec. Gotting. vol. I. p. 8.
792.
Pseud-Aristot. ubi sup.
793.
Chandler. Inscript. App. 12. p. 94.
794.
Æneas Poliorcet. 11. (ad calc. Polyb.) οὐσῶν αὐτοῖς τριῶν φυλῶν καὶ τεττάρων ἑκατοστύων. There must evidently have been more than four hundreds to three tribes, as Casaubon remarks. Perhaps we should read τεττάρων καὶ εἴκοσι ἑκατοστύων, or with Goettling (Hermes, vol. XXV. p. 155.) τεττάρων ἐν ἑκάστῃ ἑκατοστύων. Casaubon's emendation of τεττάρακοντα for τεττάρων is not admissible, as forty is not divisible by three without a remainder. The event probably took place before the 104th Olympiad, 364 B.C.
795.
See book I. ch. 6. § 10.
796.
See above, ch. 4. § 5.
797.
Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 6.
798.
This is evident from the context of the passage in Justin. XVI. 4.
799.
Compare with Justin Æneas Poliorc. 12.
800.
According to Polyænus II. 30. 2. Clearchus caused the whole senate of 300 to be put to death, which is here represented as a standing body.
801.
Of the Megarian colony Astypalæa have inscriptions in tolerable preservation, but not until the last times of independence, when the constitution became similar to that of Athens. An inscription, already quoted in vol. I. p. 116, note y, begins εδοξε τᾳ βουλᾳ και τῳ δαμῳ φιλ ... ενευς επεστατει γνωμα πρυ[τανιων επει]δὴ Αρκεσιλας Μοιραγενευς αἱ[ρεθεις] αγορανομος επεμεληθη του δαμου μετα πασας φιλοτιμιας, &c. Another contains συνθῆκαι between the δῆμος τῶν Ἀστυπαλαιέων and the δῆμος τῶν Ῥωμαίων; in this also we read, εδοξε τω δημω Ευχωνιδας Ευκλευς επεστατει πρυτανιων [γνωμα]. See Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Gr. Nos. 2483, 2485.
802.
All this is stated in Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 4.
803.
Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 3, 11.
804.
The former by Hermippus ap. Diog. Laërt. VIII. 88. and Plutarch, in Colot. 32. p. 194. The latter by Theodoretus Græc. Aff. IX. 16.
805.
Thucyd. V. 84.
806.
Above, ch. 6, § 10, and ch. 7, § 1.
807.
Τεμένεα in the Homeric sense, Herod. IV. 161. Cf. Diod. Exc. 8. vol. II. p. 551. Wesseling. Τὰ τῶν προγόνων γέρεα in Herodotus, IV. 162. which Arcesilaus wished to regain, refers to the revenues, as well as to the privileges of which the kings had been deprived. Compare Thrige, Res Cyrenensium, p. 154. note.
808.
Diod. vol. II. p. 550. Wess.
809.
Herod. IV. 165.
810.
Boeckh Explic. ad Pind. Pyth. IV. p. 266.
811.
Pyth. IV. 263. according to Boeckh's explanation.
812.
Heracl. Pont. 4.
813.
Aristotle Pol. V. 2. 11. says, that the founders of the democracy at Cyrene established other and more tribes; which statement must be referred to this time; for that by the τὸν δῆμον καθιστάντες Demonax is not meant, is evident from the circumstance that this person only instituted three tribes, and therefore could hardly have increased their number. See Thrige, Res Cyrenensium, pp. 103-192.
814.
See also concerning the contest between a democratic and aristocratic party in Olymp. 95. I. 400 B.C. Diod. XIV. 34.
815.
Plut. Lucull. 2.—Concerning the ephors of Cyrene see above, ch. 7. § 1.
816.
Ch. 6. § 10.
817.
Concerning these see above, page 52. note f. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “noticed above,” starting “So also ib Strab.”] From these Pelasgian bondsmen, bands of robbers, called περίδινοι, proceeded, according to Plato Leg. VI. p. 777. Cf. Athen. VI. p. 267.
818.
Polit. V. 2. 8. See Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol. II. p. 221.
819.
Aristot. Pol. VI. 3. 5. οἱ Ταραντῖνοι, κοινὰ ποιοῦντες τὰ κτήματα τοῖς ἀπόροις ἐπὶ τὴν χρῆσιν, εὔνουν παρασκευάζουσι τὸ πλῆθος. ἔτι δὲ τὰς ἀρχὰς πάσας ἐποίησαν διττὰς, τὰς μὲν αἱρετὰς, τὰς δὲ κληρωτάς; τὰς μὲν κληρωτὰς, ὅπως ὁ δῆμος αυτῶν μετέχῃ, τὰς δ᾽ αἱρετὰς, ἵνα πολιτεύωνται βέλτιον. These institutions can only be referred to this period, for the present tense παρασκευάζουσι shows their existence when the author was writing; ἐποίησαν refers only to the time of the institution, and the words ἵνα μετέχῃ again prove their actual existence.—As to the interpretation of the words κοινὰ ποιοῦντες τὰ κτήματα ἐπὶ τὴν χρῆσιν, it is known that at Rome, when the ager publicus was divided among the plebeians, it was either given them by assignation as absolute property (mancipium, dominium), in which case it ceased to be publicus; or it was held by possessiones, in early times by the patricians, who only occupied it with an usufructuary right, while the land remained publicus, was not marked out with limits, and could be at any time reclaimed by the state (See Niebuhr's Roman History, vol. II. p. 363. sqq. ed. 1. Eng. Transl. compare vol. I. note 443. ed. 2.). The occupation of the public lands of Tarentum was probably allowed to the poor on similar conditions. As to the δίττας ποιεῖν τὰς ἀρχὰς, Aristotle seems to mean, that if, for example, there had been two agoranomi, four strategi, &c. they then made four agoranomi, eight strategi, &c.: of whom two and four were chosen by lot, two and four by election.
820.
Strabo VI. p. 280.
821.
Which would also be proved by the Fragment of Archytas concerning the Spartan constitution (Stobæus Serm. 41. Orelli Opusc. Moral. vol. II. p. 254.), if it were genuine.
822.
Diog. Laërt. VIII. 79. six times, according to Ælian. V. H. VII. 14. cf. III. 17.
823.
Aristoxenus ap. Diog. L. VIII. 82. See Jamblich. Pythag. § 197. Hesych. Miles. in Vit. Archyt.
824.
Strab. p. 280. Demosth. Ἐρωτ. p. 1415. Plut. de Educ. lib 10. p. 28. Præc. ger. Reip. 28. p. 191. Cf. Fabric. Bibl. Gr. ed. Harles. vol. II. p. 30.
825.
Concerning the ἀσέλγεια and ὕβρις of the Tarentines, see particularly Dionys. Hal. ed. Mai. XVII. 5, 7.—A βουλὴ at Tarentum, whose προβούλευμα was necessary for a declaration of war, in Livy VIII. 27. A public assembly deciding concerning peace and war, Diod. XIX. 70. Plut. Pyrrh. 13. Cheirotonia of this assembly, Plut., Qu. Gr. 42. from Theophrastus.
826.
See above, p. 88. note l. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “and Heraclea,” starting “Ἁλία κατάκλητος.”]
827.
See b. I. ch. 6. § 12. and b. II. ch. 12. § 5.
828.
Jambl. Pythag. 7. p. 33. 15. p. 255, 257. Cf. Porph. Pythag. 21. 22.
829.
B. II. ch. 3 § 7.
830.
Jambl. Pythag. 9. p. 45. and Dicæarchus ap. Porphyr. 18. who calls the members γέροντες. Perhaps the σύγκλητος in Diod. XII. 9. is the same.
831.
Valer. Max. VIII. 15. ext. 1.
832.
See above, p. 140, note m. [Transcriber's Note: These is the footnote to “sacrifices of the prytanis,” starting “Hesychius κέρκος.”]
833.
Heraclid. Pont. 25.
834.
See below, ch. 11. § 6.
835.
Jamblich. 35. p. 260.
836.
See b. I. ch. 6. § 12.
837.
Diog. Laërt. VIII. 3. See Apollon. ap. Jamblich. 35. p. 254, 261. Justin. XX. 4.
838.
See above, ch. 5. § 4.
839.
The elucidation of this fact is without doubt the work of Meiners, Geschichte der Wissenschaften, vol. III. ch. 3. The reason why Plato, de Rep. X. p. 600, represents Pythagoras as one who had been a master of education not in a public but a private capacity, is, that the Pythagorean discipline and mode of living, the βίος ἐπὶ στάθμῃ, was only kept up as a private institution, while the public regulations of Pythagoras had long fallen into oblivion.
840.
Apollonius ap. Jamblich. 35. p. 255.
841.
Ibid. p. 257. cf. 260.
842.
Jambl. 35. p. 262.
843.
Polyb. II. 39. Jambl. 35. p. 263. See Heyne Opuscul. Acad. II. p. 178.
844.
II. 41. 5. and passim. Pausan. V. 7. 1.
845.
Thucyd. V. 80.
846.
Hell. VII. 1. 44.
847.
See, for example, Plutarch. Philopœmen. 7, 18.
848.
Liv. XXIV. 2, 3.
849.
B. II. ch. 1. § 8. Above, ch. 8. § 3.
850.
Above, ch. 6. § 10. From the passage quoted it is seen that even in Plutarch's time a βασιλεὺς, in name at least, existed.
851.
Above, ch. 8. § 8. [Transcriber's Note: There is no such section number in that chapter.]
852.
Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1688, 1689, 1694, 1705. The Delphian archons Gylidas and Diodorus in Olymp. 47. 3. 590 B.C. and 49. 3. 582 B.C. (Argument. Schol. Pind. Pyth.) were, however, perhaps, prytanes.
853.
Ibid. No. 1693.
854.
Ibid. Nos. 1702. sqq.
855.
Αὐστηρὰ καὶ ἀριστοκρατικὴ πολιτεία, Plutarch. Comp. Lycurg. et Num. 2. According to Plutarch de Monarchia 2. p. 205. the government of Sparta was an ἀριστοκρατικὴ ὀλιγαρχία καὶ αὐθέκαστος. Isocrates Nicod. p. 31. D. says of the Lacedæmonians, οἴκοι μὲν ὀλιγαρχούμενοι, περὶ δὲ τὸν πόλεμον βασιλευόμενοι. Comp. Cragius I. 4.
856.
Isocrat. Panath. p. 287 A. Crete also was free from tyranny, according to Plato Leg. IV. p. 711.
857.
Isocrates Areopag. p. 152 A. says that the Lacedæmonians were κάλλιστα πολιτευόμενοι, because they were μάλιστα δημοκρατούμενοι. Plat. Leg. IV. p. 712 D. Aristot. Pol. II. 3. 10. IV. 5. 11. IV. 6. 4, 5. and compare Cicero de Rep. II. 23. who states that the respublica Lacedæmoniorum was mixta, but not temperata; and on the other side the pretended Archytas in Stob. Serm. 41.
858.
The king in the Doric constitution was said to honour the people, δᾶμον γεραίρειν, Pind. Pyth. I. 61.
859.
The Cretan constitution also, according to Plato (ubi sup.), united every form of government.
860.
To this, and not to conquests, the expression of Simonides, δαμασίμβροτος Σπάρτα, refers, according to Plutarch Agesil. 1. Compare Polyb. IV. 22. 2. Plut. Lycurg. 30. Præc. Ger. Reip. 20, 21. p. 181, 182. Lac. Apophth. p. 246. the verses of Ion the tragic poet in Sextus Empiricus adv. Mathem p. 69 A. and a Spartan inscription of late date, Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1350. ἡ πόλις M. Aur. Ἀφροδείσιον—τῆς ἐν τοῖς πατρίοις Λυκουργείοις ἔθεσιν εὐψυχίας καὶ πειθαρχίας χάριν.
861.
See Plutarch. Lycurg. 29, 30.
862.
Compare the Platonic Socrates, Criton. 14. Protag. p. 342 C. Repub. VIII. p. 544 C. with the Socrates of Xenophon, Mem. III. 5. 15. and what Antisthenes says in Plut. Lyc. 30.
863.
In Leocr. p. 166. 5. The words of Æschines, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ Λακεδαιμόνιοι (in Timarch. 25. 32.), are merely a ridiculous imitation of Cimon.
864.
Polybius IV. 81. 12. also calls the Spartan constitution καλλίστη πολιτεία.
865.
As, for example, the ignorant de Pauw, who was preceded among the ancients in an attempt to decry Sparta by Polycrates (probably the orator), Heyne de Spart. Rep. Comment. Gotting. vol. IX. p. 2.
866.
Concerning the similarity of Plato's state, and the Lacedæmonian government, see Morgenstern de Platon. Rep. p. 305.
867.
ῥυάχετος, Lysistrat. 170. Compare the λάβρος στράτος of Pindar quoted above, p. 9. note y. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “form of government,” starting “Herod. VI. 43.”]
868.
Thuc. IV. 22. Compare the excuses of Alcibiades VI. 89.
869.
Thuc. I. 77.
870.
Above, ch. 2. § 3.
871.
Herod. VI. 51. Compare above, ch. 6. § 9.
872.
See ch. 4. § 1. concerning the μνοία. Compare the τεμένη δημόσια of Byzantium in Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. II. 2. 3.
873.
As also in Cyrene. See ch. 9. § 13.
874.
Ch. 3. § 6.
875.
Ch. 2. § 1.
876.
Ch. 3. § 6.
877.
Compare the supposed apophthegm of Lycurgus concerning the equal ricks of corn, Plut. Lyc. 8.
878.
See, among others, Timæus ap. Schol. Plat. Phæd. p. 68. Ruhnk. and ap. Diog. Laërt. VIII. 10. Meiners, Geschichte der Wissenschaft, III. 3 Cicero de Rep. IV. (p. 281. Mai.) ap. Non. in v. proprium, p. 689. Gothofr. compares Plato's Communitas bonorum. with the institution of Lycurgus.
879.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 6. 3, 4. Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 5. Plut. Lac. Inst. p. 252.
880.
Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 10.
881.
The apophthegm of Polydorus ap. Plutarch, p. 223. shows that this king set on foot a κλήρωσις of Messenia.
882.
Aristot. Pol. V. 6. 1.
883.
This agrees completely with a fact mentioned by Pausan. IV. 18. 2. that Tyrtæus appeased the internal troubles, which arose from Messenia having been left uncultivated, on account of the incursions of the Messenians from Eira.—It was doubtless on this occasion that the Spartans, who had lots in Messenia, called for a fresh division of the Spartan territory; and to quiet these complaints Tyrtæus composed his Eunomia.
884.
Plut. Agis 5. καὶ τῶν οἴκων ὃν ὁ Λυκοῦργος ὥρισε φυλαττόντων ἀριθμὸν ἐν ταῖς διαδοχαῖς, καὶ πατρὸς παιδὶ τὸν κλῆρον ἀπολιπόντος. See Heyne ut sup. p. 15.
885.
The difficulties have been well perceived by Friederich von Raumer, Vorlesungen über alte Geschichte, vol. I. p. 236.
886.
Thus Herodotus VI. 86. says of Glaucus the Spartan, οὔτε τι ἀπόγονον, οὔτ᾽ ἱστίη οὐδεμία νομιζομίων εἶναι Γλαύκον.
887.
Herod. VII. 205. Compare Diod. XV. 64. also Thucyd. V. 64.
888.
Heraclid. Pont. 2. πωλεῖν δὲ γῆν Λακεδαιμονίοις αἰσχρὸν νενόμισται (cf. Arist. Pol. II. 6. 10), τῆς ἀρχαίας μοίρας ἀνανέμεσθαι οὐδὲν ἔξεστι. Cf. Plut. Inst. Lac. p. 252.
889.
This is quoted as a Laconian law by Proclus ad Hes. Op. 374. p. 198. Gaisford.
890.
Younger brothers, however, inherited immediately, if the elder died without lawful issue, Plutarch. Ages. 4.
891.
Pollux I. 8. 75. X. 3. 20. with Hemsterhuis' note. Concerning the words derived from πάω, see Valckenær. ad Ammon. 3, 7.
892.
The members of a family might be said to eat together, to be ὁμόκαποι, notwithstanding the institution of the syssitia, for the public tables did not furnish all the food. Ὁμόκαπνοι (the reading of the best MS.) comes to the same thing; as the fire of the hearth was used by the Greeks more for cooking than for warmth; and in the summer for the former exclusively.
893.
Aristot. Pol. I. 1. 6.
894.
Hesychius, παῶται: συγγενεῖς, οἰκεῖοι.
895.
Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 21.
896.
The μικρὰ ἔχοντες in Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 7. 4. must be those who possess no κλῆρος of their own, like the μικρὰν οὐσίαν κεκτημένοι in Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 10.
897.
Lycurg. 16.
898.
When a family was entirely extinct, probably they passed to that next in order in the τριακάς.
899.
Mai Nov. Collect. Vet. Scriptor. vol. II. p. 384.
900.
Below, § 4. near the end.
901.
See Deuteron. xxv. 5-10. Michaëlis on the Laws of Moses, vol. II. p. 21-33. Engl. translation.
902.
Plutarch Agis 5.
903.
This circumstance is otherwise understood by Manso, vol. I. 2. p. 133. Tittmann, p. 660. Göttling ad Arist. Pol. p. 467. endeavours to exculpate Aristotle from this charge by supposing that under the word νομοθέτης he also comprises the later innovators of the constitution; but the author nowhere shows that he had any knowledge of these changes: otherwise he could not have stated that the destructive law of Epitadeus (for such in fact it was, which διδόναι καὶ καταλείπειν ἐξουσίαν ἔδωκε τοῖς βουλομένοις) was a part of the original constitution, as well as the corresponding laws respecting sacrifices.
904.
This also occurs in later times, Plut. Agis 13. Ætian. V. H. XIV. 44.
905.
II. 6. 10. To give away χρήματα or κειμήλια, was also permitted in early time, Herod. VI. 62. Plut. Ages. 4.
906.
See Clinton, F. H. vol. II. p. 383. ed. 2.
907.
Ἀτελῆ πάντων, e.g., of the contribution to the syssitia, Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 13. Ælian (V. II. VI. 6.) mentions five instead of four. Manso (I. 1. p. 128.) remarks that the law can hardly have proceeded from Lycurgus.
908.
See below, ch. 12. § 2.
909.
Pol. II. 6. 11.
910.
Plut. Ag. 5. According to Macrobius (Sat. I. 11.) at the time of Cleomenes there were only mille et quingenti Lacedæmonii, qui arma ferre possent.
911.
These only are called by Xenophon (Hell. III. 3. 5.) Σπαρτιᾶται, as is plain from the words; ὅσοι ἐν τοῖς χωρίοις Σπαρτιατῶν τύχοιεν ὄντες, ἔνα μὲν πολέμιον τὸν δεσπότην.
912.
Plut. Agis 5.
913.
Dionys. Byz. de Bosp. Thrac. p. 17. Hudson. Also Varro de Ling. Lat. V. (IV.) 36. p. 48. Bipont. says that the Sicilian Greeks (who were chiefly Dorians) used δωτίνη for dowry.
914.
Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 223. Ælian. V. H. VI. 6. Justin. III. 3. Compare the corrupt gloss of Hesychius in ἀγρετήματα.
915.
Plut. Lysand. 30. Apophth. p. 229. Ælian. V. H. VI. 4. With regard to the story of Lysander's daughters, it should be remarked, that the suitors could not have been deceived as to whether they possessed landed property or not; but they thought that the father had large personal property, and that this would be divided among them.—Lysander also left male issue, as appears from Paus. III. 6. 41. of whom one was named Libys, in memory of the proxenia of Lysander with the Ammonians. The name could hardly have been transmitted through Lysander's daughters, since it is certain that they were not heiresses.
916.
See Polit. II. 6. 10. In Plutarch (Agid. 6.) a very rich sister of a poor and distressed brother occurs. See also Plutarch Cleomen. I. concerning the wealth of the women in Sparta. But the rich wife of Archidamus II. (Athen. XIII. p. 566 D.), Eupolia, the daughter of Melesippidas, must have been an heiress.
917.
Compare Bunsen De Jure Hered. Attico I. 1. p. 18.
918.
Aristot. Pol. II. 8. 9.
919.
See, besides Bunsen, Platner, Beiträge, p. 117. sqq. Sluiter Lect. Andoc. 5. p. 80. sqq.
920.
Diod. XII. 18. Heyne Opusc. Acad. II. p. 119.
921.

This is evident from the Supplices of Æschylus, particularly v. 382.

εἴ τοι κρατοῦσι παῖδες Αἰγύπτου σέθεν,
νόμῳ πόλεως φάσκοντες ἐγγύτατα γένους
εἶναι, τίς ἄν τοῖσδ᾽ ἀντιωθῆναι θέλοι;

922.
Isæus de Pyrrhi Hered. p. 54.—The Jewish law was strikingly similar. See Numbers xxvii. 1-11. The daughters had the inheritance of their father, but they were not permitted to marry out of the family; the nearest relation had the first claim, to her, if he relinquished it, the next followed, and so on, Ruth iv.
923.
See the law in Demosth. in Steph. p. 1134. 15. which I interpret thus: “Whatever woman is betrothed by her father, her brother by the same father, or her paternal grandfather, is a legitimate wife: if neither of these is living, and the woman is an heiress, she shall marry the nearest relation, the κύριος; but if she is not an heiress (e.g., if there are grandsons of the deceased alive), that relation shall give her in marriage to whom he pleases”—besides which it is his duty to portion her according to his valuation. The laws of Charondas also compelled the relation to marry the heiress, and to endow her if poor, Diod. XII. 18.
924.
Plutarch Solon 20.
925.
Thus Leonidas married Gorgo, the heiress of Cleomenes, as being her nearest relation (ἀγχιστεύς). It was however a common practice in Sparta to marry in the οἶκος. Thus Archidamus married his aunt Lampito, Herod. VI. 71; thus Anaxandridas married his sister's daughter, V. 39. Thus the wife of Cleomenes (Plut. Pyrrh. 26.) was of the same family as her husband; and so with regard to the wife of Archidamus V. Polyb. IV. 35. 15. Plut. Ag. 6.
926.
Herod. VI. 57.
927.
Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 11. Compare Manso I. 2. p. 131.
928.
See Demosth. in Macart. p. 1077. Compare Platner, Beiträge, p. 139.
929.
Herod. V. 39. VI. 61.
930.
Xen. Rap. Lac. I. 7-9. From Xenophon Plut. Lyc. 15. Comp. Num. 3.
931.
The ἐπεύνακτοι mentioned above in ch. 3. § 5.
932.
Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 1. In this passage it appears to me that the context requires πρῶτον, not πρῶτος. “By some the division of property has been considered a point of first importance in legislation; for which reason the first laws which Phaleas promulgated were on this subject.”
933.
Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 4.
934.
Aristot. Pol. VI. 2. 5.
935.
Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 4.
936.
Ch. 9. § 6.
937.
Aristot. Pol. II. 3. 7.
938.
Orchomenos, p. 407, 408. where, however, Aristot. Rhet. II. 23. is incorrectly applied (the passage refers to Epaminondas).
939.
Aristot. Pol. II. 9. 7. With regard to the νόμοι θετικοὶ of Philolaus, I also remark, that the οὐχ ὑπὲρ τὴν οὐσίαν ποιεῖσθαι τοὺς παῖδας is often recommended among the Greeks. See Plato de Rep. II. p. 372. with Hesiod Op. et Di. 374. This is the “liberorum numerum finire” of Tacitus, German. 19.
940.
Aristot. Pol. II. 9. 8. where ἀνομάλωσις appears to signify a fresh equalization, as ἀναδασμὸς signifies a fresh division. Göttling writes Φαλέου for Φιλολάου: concerning which it is difficult to decide, as the passage is evidently much mutilated.
941.
Strab. VII. p. 315.
942.
VI. 46. 1.
943.
This, however, does not disagree with the accurate separation of the rulers and the countrymen, which still existed in the time of Aristotle, Pol. VII. 9. 1.
944.
Strabo X. p. 482.
945.
Od. XIV. 206.
946.
Pol. II. 6. 21. II. 7. 4.
947.
Κατὰ κεφαλὴν, Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4.
948.
Eight chöeis, according to Plutarch. Lyc. 12.
949.
According to Schol. Plat. Leg. I. p. 223. Ruhnk.
950.
Dicæarchus ap. Athen. IV. p. 141 B.
951.
See Æginetica, p. 90. For this reason Plutarch ubi sup. mentions one medimnus.
952.
See the Scholia quoted in note l. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “dates,” starting “According to Schol.”]
953.
Herod. VI. 57.
954.
See Sphærus (the Borysthenite and Stoic, who had seen Sparta before the time of Cleomenes, Plutarch. Cleomen. 2.) Λακ. πολ. ap. Athen. IV. p. 141 B. Molpis, p. 141 D. cf. XIV. p. 664 E. Nicocles the Laconian, IV. p. 140 E. Perseus Λακ. πολ. ibid. Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 3.
955.
Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4. ἐκ κοινοῦ (i.e. from the public revenue) τρέφεσθαι πάντας καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ παῖδας καὶ ἄνδρας.
956.
According to the Κρητικὸς νομος in Plat. Leg. VIII. p. 847.
957.
Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4.
958.
Dosiadas ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 B. ἕκαστος τῶν γενομένων καρπῶν ἀναφέρει τὴν δεκάτην εἰς τὴν ἑταιρίαν. Every one (ἕκαστος) was therefore a member of an ἑταιρία, a company of persons who always ate together, which consisted of citizens; consequently he is speaking of citizens, and not of the Periœci, and therefore agrees with the passage just quoted from Aristotle. The διανέμειν εἰς τοὺς ἑκάστων οἴκους must have preceded the ἀναφέρειν, and the οἶκοι are manifestly the citizens' families included in the companies.
959.
See Boeckh's Public Economy of Athens, vol. II. p 462. Engl. transl.
960.
See above, ch 4. § 1.
961.
In that case, Plutarch in the 12th, as well as in the 8th chapter of the Life of Lycurgus, means Æginetan medimni; and both passages were probably taken from some Lacedæmonian writer, such as Nicocles, Hippasus, Sosibius, or Aristocrates.
962.
See above, ch. 7. § 3.
963.
Polyb. VI. 49. 8. ἡ τῶν ἐπετείων καρπῶν ἀλλαγὴ πρὸς τὰ λείποντα τῆς χρείας—κατὰ τὴν Λυκούργου νομοθεσίαν. The case was probably the same among the Locrians of Italy. Heracl. Pont. 29. καπηλεῖον οὐκ ἔστι μεταβολικὸν ἐν αὐτοῖς, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ γεωργὸς πωλεῖ τὰ ἴδια.
964.
Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. I. 6.
965.
Ibid. ad fin. Compare Schneider ad Anon. Œcon. Præf. p. 16.
966.
See the passages quoted above, p. 201. note q. [Transcriber's Note: There is no such footnote on that page.]
967.
The leathern money is probably a mere fable; Nicolaus Damascenus, Senec. de Benef. V. 14. Boeckh's Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 389. Engl. transl. Concerning the money of Sparta, see Oudinet in the Mémoires de l'Académie des Belles Lettres. tom. I. p. 227.
968.
Plut. Lyc. 9. Lysand. 17. Comp. Arist. et Cat. 3. Pollux IX. 6. 79. Pseud-Æschin. Eryx. 100. and see Fischer ad c. 24.
969.
Plut. Lys. 17. Compare Pollux VII. 105.
970.
Hesych. in πέλανορ. The Scholia ad Nicand. Alexipharm. 488. incorrectly explain πελάνου βάρος to be the weight of an obolus.
971.
Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 220. τὸ σιδηροῦν ὅ ἐστι μνᾶ ὁλκῇ Αἰγιναία, δυνάμει δὲ χαλκοὶ τέτταρες.
972.
Xenoph. de Rep. Lac. 7. 5. Plut. Lyc. 9.
973.
Ephoras and Theopompus ap. Plut. Lys. 17. Xenoph. de Rep. Lac. 7. 6. χρυσίον γε μὴν καὶ ἀργύριον ἐρευνᾶται καὶ ἤν τί που φανῇ, ὁ ἔχων ζημιοῦται. Comp. Nicolaus Damascenus, and Ælian. V. II. XIV. 29.
974.
Δημοσίᾳ μὲν ἔδοξεν εἰσάγεσθαι νόμισμα τοιοῦτον, ἢν δέ τισ ἁλῷ κεκτημένος ἰδίᾳ, ζημίαν ὤρισαν θανάτου. Cf. Polyb. VI. 49. 8.
975.
Plutarch. Lys. 18. Comp. Herod. I. 51. Posidonius ap. Athen. VI. p. 235 F. I do not mention the Thesaurus of Brasidas (Plut. Lys. 18.), because this general dedicated it, together with the inhabitants of Acanthus in Thrace, and moreover from Athenian plunder (Olymp. 89. 1.). See Plutarch. Pyth. Or. 14. p. 269. 15. p. 271. Lysand. I.
976.
Above ch. 2. § 3.
977.
Herod. I. 69. See book II. ch. 3. § 1. ch. 8. § 17. The story in Herodotus III. 56. we will not make use of, since Herodotus himself rejects it.
978.
King Areus appears to have been the first who coined silver money, and he imitated without exception the method employed by the kings of Macedon, Eckhel. D. N. 1. 2. p. 278. 281.
979.
Thus far Boeckh has carried the investigation, Public Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 385 sq. Engl. transl. Compare vol. I. p. 43. Heeren, Ideen, vol. III. part 1. p. 294. ed. 2.
980.
The latter however accords better with the Byzantine σιδάρεοι, which were tokens, than with the Lacadæmonian coins, which were really worth what they passed for.
981.
See above, ch. 2. § 3. and concerning the corn trade down to Corinth, b. I. ch. 4. § 7.
982.
The Epidamnians also, who retained much of ancient customs, paid great attention to the intercourse with foreigners. They held once in each year, under the superintendence of a πωλητὴς, a great public market with the neighbouring Illyrians, Plutarch. Qu. Græc. 29. p. 393.
983.
Herod. IX. 81.
984.
See above ch. 6. § 9. and Plut. Pericl. 22. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 855. from Ephorus.
985.
Proofs of wealth, if not of the possession of money, are the ἱπποτροφία, and the maintenance of race-horses for the Olympic games. King Demaratus had conquered in the chariot-race (ἅρματι), and allowed Sparta to be proclaimed conqueror. Herod. VI. 70. The horses of Euagoras had won three times at the Olympic games. Herod. VI. 103. before the 66th Olympiad, according to Pausan. VI. 10. 2. According to Pausanias VI. 2. 1. the Lacedæmonians incurred great expenses for horses after the Persian war; he mentions Xenarges, Lycinus, Arcesilaus, and his son Lichas, as conquerors, and cap. 1. Anaxander and Polycles. Concerning the female victors, see b. IV. ch. 2. § 2.
986.
V. 59.
987.
Plut. Agis 13.
988.
Herod. VI. 70. καὶ ἐπόδια λαβὼν ἐπορεύετο ἐς Ἦλιν.
989.
Which Plato Alcib. I. (cf. Hipp. Maj. p. 283 D.) says of earlier times. Compare Bitaubé sur les Richesses de Sparte, Mémoires de Berlin, tom. XII. p. 559. Manso, Sparta, II. p. 372. Boeckh, Public Economy of Athens, vol. I. p. 43. Engl. tr.
990.
See above, p. 204. note z. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “moveable property,” starting “Plut. Lysand. 30.”]
991.
Anaxandridas (περὶ τῶν ἐν Δελφοῖς συληθέντων χρημάτων) ap. Plut. Lys. 18.
992.
Posidonius ap. Athen. VI. p. 233 F.
993.
He had been bribed by Pericles as being the adviser of Pleistonax. See Plut. Pericl. 22. Nic. 28. de Educ. Puer. 14. Timæus ap. Plut. Compar. Timol. 2. Ephorus ap. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 855. Diodorus XIII. 106. calls him Clearchus. He was afterwards banished, and went to Thurii (Thuc. VI. 104. see Wesseling ad Diod. XII. 23.), fought with the inhabitants of that town, against the Tarentines, but afterwards had a share in the foundation of their colony Heraclea. See B. I. ch. 6. § 12. Polyænus II. 10. 1. 2. 4. 5. relates several martial exploits of this Cleandridas, in the wars which he waged with the Thurians against Terina and the Lucanians. Niebuhr, in the 3rd vol. of his Roman history, considers the Cleandridas, who took a part in the foundation of Heraclea, as the same person as Leandrias the Spartan, who, according to Diod. XV. 54, fought at Leuctra on the side of the Thebans. This supposition, however, cannot be reconciled with the chronological succession of the events; since the battle of Leuctra was 75 years later than the colony of Thurii. The political contrivances, which Cleandridas, according to Polyæn. II. 10. 3, practised against Tegea, must fall in the war between Sparta and Arcadia, which ended in Olymp. 81.
994.
Plut. Pelop. 6. 13, &c.
995.
Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 197. πυνθανομένου τινὸς διὰ τί χοήματα οὐ συνάγουσιν εἰς τὸ δημόσιον.
996.
Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 23. εἰσφέρουσι κακῶς. The most opulent were bound to provide horses for military service (Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 11.), which burden was in Corinth, according to an ancient usage, imposed upon the families of orphans and heiresses (Cic. de Rep. II. 20. and compare Niebuhr's Roman History, vol. I. p. 408. ed. 2.); not so unfairly as at first sight it appears, since these did not furnish any armed man, and would therefore have an advantage, if their concerns were honestly managed.
997.
See above, p. 203. note p [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “from all taxes,” starting “Ἀτελῆ πάντων.”] and concerning the family of Anticrates, Plut. Ages. 35.
998.
Plut. Ag. 16.
999.
Above, ch. 10. § 3.
1000.
Thucyd. I. 80. χρήματα οὔτε ἐν κοινῷ ἔχομεν οὔτε ἑτοίμως ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων φέρομεν. Aristot. ubi sup.
1001.
B. I. ch. 9. § 2.
1002.
Thucyd. I. 120.
1003.
The Arcadian commerce of Ægina (Æginetica, p. 74.) was the basis of its other trade.
1004.
Concerning Ægina, see Æginetica, p. 79. Megara manufactured ἐξώμιδες in particular, Xenoph. Mem. Socrat. III. 7. 6. Compare Aristoph. Acharn. 519.
1005.
Heraclid. Pont. 5. Concerning the trade of Corinth, see above, p. 24. note a. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “value upon it,” starting “Plutarch, Lyc. 4.”]
1006.
Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. II. 2. Suidas in Κυψ. ἀνάθημα. See also vol. I. p. 184. note p. and Schneider Epimetr. ad Xen. Anab. p. 473. The tithe paid by the Syracusans for the building of temples was something extraordinary. Prov. Vatic. IV. 20. from Demon.
1007.
Æginetica, p. 89. According to Lucian περὶ πένθους 10. the Æginetan obolus was in his time still in circulation, as also among the Achæans, according to Hesychius in παχείᾳ (Æginetica, p. 90.); nevertheless, ever after the foundation of Megalopolis and Messene in Peloponnesus, the Athenian standard seems to have prevailed.
1008.
I am unwilling to make use of Romé de l'Isle's valuations of Greek coins, as in his Métrologie he shows such a complete want of historical talent and knowledge. It is at once evident that his 14 different kinds of drachmas are a mere absurdity; the very first of 60 grains, which he calls drachme d'Ægium ou du Péloponnèse, is nothing more than a half Æginetan drachma, which should properly, according to the ratio to the Attic drachma (of 82 grains), contain 137 grains, but they are generally much rubbed on account of their great antiquity. To these belong the ancient χελῶναι, the coins with the Bœotian shield in the early style, the Corinthian coins with the Coppa and Pegasus, also the early Thessalian coins, more especially those found in Thrace, and generally marked Lete; together with those of the Macedonian kings prior to Philip. To the drachme d'Egine he only assigns three coins.
1009.
Followed by Pollux IV. 24. 173. IX. 6. 80. The names frequently occurred in Sophron and Epicharmus as coins and weights, as may be seen from Pollux; cf. Phot, in λίτρα et ὀγκία.
1010.
I am of opinion, in opposition to Bentley Phalarid. p. 419, that the testimony of Pollux must be followed. In Hesychius also in v. τριᾶντος πόρνη, a τριᾶς is reckoned equal to 20 λεπτά; now the ὀγκία is generally made equal to the χαλκοῦς Ἀττικὸς (Aristot. ap. Poll.), and a τριᾶς is in that case equal to 21 λεπτὰ, which Hesychius gives in round numbers. Diodorus' estimate of the πεντηκοντάλιτρον at 10 drachmas, which is otherwise very inexact, is explained by Boeckh, Economy of Athens, vol. I. p. 37. from the different prices of gold in Attica and Sicily.
1011.
Since copper was the basis of all coins in Italy, Epicharmus (but not an Athenian or Peloponnesian) could say χαλκὸν ὀφείλειν, æs alienum habere, Pollux IX. 6. 92.
1012.
That νόμος, not νοῦμμος, is the proper Greek form, is shown by Blomfield ad Sophronis Fragm. Classical Journal vol. V. p. 384. (See also Knight, Proleg. Homer, p. 29. note 4.)
1013.
Aristot. in Acragant. Polit. ap. Poll. IX. 6. 80. Æginetica, p. 9. Bentley, from not taking this statement as his foundation, has given a false direction to his inquiries.
1014.
According to Romé de l'Isle, p. 40.
1015.
According to Romé de l'Isle, 23-1/3; but see p. 223. note a. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “adapted to it,” starting “I am unwilling.”]
1016.
See the author's Etrusker, vol. I. p. 309-329.
1017.
Which is Boeckh's opinion, Public Economy of Athens, vol. I. p. 21. Engl. tr.
1018.
Ap. Poll. IX. 6. 80.
1019.
As Bentley supposes, ibid. p. 410.
1020.
See Aristot. ap. Poll. IX. 6. 87. Apollodorus ἐν τοῖς περὶ Σώφρονος ap. Schol. Min. et Venet. ad Il. V. 516. and Schol. Gregor. Nazianz. in Montfauc. Diar. Ital. p. 214. according to the correction of ΝΟΜΩΝ for ΜΝΩΝ, also Suidas in τάλαντον according to Scaliger, likewise Bentley p. 409. The Venetian Scholia on Il. XXIII. 269. mention several other talents, but without specifying the places where they were current.
1021.
Aristotle, as well as Apollodorus, states in the passages just quoted, that the νόμος was equal to τρία ἡμιωβόλια, which, according to the probable supposition of Salmasius and Gronovius, is a mistake for τρίτον ἡμιωβόλιον.
1022.
These reasons are, 1st, that the coins with the figure of Taras generally weigh 72 and 140-155 grains, and therefore they are manifestly not sesterces, but rather quinarii and denarii, as determined by the depreciated litra; which would therefore have been about equal to an Attic obolus. 2dly, that the great Inscription of Tauromenium in D'Orville and Castello without exception contains talents of 120 litras (according to which the νόμος would have been again equal to 5 or 10 litras), as may be seen at once from an item in the account: “ἔσοδος 56,404 talents, 88 litras, ἔξοδος 30,452 talents, 42 litras, λοιπόν 4935 talents, 112 litras, and χρήματα δανειζόμενα 20,016 talents, 54 litras (χίλια should be supplied),” therefore 56,404 talents 88 litras, are equal to 56,403 talents 208 litras, i.e., 1 talent, 88 litras. The well-known Epigram of Simonides, on the tripod of Gelon, also contains talents of more than 100 litras (fragm. 42. Gaisford.).
1023.
Strab. VI. p. 398.
1024.
Zenob. Prov. V. 4.
1025.
Above, ch. 6. § 3, 7. ch. 7. § 3, 4.
1026.
As is also proposed by Plato Leg. VI. p. 767.
1027.
According to Plutarch de Socrat. Dæm. 33. p. 365. the gerontes fined Lysanoridas (see above, ch. 10. § 11.), but it was probably the supreme court of public magistrates.
1028.
See above, ch. 5. § 8. p. 104. note s. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “carefully distinguished,” starting “It is a δίκη.”]
1029.
Plut. Ages. 30.
1030.
See above, ch. 9. § 1. 7. 10. But in Crete, and perhaps in Ægina (Æginetica, p. 133.), there were similar oligarchical institutions.
1031.
Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 200.—Of the courts of justice at Argos, we only know of that upon the Pron (Dinias ap. Schol. Eurip. Orest. 869, from which Scholia it is also seen, that the place of the public assembly, ἁλιδίας, whence ἡλιαία, was in the neighbourhood; see above, ch. 5. § 9.), which was perhaps similar to the Aeropagus of Athens, together with the court ἐν Χαράδρῳ without the city, before which generals after their return were arraigned (Thuc. V. 60.).
1032.
Thuc. I. 132.
1033.
Aristot. Pol. II. 5. 12. This may be compared with the Cumæan law, that the neighbours of a person who had been robbed should replace the stolen property (Heraclid. Pont. II. comp. Hesiod. Op. et Di. 348. and see strabo. XIII. p. 622.). Yet Ephorus (ap. Steph. in βοιωτία) praises the νόμων εὐταξία of his countrymen.
1034.
Plat. Leg. XII. p. 948.
1035.
Aristot. Pol. II. 9. 8.
1036.
Ἐξηγητὴς τῶν Λυκουργείων, in a late inscription, Boeckh No. 1364.
1037.
See above, ch. 9. § 7. and Ruhnken ad Tim. p. 111.
1038.
Meier de bonis damnatis, præf. p. 7.
1039.
Strabo VI. p. 260 A. comp. Heyne Opuscula II. p. 37.
1040.
Ap. Athen. IV. p. 140 E. 141 A.
1041.
Above, ch. 10. § 11. See Meier p. 198.
1042.
For example Thimbron, as appears from Xen. Hell. III. 1. 8.
1043.
Concerning the account in Plutarch. Amator. 5. see above, p. 123. note t [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “I even doubt,” starting “Plutarch. Erot. 5.”] comp. Meier p. 199.
1044.
According to Polyænus II. 21. defendants were heard in chains at Sparta, a statement which is not true in a general sense.
1045.
Isocrat. Archidam. p. 134 B sqq.
1046.
Concerning the ἀτιμία of this person, see Herod. VII. 231. Plut. Ages. 30. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 9. 4, 5., who by the κακὸς chiefly means the τρέσας. According to Tzetzes Chil. XII. 386. ῥιψάσπιδες were put to death. The assertion of Lycurgus in Leocrat. p. 166. 13. that in Sparta all persons μὴ θέλοντες ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος κινδυνεύειν might be executed, is ambiguous, since the law to which he refers is lost.
1047.
Thuc. V. 34.
1048.
Plut. de Curios. 8. p. 139; Heyne, Opuscula, vol. II. p. 94.
1049.
Diod. XII. 12.
1050.
Plut. Ag. II. The meaning of Ælian V. H. III. 12. probably is, that a person convicted of the offence in question would be punished with death, if he did not voluntarily quit the country. (See B. IV. ch. 4. § 8.) Aristotle, Pol. IV. 8., indeed says, that the Spartan constitution was oligarchical, because a few persons had, as judges, the power of inflicting death or banishment; yet in this passage also banishment may be considered as a means of escaping from the penalty of death before the final passing of the sentence; for Aristotle's only purpose is to show that the decision of a few persons could deprive a citizen of life, or force him to quit the country. Concerning the power of the ephors to banish, see above, ch. 7. § 4.
1051.
For example, the boy in Xen. Anab. IV. 8. 25.
1052.
The polemarchs, who, according to Thucyd. V. 72, fled on account of disobedience in battle, and cowardice (δόξαντες μαλακισθῆναι), probably saved themselves from death: comp. Plut. Pericl. 22. Moreover, Clearchus, the leader of the mercenaries under Cyrus the Younger, was only an exile in this manner. He had been disobedient to the ephors at a military post, and on that account condemned to death. See Xenoph. Anab. I. 1. 9. II. 6. 4.
1053.
Herod. VII. 213.
1054.
Plut. Ag. 19. At Corinth the name of the public prison was Κῶς, Steph. Byz.
1055.
Herod. IV. 146. Valer. Max. VI. 6.
1056.
Plat. Phæd. 116. Olympiodorus ad loc.
1057.
Plut. Qu. Gr. 2. The prohibition at Rhodes, that the δημόσιος should not enter the city, rests on a similar principle, Dio Chrysost. Or. 31. p. 632 Reisk. See Wessel. ad. Diod. I. p. 624. Aristid. II. 44. 5.
1058.
P. 120 (171 Bekker.).
1059.
Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 197. See Thuc. I. 132.
1060.
In Leocrat. p. 156. (§ 65. ed. Bekker.)
1061.
Heracl. Pont. 7. Miscell. Lips. Nova. T. X. 3. p. 392. de Tenedia securi. Compare Meineke ad Menand. p. 70. See also the story in Nicolaus Damascenus, p. 442. ed. Vales. (Comp. book II. ch. 2. § 3.) and the account of the punishment of the μοιχὸς at Gortyna in Ælian. V. H. XII. 12. Also the strange account of a Cretan festival in Plutarch de Defect. Orac. 13. proves that rape was in that island once punished by decapitation. The very strict sumptuary and disciplinarian laws of Ceos were, in my opinion, of Cretan origin, and certainly not of Ionic. See Æginetica, p. 132., and Jacobs ad Meleag. Anthol. Palat. I. p. 449. Meineke ad Menand. Fragm. 135. p. 237. The existence of Cretan institutions in the islands of the Ægæan is made probable by the report that Rhadamanthus was legislator of the islanders, Apollod. III. 1, 2.
1062.
Ælian. V. H. XIII. 24. Valer. Max. V. 5. 3.
1063.
See Book IV. ch. 4. § 3. and compare the degrading punishments for adultery at Cume, Plut. Qu. Gr. 2. p. 378. and at Lepreum, Heracl. Pont. 14. The account of the punishment for adultery at Tenedos may indeed be a mere fiction, in order to explain the symbol on the Tenedian coins (see Thirlwall in the Philological Museum, vol. I. p. 118); yet the parallel cases in the text give it a certain degree of credibility. The axe in the hands of the Apollo of Tenedos (B. II. ch. 8. § 17) appears likewise to be not so much a weapon as an instrument of punishment.
1064.
See book II. ch. 8. § 5.
1065.
Leg. IX. p. 865. The Scholiast also quotes an oracle (p. 235 Ruhnk. p. 454 Bekk.), which however Plato cannot allude to in particular.
1066.
Book II. ch. 1. § 8.
1067.
Herod. II. 134. Plut. de sera Num. Vind. 12. p. 244.
1068.
τὰ περὶ τὰς δίκας, Plato de Leg. I. p. 625.
1069.
See Aristot. Eth. Nic. V. 5. 3.
1070.
Strabo VI. p. 397 D. Scymnus v. 313. Both follow Ephorus.
1071.
Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol. II. p. 46. The descent from the latter is also confirmed by the tradition concerning the expiatory virgins for the crime of Ajax the son of Oileus. See Heyne, p. 53. Orchomenos, p. 167.
1072.
From these was derived the Minerva, together with Pegasus (this goddess is also said to have given the laws to Zaleucus, see particularly Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 352 A.), and the Proserpine upon their coins; see Liv. XXIX. 18. The Corcyræan colony is very doubtful; see Heyne, p. 52.
1073.
Aristot. Pol. V. 6, 7.
1074.
See Polyb. XII. 5. 7. et sup. Heyne p. 53. Boeckh. ad Pind. Olymp. IX. 15. That the family of Ajax was one of them may be seen by comparing Servius ad Æn. I. 41. with Polybius.
1075.
Polyb. XII. 16. Concerning the courts of justice, see Diod. XII. 20. Stobæus Serm. 42. p. 240.
1076.
According to Eusebius. Comp. Bentley's Phalaris, p. 340.
1077.
Ap. Strab. VI. p. 260. Ephor. frag. n. 47. p. 150. ed Marx.
1078.
Olymp. X. 17.
1079.
Timæus, p. 20.
1080.
Ap. Stob. Serm. 47. p. 280.
1081.
See above, §. 4. The same law (pœnaque mors posita est patriam mutare volenti) is mentioned by Ovid Metam. XV. 29. in the story of the founding of Croton; the place appears from v. 19. to be Argos, but perhaps only by a misunderstanding; originally I believe it was Sparta.
1082.
Heyne p. 30.
1083.
Plut. de Curios. 8. p. 138. Diod. excerpt. Vat. VII.—X. 14. 2.
1084.
Above, ch. 10. § 5.
1085.
For example, the prohibition to drink pure wine, Ælian. V. H. II. 37. See book II. ch. 12. § 5.
1086.
Stobæus ubi sup. See above, ch. 7. § 8. 11. Cic. de Leg. III. 20. Græci hoc diligentius (quam Romani), apud quos Nomophylaces creantur, neque hi solum litteras—sed etiam facta hominum observabant ad legesque revocabant. The same is stated by Columella de Re Rust. XII. 3.
1087.
See above, § 1, 3.
1088.
This is the only way in which Cic. de Leg. II. 6. can be understood.
1089.
See above, p. 15. note s. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Pythian god,” starting “Xenoph. Rep. Laced.”]
1090.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 5. Plut. Pelop. 23.
1091.
See, besides, Plutarch, Polyæn. II. 1. 7.
1092.
B. I. ch. 4. § 9.
1093.
Οἱ ὲν ταῖς ἡλικίαις, Polyb. IV. 22. 8.
1094.
Agesilaus, when sixty-two years old, according to Xenophon's computation, was no longer ἔμφρουρος, Hell. V. 4. 13. Plut. Ages. 24.
1095.
Isocrat. Busir. p. 225 A. (quoted by Harpocration in v. καὶ γὰρ τὸ), where μάχιμος is evidently put for ἔμφρουρος. Comp. Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 7.
1096.
Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 17.
1097.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 11. 2. See above, p. 126. note x. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “number of men,” starting “Προκηρύττουσι τὰ ἔτη.”]
1098.
On this point see Petit. Leg. Att. VIII. 1. p. 548; but the subject has been treated far better by Boeckh in a programm of the Berlin university for 1819.
1099.
It was probably impossible to assemble the Periœci on a sudden summons of the army.
1100.
βοηθία τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων γίγνεται αυτῶν τε καὶ τῶν εἱλώτων πανδημεὶ, Thuc. V. 64.
1101.
Thuc. V. 68.
1102.
Herod. IX. 10.
1103.
Thuc. IV. 55.
1104.
The Brasideans (emancipated Helots) and Neodamodes (see c. 67.) appear to have not been included in the seven λόχοι; and in c. 68 they are understood together with the Sciritæ. In Schol. Aristoph. Lys. 454. writes, ὁ δὲ Θουκυδίδης ζ᾽ φησὶ χωρὶς τῶν ΣΚΙΡΙΤΩΝ.
1105.
Τὸ πολιτικὸν, Xen. Hell. V. 3. 25.
1106.
Ibid. IV. 2. 12.
1107.
Rep. Lac. 11. 4.
1108.
Enomotia quarta decuriæ (λόχου) pars, Ælian. Tact. 5.
1109.
Suidas, Timæus, Etym. Magn.
1110.
This was also the case with the rearguard of the 10,000.
1111.
Three times twelve, according to Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 12.
1112.
Hell. IV. 5. 11, 12.
1113.
See Plutarch. Pelop. 16. from Ephorus, Diod. XV. 32.
1114.
See the passages quoted by Cragius IV. 4. and add Etym. M. p. 590. 33. (where Martini Prol. de Spartiat. Mora. Ratisbonæ 1771. corrects 900 for 30), Biblioth. Coisl. p. 505. and Bekk Anecd. I. p. 209. Comp. Sturz Lex. Xen. in v. μόρα.
1115.
τάξις τις διὰ σφαγίων ἐνώμοτος, Hesychius.
1116.
Like one στίχος or versus, Ælian. Tact. 5.
1117.
Thuc. IV. 93.
1118.
Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 12.
1119.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 11. 4. διὰ παρεγγυήσεως καθίστανται τοτὲ μὲν εἰς ἐνωμοτίας, τοτὲ δὲ εἰς τρεῖς, τοτὲ δὲ εἰς ἓξ, i.e. the enomoty was sometimes one, sometimes three, sometimes six men in width, as is evident from Hell. VI. 4. 12. In Hell. III. 2. 16. the enomoty is eight men wide, contrary to the usual custom. The single division of a lochus, in the common acceptation of the word, was also called λόχος, which, according to Schol. Arist. Acharn. 1073. Ælian. Tact. 4. Suidas, Tzetz. Chil. XII. 523, contained eight, or twelve, or sixteen men, that is, if the enomoty formed two, three, or four στίχοι. The τάξις, according to Ælian 9, contained eight lochi, or 128 men; in that case the enomoty had four στίχοι. Compare Sturz Lex. Xen. in λόχος, Perizon. ad Ælian. V. H. II. 44. D'Orville ad Chariton. p. 455.
1120.
Isocrat. Archid. p. 136. C. Comp. B. 1. ch. 9. § 9.
1121.
Xen. Anab. IV. 2. 11. IV. 3. 17. IV. 8. 10. Comp. Ælian, Suidas in ὀρθία, Sturz in ὄρθιος, in whose opinion the whole lochus formed one file.
1122.
Xen. de Rep. Lac. 11. 8. cf. Anab. IV. 3. 26.
1123.
See Hell. VII. 5. 22.
1124.
Rep. Lac. ubi sup.
1125.
Rep. Lac. 11. 10.
1126.
Hell. IV. 2. 5.
1127.
Rep. Lac. 11. 4. cf. Hieron. 9. 5. διήρηνται γὰρ ἅπασαι αἱ πόλεις αἱ μὲν κατὰ φυλὰς, αἱ δὲ κατὰ μόρας, αἱ δὲ κατὰ λόχους. That the number was six appears also from Xen. Hell. VI. I. 1. VI. 4. 17. and from Aristotle ap. Harpocrat. in μόρα (where Bekker's edition has the correct reading six instead of five). Diodorus XV. 32. proves nothing against the number six. The νεοδαμώδεις belonged to no mora, Hell. IV. 3. 15.
1128.
Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 17.
1129.
Xen. de Rep. Lac. 11. 4.
1130.
Hell. IV. 4. 10. IV. 5. 12. A square of fifty was called οὐλαμὸς, Plut. Lye. 23.
1131.
Xen. Hell. IV. 5. 15, 16. cf. IV. 4. 16.
1132.
Ib. IV. 5. 10.
1133.
See above, ch. 5. §. 6.
1134.
Plut. Lyc. 12. Lac. Apophth. p. 221.
1135.
Plut. Ag. 8.
1136.
See above, ch. 3. § 7.
1137.
According to Schol. Aristoph. Lysist. 454. there were six lochi at Sparta, five are named, ἔδωλος, σίνις, ἀρίμας, πλοὰς, μεσοάγης. The last is evidently ΜΕΣΟΑΤΗΣ; of the others I have nothing to say, except that the ἔδωλος λόχος is also mentioned by Hesychius. Neither can the four lochi of the king be easily explained (cf. Schol. Acharn. 1087); perhaps it is only another expression for the mora of the king (Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 6.). There were five (or six) lochi in Sparta, according to Aristotle, Photius in λόχοι, Hesychius, and his commentators. Xenophon Hell. VII. 5. 10. speaks of ten lochi; of twelve in VII. 4. 20. Dindorf, however, writes twelve in VII. 5. 10. with two manuscripts; by which the two passages are reconciled.
1138.
Thuc. V. 66.
1139.
Plut. Pelop. 23.
1140.
Ælian. Tact. 5.
1141.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 11. 6.
1142.
See the instances of Amompharetus, Herod. IX. 53, and of Hipponoidas and Aristotle, Thuc. V. 71.
1143.
This was probably the real character of the ξεναγοὶ (Anecd. Bekk. vol. I. p. 284. cf. Xen. Ages. 2. 10.); and there having the command of σύμμαχοι in sieges, as in Thuc. II. 75. appears to be an exception.
1144.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 4. Hell. III. 5. 22. IV. 5. 7. See Sturz in v. λοχαγός.
1145.
Herod. VII. 173.
1146.
Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 14.
1147.
Herod. IX. 10. In this instance Pausanias fixed upon Euryanax, the son of Dorieus, of the same family; yet Dorieus cannot have been the son of Anaxandridas (Manso, vol. III. 2. p. 315.), as in that case he would have been king before Leonidas.
1148.
That is, δαμοσία σκηνὴ or τράπεζα.
1149.
Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 14. Rep. Lac. 13. 1, 7.
1150.
See above, ch. 1. § 9.
1151.
See above, p. 111, note f. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “public expense,” starting “De Rep. Lac.”]
1152.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 7. Nicol. Dam. The κρεωδαίτης also probably belonged to the same suite, Plut. Ages. 8.
1153.
Manso, vol. II. p. 377. III. 1. p. 214.
1154.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 11.
1155.
See above, p. 108, note m. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “armistice of Agis,” starting “Thuc. V. 63.”] Comp. Thuc. VIII. 39. Βουλιαῖοι occur in inscriptions of Fourmont's which Raoul-Rochette considers the same as the σύμβουλοι.
1156.
See above, p. 103, note o. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Agamemnon of Homer,” starting “A sacrifice to Zeus Agetor.”] See also Theopompus ap. Schol. Theocrit. V. 83. Eudocia, p. 251. concerning Ζεὺς Ἡγήτωρ, who was also worshipped at Argos as the god who had led the Heraclidæ into the country, a belief referred to by Tyrtæus in the verses quoted in vol. I. p. 52. note d.
1157.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 2. Comp. Zenob. Prov. V. 34. Schol. Eurip. Phœn. 1415.
1158.
Plut. Lyc. 22. Qu. Symp. II. 5. p. 88.
1159.
Xen. Hell. III. 4. 2. IV. 1. 5, 30, 34. V. 3. 8. Plut. Ages. 6. 7. Lysand. 23.
1160.
Manso, vol. I. 1. p. 153. See also Herod. VIII. 124. Xen. Hell. 5. 3. 9. Plut. Reg. Apophth. p. 130. Lac. Apophth. p. 232. Dionys. Hal. Arch. II. 13. according to whom they were both horsemen and hoplitæ. The three hundred with Leonidas, although Herodotus VII. 205. calls them οἱ ΚΑΤΕΣΤΕΩΤΕΣ τριηκόσιοι, were not however ἱππεῖς; most of them were doubtless men of an advanced age; whereas the horsemen, as the false Archytas in Stob. Serm. 41. calls them, were κόροι.
1161.
Strab. X. p. 481.
1162.
Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 11.
1163.
Thuc. IV. 55. Xen. Hell. IV. 2. 16.
1164.
The ἅμιπποι (πρόδρομοι in Philochorus), Thuc. V. 57. Xen. Hell. VII. 5. 24. Harpocration and Hesychius in v.
1165.
30,000 cavalry and 30,000 infantry, Strab. VI. p. 280.
1166.
Ælian. Tact. 2., Steph. Byzant. in Τάρας, &c.
1167.
Also called λόχος, Diod. XV. 32. Hesychius and Etymol. M. in σκιρτὴς λόχος, Bekk. Anecd. I. p. 305. Schol. Thucyd. V. 67.
1168.
Thucyd. V. 67.
1169.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 12. 3. 13. 6.
1170.
Thuc. ubi sup. Diodorus represents them as standing round the king's person; he evidently confounds them with the knights.
1171.
Xen. Hell. V. 4. 52, 53. Diod. ubi sup.
1172.
This is also what Xenophon Cyrop. IV. 2. 1. says. Comp. Hesychius and other grammarians, Manso, vol. I. 2. p. 228.
1173.
Ἦν δὲ Ἀρκαδικὸς, Hesychius.
1174.
Λογάδες τῶν περιοίκων, Herod. IX. 11.
1175.
At the battle of Leuctra there were only 700 Spartans present, according to Xenoph. Hell. VI. 4. 15; but he must use the word in a very limited sense; for there were four moras (μόραι πολιτικαὶ) of men less than thirty-five years (ἀφ᾽ ἥβης), which could not have contained less than 2000 men. The whole army was however much more numerous; at Corinth it had contained 6000 hoplitæ, IV. 2. 16. See also above, ch. 2. § 3.
1176.
That at a latter time there were still many ψιλοὶ in the Peloponnesian army may be seen from Polyænus IV. 14.
1177.
See above, ch. 3. § 2. and p. 45. note t, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Periœci,” starting “According to the epitaph.”] where however it should be observed, that the epitaph must not be taken with the passage in VIII. 25; it refers to the battle before the surrounding of the army. The statement of some writers (Hegemon in the Palatine Anthology VII. 436. Isocrat. Archid. p. 136 D.) that 1000 Spartans were present at Thermopylæ is evidently erroneous.
1178.
Above, ch. 3. § 2. cf. Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 39.
1179.
Aristoph. Lysist. 563. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 307.
1180.
Xen. Hell. IV. 4. 17. see however IV. 15. 11. sqq. V. 4. 14.
1181.
Probably the Δωρικὴ ὅπλισις of Hesychius.
1182.
Herod. VII. 211.
1183.
Plut. Lyc. 19. Reg. Apophth. p. 130. Lac. Apophth. p. 194, 261. Dion. 18. The Δωρικὴ μάχαιρα only occurs as a sacrificing-knife, Eurip. Electr. 819, 836.
1184.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 11. 3. The ancient circular shields of Argos (see Spanheim ad Calim. Pall. Lav. 35.) are probably nearly the same which were really manufactured in that city, Pind. Hyporch. 3. p. 599. Boeckh; and see vol. I. p. 83. note r.
1185.
Tyrtæus Fragm. 2. v. 23. Gaisford.
1186.
See Critias (son of Callæschrus) ap. Liban. Or. XXIV. p. 86. Reisk. Plut. Cleom. 11. Hence Aristophanes Lysist. 107. uses the word πορπακισάμενος of a Spartan. See also Aristoph. Eq. 848. from which passage it is evident that the πόρπαξ was all that was most essential for managing the shield, and that the τελαμὼν or thong could be easily procured, so that it was considered as an appendage of the πόρπαξ. Compare Schneider's Lexicon in ὀχάνη.
1187.
Concerning the emblems on the Lacedæmonian shields, see Pausan. IV. 28. 3; besides which there were distinct ἐπίσημα, Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 240. The Cretans, according to the Scolion of Hybrias, also had λαισήια; the λαισήια πτερόεντα of Homer were probably similar to the shields furnished with leathern fringes, or wings, represented on vases, e.g., Tischbein IV. 51.
1188.
See Xen. Hell. III. 4. 18.
1189.
Ælian. Tact. 26, 27. Comp. Hesychius, Λάκων εἶδος παρὰ Τακτικοῖς.
1190.
Thuc. V. 71.
1191.
The latter was done by the Spartans at Thermopylæ, Herod. VII. 211; and according to Plato Lach. p. 191. at Platææ.
1192.
Herod. IX. 71.
1193.
Plut. Ages. 34. where however the fine of 1000 drachmas is very questionable.
1194.
Thuc. IV. 126.
1195.
See Herod. IX. 77. Thuc. V. 73. Plut. Lyc. 22. de cohibend. Ira. 10. p. 438. Lac.
1196.
Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 246.
1197.
Ibid. Ælian. V. H. VI. 6.
1198.
Plut. ibid. p. 214. with the note of Manso, vol. I. 2. p. 236.
1199.
Plut. Ages. 33.
1200.
VII. 9. 6.
1201.
See Strabo X. p. 448. with which comp. Il. II. 544. Archilochus, p. 144. ed. Liebel.
1202.
As, e.g., at the Hyacinthia and Carnea. That the passage in Herodotus VI. 106. refers only to the latter, and that in the Carneus alone the Spartans did not set out before the full moon, is shown by Böckh Index Lect. Æstiv. Berol. 1816. Yet Plutarch is not the only writer who has misunderstood this passage (see Diogen. Prov. VI. 20. Jo. Tzetz. Jamb. 161.); and Herodotus himself is not quite correct.
1203.
Xen. Hell. IV. 7. 2.
1204.
Thus also Brasidas only lost seven men in the action with Cleon, Thuc. V. 11.; and the Lacedæmonians, in the great battle of Corinth, only eight, Xen. Hell. IV. 3. 1.
1205.
Plut. Lyc. 13. Ages. 26. Lac. Apophth. p. 188. 222. Polyæn. I. 16. 2.
1206.
Compare what Archidamus in Isocrates says of the campaigns of the kings of his family: also Panathen. p. 286 E.
1207.
Thuc. I. 121. Herod. VII. 102. Comp. Hegemon in the Palatine Anthology VII. 436. Δώριος ἁ μέλετα.
1208.
Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 22. When the fleet was commanded by a king, as, e.g., Leotychidas, it was an exception; see Plut. Ages. 10.
1209.
In several apophthegms they are called women's apartments.
1210.
See Thiersch's Preface to Pindar.
1211.
For this reason the Cretan ἐξελιγμὸς was also called χόρειος; above, § 8. In Sparta the last in the chorus were called ψιλεῖς, Alcman Fragm. 108. Welcker. from Suidas and Hesychius.
1212.
See book IV. ch. 6. § 7.
1213.
Il. XVI. 617. quoted by Athen. V. p. 181. XIV. p. 630 B. Lucian de Salt. 7. Dio Chrysost. Orat. II. 31. 28. Heyne's interpretation, de motu declinantis et a telo sibi caventis, is unquestionably not to be preferred to that of the ancients.
1214.
Lucian ubi sup.
1215.
Il. XI. 49. XII. 77. with the Scholia, and Eustathius. That the expression for it was also Laconian follows from Hesychius in προυλέσι, according to Salmasius.
1216.
Among the Gortynians, according to Schol. Hom. Il. XI. 49: with whom πρύλις also signified a heavy-armed foot-soldier, Eustath. ad Il. κ᾽ p. 893. 35. Phavorinus, p. 390. ed. Dindorf. Likewise among the Cyprians (i.e., among the Greeks in Cyprus). Aristot. ap. Schol. Pind. II. 125. Callimachus Hymn. Jov. 52. also calls the dance of the Guretes by this name, this having been at a very early period identified with the Cretan war-dance.
1217.
Plut. Lyc. 21. Lac. Apophth. p. 207. de cohibend. Ira, ubi sup. The χίμαιρα was not however sacrificed to the Muses (Manso, vol. I. 2. p. 234.), but, as after the battle of Marathon, to Artemis Agrotera. See Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 8. Plut. Lyc. 23. Xen. Hell. IV. 2. 20.
1218.
Sosistrates ap. Athen. XIII. p. 561 E. Ælian. V. II. III. 9.
1219.
As Dionysius of Halicarnassus says.
1220.
Xen. de Rep. Lac. 12. 6. 7.
1221.
Plut. Lyc. 22.
1222.
Herod. VII. 208. Xen. de Rep. Lac. 13. 9. Plut. Lyc. 22.
1223.
The appropriate expression for this was ξανθίζεσθαι, Bekker. Anecd. I. p. 284.
1224.
Xen. de Rep. Lac. 11. 3. 13. 8. Plut. ubi sup.
1225.
Concerning these, see, besides Xenophon and Plutarch, Ælian. VI. 6. Etymol. M. p. 385. 25. Suidas in καταξαίνειν, Aristot. Rep. Lac. ap. Moerin in φοινικίς, also Hesychius in πυτά. Comp. Meursius Miscell. Lac. I. 15. The ambassadors also wore a dress of this kind, Aristoph. Lysist. 1139. Plutarch. Cimon. 16. Lesbonax Protr. p. 24, 27. Reisk. The Cretan mantles were similar, only they were coloured with fucus, Meursius Creta III. 12.—As arms were considered the greatest ornament, the youths prayed in arms to the gods also armed. Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 235. cf. Inst. Lac. p. 253.
1226.
Plutarch Lycurg. 13. de Esu Carn. II. 2. Reg. Apophth. p. 125. Lac. Apophth. p. 222. Quæst. Rom. 87. p. 363. Proclus ad Hesiod. Op. et Di. 421.
1227.
Above, p. 110. note d. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “two royal families,” starting “Xen. Ages. 8.”]
1228.
Plutarch Lycurg. 13. Compare Lac. Apophth. pp. 179, 222.
1229.
Towards the street were the θύραι αὔλειοι (Herod. VI. 69.); in the house the ἐγγύτερω πύλη, Plutarch Lac. Apophthegm of Leotychides (ὁ Ἀρίστωνος is an error), p. 215. It was the custom at Sparta not to knock, but to call, at the outer gate, Plutarch Instit. Lac. p. 253. The same was also the custom among the Æolians, according to Alcæus, among the poems of Theocritus, XXIX. 39.
1230.
As it appears from Pausan. VI. 24. 2. Compare Strabo XIV. p. 646. concerning the ῥυμοτομία ἐπ᾽ εὐθειῶν in Smyrna.
1231.
Photius and Hesychius in Ἱπποδάμον νέμησις—οὗτος ἦν καὶ ὁ μετοικήσας εἰς Θουρίους Μιλήσιος ὤν. It was probably not long before this time that he built the Piræeus.
1232.
As Diodorus XII. 10. states.
1233.
Meursius Rhod. I. 10.
1234.
The following buildings of this archaic style are known to us from ancient writers and modern travellers. 1. The remains of three other treasuries near that described in the text. 2. One discovered by Gropius, on the Eurotas, not far from Amyclæ. 3. A ruin discovered by Dodwell near Pharsalus. 4. The treasuries of Minyas. 5. Of Hyrieus and Augeas. 6. The brazen vessels of the Aloidæ and of Eurystheus (Il. V. 387. Apollod. II. 5. 1.) 7. The brazen θαλαμὸς or chamber of Danaë, Alcmene, &c. 8. The subterraneous Cyclopian temple at Delphi, and several others.
1235.
Sir William Gell's Argolis, plate 7. Dodwell's Classical Tour, vol. II. pp. 229, 240. I have also made great use of some drawings of Lusieri (in the print-room of the British Museum), who has also ingeniously endeavoured to restore the whole.
1236.
Synopsis of the British Museum (19th edit.), Room 13. Nos. 220, 221.
1237.
See particularly Vitruvius IV. 1. whose account is not indeed historically accurate. At Athens the triglyphs were always called Δωρικαὶ τρίγλυφοι, Eurip. Orest. 1378; in which passage the original ones of wood are clearly marked by the apposition of κεδρωτὰ τέρεμνα. Also the Δωρικὸν κυμάτιον, i.e. the “hollow,” received its name from its use in this style of building, e.g. under the cornice; and the Λέσβιον κυμάτιον, the “ogee,” was borrowed from it by the Æolians, among whom the Lesbian style of architecture (Λεσβία οἰκοδομὴ) was native, which required a very moveable plumbline or κανὼν, Aristot. Eth. Nic. V. 10. 7. and Michael Ephesius ad loc.
1238.
Boeckh Explic. ad Pindar. Olymp. XIII. pp. 213. sq.
1239.
Hirt, Baukunst nach den Grundsätzen der Alten, 1809; and Geschichte der Baukunst bei den Alten, 1821.
1240.
According to Plato de Rep. V. p. 452 C. the Cretans were the first who wrestled naked (but their isolated situation prevented the extension of the custom), and the Lacedæmonians, who were the first, according to Thucydides I. 6. See also Hippasus ap. Athen. p. 14 D. The abandonment of all covering in the Olympic games is said to have originated with Acanthus the Lacedæmonian, and Orsippus the Megarian. The former, according to Dionys. Hal. VII. 72; and he, as we learn from Pausan. V. 8. 3, and Africanus, was victorious in the Diaulus, or Dolichus, in the 15th Olympiad (720 B.C.). The latter, according to Pausan. I. 44. 1. Eustath. ad Il. p. 1324. ed. Rom. Cf. Hesych. in ζώσατο, with the confused statements in the Venetian Scholia to Il. ψ᾽. 683. and Isidorus Orig. XVIII. 17. Pausanias' authority is a Megarian inscription, of which a restoration has been preserved to our days, and is now in the Cabinet des Médailies of the Bibliothèque du Roi at Paris, see Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1050; where Orsippus is stated to have regained a part of the Megarian territory which had been lost in war, and to have first run in the stadium at Olympia without a girdle. Now Orsippus, according to the certain testimony of Julius Africanus, was victorious in the stadium at Olympia in the 15th Olympiad; and this statement is confirmed by Eustathius and Hesychius ubi sup.; whereas the Etymologicum M. and the Scholia vulg. ad Il. ψ᾽. 683. place the victory of Orsippus at Olymp. 32. (652 B.C.); in which, according to Africanus, Cratinus of Megara was the conqueror. All these apparently contradictory statements have been reconciled by Boeckh ib. p. 554 sq. as follows. Orsippus, either accidentally, or at least to appearance accidentally, lost his girdle when running in the stadium; in training afterwards, Acanthus the Lacedæmonian laid aside his girdle altogether; and thenceforth it became the established practice at the games. In other contests, e.g., wrestling and boxing, the use of the διάζωμα was kept up till a later period; and was not altogether given up till a short time before Thucydides wrote (καὶ οὐ πολλὰ ἔτη ἐπειδὴ πέπαυται, I. 6).
1241.
See particularly Athenæus XIII. p. 566 E. Eustathius ad Il. p. 975. 41. ed. Rom.
1242.
Plato de Leg. VII. p. 805. 6.
1243.
Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 235. Apostolius XVIII. 19.
1244.
Eurip. Androm. 598. (quoted by Plutarch. Comp. Num. iii.) αἱ ξὺν νέοισιν ἐξερημοῦσαι δόμους. Hence Propertius III. 12. 21. Lex igitur Spartana vetat secedere amantes; Et licet in triviis ad latus esse suæ.
1245.
To be inferred from Plutarch Lycurg. 14.
1246.
Plutarch Thes. 19.
1247.
Pausan. V. 6. 5. (concerning the history of Pherenice, see Boeckh Explic. Pindar. p. 166.) VI. 20. 6. Hence at Olympia unmarried women could contend for the prize, though only in the chariot-race; as, e.g., Cynisea, Pausan. III. 81. V. 12. 3. V. 6. 1. Xenoph. Ages. 9. 6. Plutarch Ages. 20. Lac. Apophth. p. 184; and Euryleonis, Pausan. III. 17. 6. In Cyrene, according to Pindar Pyth. IX. 102. (ἣ υἱὸν) married women were also admitted, see Boeckh Explic. p. 328; and they also, as we learn from an inscription in Della Cella, presided over gymnastic contests in that town.
1248.
κατάκλειστοι, Sappho Fragm. 15. ed. Wolf. Pseudo-Phocylid. v. 203.
1249.
Ἐπεὶ ἥ γε Ἑλληνικὴ ἐσθὴς πᾶσα ἡ ἀρχαίη τῶν γυναικῶν ἡ αὐτὴ ἦν, τὴν νῦν Δωρίδα καλέομεν, Herod. V. 88. Compare Eustath. ad Il. V. 567. Æginetica, p. 72.
1250.
Manso, Sparta, vol. I. part II. p. 162. Boettiger, Raub der Cassandra, p. 60.
1251.
Thus Herodotus V. 87. mentions the ἱμάτια of Doric women as corresponding to the Ionic χιτῶνες: and the different Scholiasts to Eurip. Hec. 933. call the Doric virgins sometimes μονοχίτωνες, sometimes ἀχίτωνες (the Fragment of Anacreon, p. 404. ed. Fischer. ἐκδῦσα χιτῶνα δωριάζειν is too mutilated to prove any thing). See also Horus ap. Etymol. Mag. p. 293. 44. who, besides Ælius Dionysius (who likewise states that the use of the χίτων was peculiar to the Dorians), follows Eustathius ad Il. XIV. 975. Compare also Hesychius in δωριάζειν, and the Sophista Anonymus in Orelli's Op. Mor. II. p. 214. Euripides (Androm. 599. and Hec. ubi sup.) calls the Doric dress inaccurately πέπλος, compare Hedylus in the Palatine Anthology VI. 292. Plutarch Cleomen. 38.
1252.
Herod. and Schol. Eurip. ubi sup. where ἐπιπορπὶς appears to be the tongue of the clasp.
1253.
Περόναι, or clasps, were also used in the Ionic female dress, in order to close the slit-up sleeve. Ælian V. H. I. 18.
1254.
Wolf. Fragm. mul. pros. pp. 241, 242.
1255.
Pollux, Plutarch. Comp. Lycurg. 3. and Sophocles there quoted: καὶ τὰν νέορτον, ἇς ἔτ᾽ ἄστολος χιτὼν θυραῖον ἀμφὶ μηρὸν πτύσσεται, Ἑρμιόναν. Eurip. Androm. 599. γυμνοῖσι μηροῖς καὶ πέπλοις ἀνειμένοις. Compare Duris in Schol. Eurip. Hec. αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες ἐβρυαζὸν ταῖς Δωρίαις στολαῖς. This writer also entertains the erroneous notion that the Athenian women wore short hair and the Doric dress, at the same time that the men wore long hair and the Ionic dress.
1256.
See Schol. Eurip. ubi sup. Callimachus (Fragm. 225. ed. Bentl.) says of a Lacedæmonian virgin, ἔσκεν ὅτ᾽ ἄζωστος χἀτερόπορπος ἔτι. Ἄζωστοι καὶ ἀχίτωνες, according to Schol. Eurip. and Eustathius p. 975. 38; without girdles also according to Pausanias ibid. p. 975. 40. and Suidas in δωριάζειν.
1257.
Μονόπεπλος, Δωρὶς ὡς κόρα, Eurip. Hec. 928. Doris nullo culia palliolo, Juvenal III. 94. It is to this that the charge of nakedness, mentioned p. 273, in note b, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “virgins naked,” starting “See particularly.”] and p. 277, in note x, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “and in the chorus,” starting “Plutarch. Lycurg. 14.”] refers. Also in Plutarch. Pyrrh. 17. the Spartan virgins are distinguished, as being ονοχίτωνες, from the married women in ἱμάτια.
1258.
That the Corinthian costume was at that time different from the original Doric dress, I have already remarked (Æginetica, p. 64, note b.) from this fact, and from Herod. V. 87. The Syracusan ἐμπερόναμα had perhaps originated from the clasped χίτων of the Dorians, Theocrit. Idyll. XV. 34. compare Spohn Lect. Theocrit. I. p. 36, but it was drawn over the χιτώνιον. There was also a Corinthian female dress called παράπηχυ, Athen. XIII. p. 582.
1259.
Pythænetus ap. Athen. XIII. p. 589. Compare Theognis v. 1002, where the Λάκαινα κόρη brings crowns for the guests. So also the Doric Greeks of Sicily substituted a πάρθενος φιαληφόρος in the place of the παῖς, Polyb. XII. 5. 7.
1260.
Plutarch. Lycurg. 14. τὰς κόρας γυμνάς τε πομπεύειν καὶ πρὸς ἱεροῖς τισὶν ὀρχεῖσθαι καὶ ᾄδειν. Compare Lac. Apophthegm, p. 223. and Hesychius in δωριάζειν.
1261.
Plutarch. Lycurg. 16; and concerning the custom of Phigaleia, see Athen. IV. p. 248. sq.
1262.
Aristoph. Nub. 986. The same is in Xenoph. de Rep. Lac. 2. 1.
1263.
Aristoph. Av. 493. 49. where χλαῖνα and ἱμάτιον are used as synonymous. But that the χλαῖνα and τρίβων were different kinds of the ἱμάτιον is shown by the same poet, Vesp. 1132; λαῖνα ἱμάτιον τετράγωνον, according to Didymus.
1264.
In Iliad X. 133. the χλαῖνα is however laid double, and fastened with a clasp (over the shoulder).
1265.
Pollux VII. 13. 46. X. 27. 124; and compare Hemsterhuis's note, Diogenianus Prov. V. 21. Vatic. Prov. II. 14. Lexicograph.
1266.
According to Pollux and Ammonius. Fragm. 68, 69. pp. 82, 83. ed. Wolf.
1267.
See Aristoph. Lysist. 988. where it is the dress of the envoys, as the φοινικὶς in the last note of the third book; and Juvenal Sat. VIII. 101.
1268.
See Tischbein I. 29. and Vases de Coghill I. planche 36.
1269.
I. 6. Compare Dionys. Halic. in Thucyd. 9.
1270.
Minervæ Poliadis Ædes, p. 41.
1271.
Also called δαμοφανὴς by the Lacedæmonians, because it was worn in public.
1272.
See Meursius Miscell. Lacon. I. 15. Manso, Sparta, vol. I. part II. p. 197. The τρίβων could (as well as the χλαῖνα, p. 277, note b, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “left shoulder,” starting “In Iliad X. 133.”]) be worn double, and be fastened with. a clasp, Polyæn. IV. 4. This more becoming variety of the ἱμάτιον, the χλαῖνα, was also worn at Sparta; see Theopompus the comic poet in Pollux X. 27. 124. Ἐξωμίδες φαῦλαι of the Lacedæmonians in Ælian V. H. IX. 34.
1273.
Plat. Protag. 342. Aristot. Eth. Nic. IV. 7. 15. with Aspasius and the Paris Scholiast, p. 156. ed. Zell. Compare the Κρητικὸν ἱματίδιον in Hesychius.
1274.
From the 12th year upwards, Plutarch Lycurg. 16.
1275.
Lac. Instit. p. 247. Lac. Apophth. p. 178. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 2. 4. Justin III. 3. Likewise in Crete, Heraclid. Pont. 3. Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p. 483.
1276.
Hence the Attic orators, in early times at least, never showed their left hand, Taylor ad Æschin. in Timarch. p. 59.
1277.
De Rep. Lac. 3. 5. quoted by Longinus περὶ ὕψους IV. i. p. 114.
1278.
See Boettiger's opinions on this subject, Raub der Cassandra, pp. 74: sqq. Archäologie der Mahlerei I. p. 211. Vasengemälde I. 2. p. 37. and Uhden's Letter, II. p. 65.
1279.
Ἰσοδὶαιτοι, Thucyd. I. 6. Justin. III. 3.
1280.
Athen. XV. pp. 686 sq. Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 224. Seneca Quæst. Nat. IV. 13. This ancient notion may also be traced in the use of the words φθείρειν, μιαίνειν, to corrupt, for to dye or to colour.
1281.
Δολερὰ μὲν τὰ ἕιματα, δολερὰ δὲ τὰ χρίματα, Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 294 Sylburg. Herodotus indeed (III. 22.) quotes the same saying of an Ethiopian king, comp. Plutarch. Quæst. Rom. 26. p. 327. Sympos. III. I, 2. p. 109. de Herod. Malign. 28. p. 312.; but the expression has a genuine Spartan character.
1282.
A law of Diocles, according to Phylarchus ap. Athen. XII. p. 521 B. for Zaleucus see Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol. II. p. 33. for Sparta, Heraclid. Pont. Clem. Alex. Protrept. II. 10. p. 119. Sylburg. cf. Ælian. V. H. XIV. 7.
1283.
Plato Comicus ap. Aspas ad Aristot. Eth. Nic. IV. 7. 15. (see Porson's Tracts, p. 232). χαίροις, οἶμαι, μεταπεττεύσας αὐτὸν διακλιμακίσας τε, τὸν ὑπηνόβιον, σπαρτιοχαίτην, ῥυποκόνδυλον, ἑλκετρίβωνα. ἕλκοντες ὑπήνας. Aristoph. Lys. 1072. Compare the statue of Lysander in Plut. Lys. I.
1284.
See above, p. 129, note s. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “obey the laws,” starting “Aristot. ap. Plutarch.”] Wyttenbach ad Plutarch. de Sera Num. Vind. p. 25. thinks that the Lacedæmonians also shaved their upper lip; but his, as well as Ruhnken's emendation of Antiphanes ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 A. is very violent.
1285.
Athen. XII. p. 565 C.
1286.
Aristoph. Av. 1283. Eccles. 74. Their use was only prohibited in the public assembly, Plutarch Lycurg. II.
1287.
Herod. III. 137. Aristot. in Ἰθακ. πολιτ. ap. Phot. in σκυτάλη. See the paintings on vases.
1288.
Xen. Rep. Lac. II. 3. Plutarch. Lycurg. 22. Previously they were accustomed ἐν χρῷ κείρεοσθαι, cap. 16. which is sometimes also described as the general Spartan usage. Plutarch. Alcib. 23. de Discrim. Adul. et Am. 10. p 170.
1289.
Antiochus ap. Strab. VI. p. 278. Aristot. Ret. I. 9. 26.
1290.
The manner in which Herodotus (I. 82.) accounts for this, is rendered doubtful by Plutarch. Lysand. I. cf. Lycurg. 22. reg. Apophth. p. 124, 125. Lac. Apophth. p. 226, 230. Æginetica, p. 32, note o. In Crete the cosmi at least wore long hair, according to ancient custom, Seneca Controv. IV. 27. On the short hair of the Argives, see Herodotus and Plato Phædon. p. 89. J. Tzetzes Jamb. 161.
1291.
See Σπαρτιοχαίτης in the verses cited above, p. 280, note x. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “ornament of a man,” starting “Plato Comicus Ap. Aspas.”]
1292.
Compare Aristoph. Lys. 1113. παραπυκίδδειν with Horace Od. II. II. incomptam Lacænæ More comam religata nodo, i.e., as Diana is generally represented in works of art. That the women were not allowed to wear long hair (κομᾶν, Heraclid. Pont. 2.), is a statement which must not be construed strictly. A lock of hair dedicated to the gods was called ἱέρωμα, according to the correction of Hemsterhuis in Hesychius: but Toup is probably correct in defending the common reading ἱερόβατον, Emend. in Suid. vol. II. p. 607. Spartans were distinguished not merely by their mode of wearing the hair, but also by the shoes, Paus. VII. 14. 2. Shoes for state occasion were the ἀμυκλαΐδες, and for common wear the ἁπλαῖ Λακωνικαὶ, above, p. 25, note n. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “shoes of Amyclæ,” starting “Theocrit. X. 35.”] Argive, Rhodian (Pollux VII. 22. 88.) and Sicyonian ἔμβαδες likewise occur (Lucian. Ret. Præc. 15. Lucretius IV. 1121. Eustath. ad Hom. p. 1302. 22. ed. Rom.).
1293.
See the passages collected by Thiersch, Act. Mon. vol. III. p. 273 sqq. Also Phocylides ἔρματα λοξὰ κορύμβων and Nicol. Dam. p. 51 Orelli, of a Smyrnæan κόμην τρέφων χρυσῷ στρόφῳ κεκορυμβωμένην.
1294.
Thuc. IV. 34. Comp. Pollux. I. 149. Erotian. Lex. Hippocrat. Meursius Miscell. Lac. I. 17.
1295.
B. III. ch. 12. § 10.
1296.
Bentley Phalarid. p. 347. Lips. Bergler. ad Alciphr. I. 36. 12.
1297.
Plutarch. Lysand. 2. reg. Apophth. p. 127. Lac. Apophth. p. 200, where Archidamus the son of Agesilaus is meant, and afterwards too he is often confounded with the son of Zeuxidamus, Apostol. X. 48. In later times, however, διαφανῆ Λακωνικὰ are mentioned as a luxurious dress, Dio Chrysost. ad Es. vol. VI. p. 45 A. ad Matth. Hom. vol. VII. p. 796. B. ed. Montfaucon. On the Argive dresses τήβεννος and κλεοβίνικος see Pollux VII. 13. 61. and his commentators. The ἀφάβρωμα was an old-fashioned gown of the Megarian women, Plutarch Qu. Gr. 16. p. 383.
1298.
Xen. Hell. V. 4. 28. Plutarch Alcib. 23.
1299.
See particularly Martial Epigr. VI. 42. Casaubon ad Strab. III. p. 231. p. 663. ed. Friedemann.
1300.
This explains away the contradiction which Manso finds, vol. I. 2. p. 199.
1301.
V. 305. which passage would also apply to the syssitia of Sparta.
1302.
Who abolished them as an institution favourable to aristocracy, Aristot. Polit. V. 9. 2. They were still in existence in the time of Archias, see vol. I. p. 129 note f. The σύσσιτος, of Æthiops, in the passage of Athenæus, is evidently his regular messmate. We may also mention the δημοσιαι θοῖναι of the Argives, at which the ancient clay vessels (Herod. V. 88.) were still used. Polemon ap. Athen. XI. p. 483 C. cf. p. 479 C. IV. p. 148 F.
1303.
Aristot. Pol. VII. 9. 2, 3.
1304.
Harmodius on the laws of Phigaleia ap. Athen. IV. p. 148 F. comp. in general Plutarch Quæst. Sympos. II. 10. 2. Thirlwall, Hist. of Greece, vol. I. p. 287, has rightly remarked that the description of Harmodius refers only to the maintenance of two choruses in Phigalia.
1305.
Book III. ch. 6. § 9.
1306.
But upon hard benches without cushions, in robore. Cicero pro Muræna 35. Athen. XII. p. 518 F. cf. IV. p. 142 A. Plutarch Lycurg. 18. Suidas in φιλίτια et Λυκοῦργος, Isidorus Orig. XX. 11. It was not till the reign of Areus and Acrotatus, that soft and expensive cushions were used at the public tables. Phylarchus ap. Athen. IV. p. 142 A.
1307.
Heraclid. Pont. 3. Pyrgion ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 F. Varro ap. Serv. ad Æn. VII. 176.
1308.
B. III. ch. 2. § 4. Foreign cooks were not tolerated at Sparta, as is particularly stated of Mithæcus by Maximus Tyrius VII. 22. ed. Davies.
1309.
Ælian. V. H. XIV. 7. There was a separate broth-maker (ζωμοποιὸς) for the king, Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 214.
1310.
Heraclid. Pont. 2. who perhaps says too generally, πέττει σῖτον οὐδείς (πέττειν is said of ἄρτος made of ἄλευρα as μάττειν of μᾶζα made ἄλφιτα). Comp. Dicæarchus ap. Athen. IV. p. 141 A. Plutarch Alcib. 23.
1311.
Book III. ch. 10. § 6. Varieties of ἄρτος were also eaten at the κοπὶς, Molpis ap. Athen. IV. p. 140 A. cf. p. 139 A. B. Hesychius in κοπὶς, βέσκεροι ἄρτοι, and πητεῖται πιτυρίαι ἄρτου. There was a Lacedæmonian kind of barley, Theophrast. Hist. Plant. VIII. 4. Siligo Lacedæm. Plin. H. N. XVIII. 20. IV. 4.
1312.
B. II. ch. 10. § 4.
1313.
Theocrit. Id. XXIV. 136. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 1077.
1314.
Plutarch Lycurg. 12. comp. Meurs. Miscell. Lac. I. 8.
1315.
Ælian V. H. III. 31.
1316.
Dicæarchus ubi sup. A little pig was called by the Lacedæmonians ὀρθαγορίσκος, Athen. p. 140 B. see Hesychius in βορθαγορίσκος et ἡμιτύγια above p. 110. note y. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “days of each month,” starting “Herod. ubi sup.”]
1317.
Ἀφέδιτοι ἡμέραι, according to Hesychius. cf. in διαφοίγιμόρ.
1318.
See Critias the Athenian in Athen. X. p. 432 D sq. comp. XI. p. 463 C. Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 4, 5. Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 172. In Crete however the whole table drank from one large goblet, Dosiadas ap. Athen. IV. p. 143. Eustath. ad Od. p. 1860. 45.
1319.
Pseudo-Plat. Min. p. 320. comp. Leg. I. p. 637 A. from which passage it also follows that all the inhabitants of Laconia were prohibited from attending drinking entertainments (συμπόσια). The Dionysia at Sparta were also more serious than elsewhere, Plut. ubi sup. Athen. IV. p. 155 D.
1320.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 7. Plutarch Lycurg. 12.
1321.
B. III. ch. 10. § 7. In Sparta the guests, as in the time of Homer, were called δαιτύμονες, Alcman ap. Strap. X. p. 482. fragm. 37. ed. Welcker. Herod. VI. 57. and a κρεοδαίτης presided at the meal (above, p. 251, note r. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “volunteers in the army,” starting “Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 7.”] comp. Plutarch Quæst. Sympos. II. 10. 2. p. 102. Pollux VI. 7. 34.), as a δαιτρὸς in ancient times; each guest in Sparta having a certain portion or mess allotted to him.
1322.
See Plutarch Lycurg. 12. Schol. Plat. Leg. I. p. 229. ed. Ruhnken. p. 449. ed. Bekker.
1323.
B. III. ch. 12. § 4. It is to this that Dionysius Hal. refers, when he says that the Phiditia made men ashamed to leave their comrades in the field of battle, with whom they had sacrificed and made libations, Ant. Rom. II. 23. p. 283. ed. Reisk.
1324.
Persæus ap. Athen. IV. p. 140 F. and see below, p. 288, note k. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “vegetables (ἀβαμβάκευστα),” starting “Pyrgion ap. Athen.”]
1325.
Plutarch Quæst. Sympos. VII. 9. p. 332. calls them in a certain sense βουλευτήρια ἀπόῤῥητα καὶ συνέδρια ἀριστοκρατικά, and compares them with the Prytaneum and Thesmothesium of Athens.
1326.
B. III. ch. 10. § 6. The only ἐπάϊκλον eaten by boys was some dough of barley-meal baked in laurel leaves (καμματίδες), and kneaded in oil (Hesychius in ἁμφιμάντορα, ἀμφίτοροι); a cake of this kind was called κάμμα, and from its use παλλιχιὰρ, Meursius Misc. Lac. I. 12.
1327.
Athen. IV. p. 138 B. comp. Herod. VI. 57. Perhaps Alcman describes a κοπὶς in the following verses, Κλίναι μὲν ἑπτὰ καὶ τόσαι τράπεσδαι Μακωνίδων ἄρτων ἐπιστεφοῖσαι Λίνω τε σασάμω τε κἠν πελίχναις Παίδεσσι χρυσοκόλλα, fragm. 17. ed. Welcker.
1328.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 5, 6. and above, p. 287, note b. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “aristocratical principles,” starting “Plutarch Quæst. Sympos.”] Concerning Crete, see Dosiadas ubi sup.
1329.
Critias ubi sup. Plutarch Lycurg. 12.
1330.
Φοίναις δὲ καὶ ἐν θιάσοισιν ἀνδρείων παρὰ δαιτυμόνεσσι πρέπει παιᾶνα κατάρχειν, fragm. 31. ed. Welcker.
1331.
It is very probable that this φειδίτια was a ludicrous distortion of an ancient Spartan name φιλίτια, i.e., “love-feasts.”
1332.
Alcman ubi sup. Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p. 482. Aristot. Polit. II. 7. 3. The word αἷκλα is also used by Epicharmus for δεῖπνα.
1333.
Pyrgion ap. Athen. 143. E. and Casaubon's note. Ephoras ap. Strab. X. p. 483 A. For Sparta, see Alcman quoted in p. 288 note d. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “particularly the kings,” starting “Athen. IV.”] Plutarch Lycurg. 12. Quæst. Græc. 33. p. 332. Concerning the Phigalean custom, see Athen. IV. p. 148 F. From the passage quoted in p. 287 note a, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “state in itself,” starting “Persæus ap. Athen.”] it also follows that guests of inferior rank sat ἐπὶ τοῦ σκιμποδίου, as was also the custom among the Macedonians, according to Athen. I. p. 18 A. Wyttenbach. Miscell. Doctr. v. 3. ad Plat. Phæd. Addit. p. 234.
1334.
This follows from Plat. Leg. VI. p. 780 D, p. 781 A. comp. Plutarch Lycurg. 12. Lac. Apophth. p. 221. παρὰ τῇ γυναικὶ (i.e., at home) δειπνεῖν. See also Lycurg. 26. Sosibius περὶ Ἀλκμᾶνος ap. Athen. XIV. p. 646 A. speaks of banquets of the women at Sparta, at which certain cakes (κριβάναι) were carried, when they were about to sing the praise of the virgin, probably at marriages. Aristotle Polit. II. 7. 4. says that in Creta the women also were fed at the public cost, not that they ate in public.
1335.
Dosiadas ap. Athen. p. 143 B. with the assistance of some men τῶν δημοτικῶν. Does he mean Periœci or Mnotæ? Young women were used as cup-bearers among the Dorians, above, p. 276 note u. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “wine to the labourers,” starting “Pythænetus ap. Athen.”]
1336.
Dosiadas and Pyrgion ubi sup. Heraclid. Pont, and see the decree of the Olontians in Chishull's Antiq. Asiat. p. 137. cf. p. 131, 134.
1337.
Damasc. ap. Phot. Biblioth. p. 1037. Suidas in ἄθρυπτος et Δωριοσ. Δωριοσ οικονεμια in Diog. Laërt. IV. 3. 19. for a plain rough mode of living.
1338.
Συρακοσίων et Σικελῶν τράπεζα, Athen. XII. p. 518 B. p. 527 C. Zenob. Prov. V. 94. Suidas Erasm. Adag. II. 2. Σικελικὸς κότταβος Anacreon ap. Athen. X. p. 427. fragm. p. 374. ed. Fischer. The Σικελικὸς βίος is opposed to the Δωριστὶ ζῆν in the 7th (spurious) Platonic Epistle, p. 336.
1339.
See, among others, Timæus fragm. 76. p. 271, ed. Goeller. The Argives and Tirynthians were reproached for their debauchery, Ælian. V. H. III. 15. Athen. N. p. 442. D.
1340.
See Æginetica p. 188.
1341.
See above, p. 266 note d. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “from the street,” starting “Towards the street.”] In Crete it was called βοωνία, Hesych. in v.
1342.
Dionys. Halic. XX. 2. ed. Mai.
1343.
According to the supposed saying of Lycurgus, “first make a democracy in thine own house.” Plutarch Lycurg. 19. reg. Apophth. p. 124. Lac. Apophth. p. 225.
1344.
See particularly Eurip. Androm. 596.
1345.
Κόροις καὶ κόραις κοινὰ τὰ ἱερά. Plutarch Inst. Lac. p. 254. above ch. 2. § 2.
1346.
Eustath. ad Od. p. 1166. So also the Arcadians had, according to Polybius IV. 21. 3. (though not for the reason which he assigns) συνόδους κοινὰς καὶ θυσίας πλείστας ὁμοίως ἀνδράσι καὶ γυναιξὶ, ἔτι δὲ χοροὺς παρθένων ὁμοῦ καὶ παίδων. The unrestrained manners, and the public games and dances of the virgins of Ceos (Plutarch Mul. Virt. p. 277. Antonin. Liber. met. 1.), probably were derived from a Cretan custom (see above, p. 236. note q. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “with an axe,” starting “Heracl. Pont. 7.”]), and certainly one prior to the Ionic migration.
1347.
Plutarch Lycurg. 14. comp. Welcker ad Alcman. frag. p. 10.
1348.
VI. 61, 65.
1349.
Polycrates ap. Athen. IV. p. 139 F. Xenoph. Ages. 8. 7. with Casaubon's restoration from Plutarch. Ages. 19. Hesychius in κάνναθρα, Eustathius ad Il. XXIV. p. 1344. 44. Schol. ad Aristoph. Vesp. 413. The temple of Helen, mentioned by Hesychius in κάνναθρα, is that at Therapne, above the Phœbæum, of which Herodotus speaks, VII. 61.
1350.
Λακεδαιμονίην τε γυναῖκα in the oracle; and how, in the Lysistrata of Aristophanes, the Athenian women admire the lusty and vigorous beauty of Lampito. comp. Athen. XII. p. 609 B.
1351.
Heracl. Lembus ap. Athen. XIII. p. 566 A.
1352.
If the father and grandfather died, the right, even in Doric states, e.g., in Cyrene, passed to the brothers, Plutarch Mul. Virt. p. 303. Polyæn. VIII. 41.
1353.
Plutarch Lycurg. 15. Lac. Apophth. p. 224. Xen. de Rep. Lac. I. 5. The account of Hermippus in Athenæus XIII. p. 555 C. is absurdly disfigured. The same is true of Hagnon, ibid. XIII. p. 602 E. This explains the statement of Herodotus VI., 65. that Demaratus obtained possession of Percalus the daughter of Chilon, who was betrothed to Leotychides, by previously carrying her away by force, φθάσας ἁρπάσας. In later times, whoever ravished a virgin at Sparta (as also at Delphi, Heliodorus IV. p. 269.) was punished with death, Xenoph. Ephes. V. 1; and compare Marcellinus on Hermogenes, although this account does not belong to the age of which we treat.
1354.
Plutarch. Cleom. 38.
1355.
Strabo X. p. 482 D. from Ephorus.
1356.
According to Hesychius. Homer. Il. XVI. 180. calls Eudoxus a παρθένιος, τὸν ἔτικτε χορῷ καλὴ Πολυμήλη, which I explain thus: she produced him “in the chorus,” i.e., while she yet belonged to the ἀγελὴ of the virgins. The passage is quoted by Dio Chrysost. Or. VII. p. 273., who also speaks of the Lacedæmonian παρθενίαι.
1357.
Justin. III. 4. Nulli pater existebat cujus in patrimonium successio speraretur.
1358.
Book I. ch. 6. § 12. The common narrative of Ephorus is repeated by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and is evidently invented to account for the name Παρθενίαι, which Antiochus declines to explain.
1359.
Xen. Rep. Lac. I. 6. Plutarch Lyc. 15. Comp. Num. 4. Lac. Apophth. p. 224.
1360.
Hesychius in v.
1361.
Op. et Di. 695.
1362.
Leg VIII. p. 785. Aristotle indeed (Polit. VII. 16.) gives 37 years as the most fitting time for marriage in a man; which number Larcher (Chronologie d'Herodote) has no reason to suppose borrowed from the laws of Laconia. The Trœzenians were forbidden by the oracle from making early marriages, Aristot. Pol. VII. 14. 4.
1363.
See Plutarch Lyc. 15. Lysand. 13. de Amore prol. 2. Lac. Apophth. p. 223. Clearchus ap. Athen. XIII. p. 555 C. Pollux III. 48. VIII. 40. Stobæus Serm. 65. Clem. Alexand. Strom. II. p. 182. compare Schläger's Præfat. ad Dissertat. Helmst. 1744. p. 10. It is most singular that the cowards (τρεσάντες) to whom every man denied his daughter, were punished for not marrying, Xen. Rep. Lac. 9. 5.
1364.
Pollux VIII. 40.
1365.
Plutarch de Herod. Malign. 32. p. 321. Lac. Apophth. p. 216. fragm. p. 355.
1366.
Plutarch Pyrrh. 28. See B. III. ch. 10. § 3. concerning the ius trium liberorum in Sparta.
1367.
Καὶ πολλὰ μὲν τοιαῦτα συνελώρει, Xen. Rep. Lac. I. 9. Later writers often give fabulous accounts of this point, particularly Theodoretus Græc. Affinit. 9.
1368.
B. III. ch. 10. § 4.
1369.
See the saying of Geradates in Plutarch Lyc. 15. Lac. Apophth. p. 225. comp. Justin. III. 3. The νόθοι in Xen. Hell. V. 3. 9., who were a separate class, but shared in the education of the Spartans, probably were composed of a mixture of different ranks, and certainly were not the offspring of a regular stuprum. At Rhodes, according to Schol. Eurip. Alcest. 992, the νόθοι were called μαστρόξενοι, i.e. those who at a public scrutiny (called at Athens διαψήφισις) were rejected from the lists of citizens. The investigation was perhaps conducted by the μάστροι, Hesych. in v. comp. Harpocrat. μαστῆρες.
1370.
Herod. V. 39, 40.
1371.
Plutarch Agid. 11.
1372.
The history of women in the heroic age has been better treated by Lenz, than by Meiners in his Geschichte des Weiblichen Geschlechts; although even he has many prejudices, e.g., that women are always improved by education, the reverse of which was the case in Greece. Lenz (p. 64.) correctly remarks, that in Homer the manners of unmarried are represented as less restrained than those of married women; although their intercourse with men was more free than among the Dorians. Comp. p. 143.
1373.
I. 146.
1374.
Though she lived in the interior of the house, as is proved by the Doric term for a wife, μεσόδομα: see Hesych. in οἰκέτις, Theocrit. Id. XVIII. 28. and compare the sayings of Aregeus in Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 198. of Euboidas, p. 205. and of the Lacedæmonian woman, p. 262. who being asked what she understood, answered, εὖ οἰκεῖν οἶκον.
1375.
Plutarch. Lyc. 14.
1376.
Vol. I. p.
1377.
Polit. II. 6. 8. and in Plutarch Lyc. 14. At that time moreover the manners of the Spartan women had really degenerated, and a considerable licence (ἄνεσις) prevailed, Aristot. Polit. II. 6. 5. Plat. Leg. I. p. 637. Dion. Hal. Hist. Rom. II. 24.
1378.
Plutarch Lyc. 14. Comp. Num. 3. Aristotle also (Polit. II. 6, 7.) speaks of their influence on the government in the time of the ascendency of Sparta; it increased still more, when a large part of the landed property fell into the hands of women. The singular assertion of Ælian V. H. XII. 34. that Pausanias loved his wife, has been correctly interpreted by Kühn to mean a too great, or uxorious affection; and so likewise Menelaus appears to have been represented, see, e.g., Aristoph. Lysist. 155.
1379.
Πολλὰ λέγειν ὄνυμ᾽ ἀνδρὶ, γυναικὶ δὲ πᾶσι χαρῆναι, fragm. 13. ed. Welcker. comp. Franck's Tyrtæus p. 173 and 203.
1380.
See, e.g., Plutarch Cleom. 38.
1381.
Plato Alcib. I. p. 41. Plin. H. N. VII. 41. Compare the saying of Gorgo in Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 258.
1382.
The Bœotian poetesses, however, Corinna and Myrto, and Diotima the Arcadian (concerning whom see Frederick Schlegel, Griechen und Roemer, vol. I. p. 275.), were on the rank of Doric women; although in Bœotia the female sex was very much restricted, and placed under the superintendence of γυναικονόμοι (as under the ἁρμόσυνοι at Sparta, ch. 7. § 8.), Plutarch Solon. 21.
1383.
See b. II. ch. 10. § 7. Aristoph. Lys. 90. Plut. 149. et Schol. Suidas in ἑταῖραι Κορινθ and χοῖρος. Pollux IX. 6. 75. Κορινθιάζεσθαι τὸ μαστροπεύειν η ἑταῖρειν (see b. I. ch. 8. § 3.) Eustath. ad II. p. 290. 23. ed. Rom. and Anacreon XXXII. 10. whose poems are of the Achæan or Roman time. Compare also the Κορινθία κόρη in Plato de Rep. p. 404 D. Κορίνθια παῖς, Eurip. Sciron. ap. Poll. X. 7. 25. cf. IX. 6. 75. and Hemsterhuis, and the proverb in Suidas (XIV. 81. Schott.) Plutarch Prov. Al. 92. ἀκροκορίνθι ἔοικας χοιροπολήσειν. Compare Jacobs in the Attisches Museum, vol. II. part III. p. 137. Schiebel zur Kentniss der Alten Welt, vol. I. p. 177.—The women of Sicyon were, according to the βὶος Ἕλλαδος of Dicæarchus, exceedingly graceful in their carriage.
1384.
Plutarch Lycurg. 17. Dionys. Hal. XX. 2. ed. Mai. Old men could punish persons conducting themselves improperly (ἀκοσμοῦντες) by striking them with their sticks.
1385.
Εἰσπνήλας is probably the genuine form; see Callim. Fragm. 169. ed. Bentl. Etymol. Mag. p. 43. 34. p. 306. 24. Gudian. p. 23. 2. Orion, p. 617. 49. Εἴσπνηλος is used by Theocritus Id. XII. 13.
1386.
Ælian V. H. III. 12. Ἐμπνεῖσθαι is the word used by Plutarch Cleom. 3.
1387.
Vol. I. p. 5. Compare Etymol. Magn. p. 43. 31. Gudian. ubi sup. Ἀείτης was used by Aristophanes; see Bekker's Anecd. p. 348. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 459, and ἀΐτιας by Alcæus ap. Athen. p. 430 D. Alcman also called lovely young women ἀΐτας κόρας; see Schneider's Lexicon in v. and Etymol. Gudian. p. 23. 3; also the Lexicon vocum peregrinarum in Valpy's edition of Stephens's Thesaurus, part XII. p. 492.
1388.
Servius ad Æn. X. 325. adeo ut Cicero dicat in libris de re publica (p. 280. Mai.) opprobrio fuisse adulescentibus si amatores non haberent.
1389.
Ælian III. 10.
1390.
Plutarch Ages. 2. Lysand. 22.
1391.
Plutarch Ages. 13. Reg. Apophth. p. 128. Lac. Apophth. p. 177.
1392.
Xenoph. Hell. V. 4. 25.
1393.
Plutarch Cleom. 3.
1394.
Ib. c. 37.—The youth of Argilus, loved by Pausanias, cannot be mentioned among these, Thuc. I. 132. Nepos Pausan. 4.
1395.
Ælian V. H. III. 10.
1396.
Id. III. 12.
1397.
Plutarch Lyc. 25.
1398.
Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 39. Plutarch Reg. Apophth. quoted in note e, p. 301. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “also a hearer,” starting “Plutarch Ages. 13.”]
1399.
See Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 209. In Bœotia also ἀνὴρ καὶ παῖς συζυγέντες ὁμιλοῦσιν, Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 2. 12.
1400.
Plutarch Lycurg. 18. Ælian V. H. III. 10.
1401.
Athen. XIII. p. 601 E. p. 602 F. from Timæus, Heraclid. Pont. 3. Heyne ad Apollod. III. 1. 2. Κρῆτες ἐρωτικώτατοι, together with the Lacedæmonians and Bœotians, Plutarch Amator. 17. p. 37.
1402.
Athen. XV. p. 782 E.
1403.
Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p. 483. Hesychius in φιλήτωρ.
1404.
Ephorus ubi sup. Compare Plutarch de Educ. 14.
1405.
Ephorus and Heraclides Ponticus. Arms were in Crete, according to Nicolaus Damascenus, the most honourable present that could be made. Concerning the cup, see Hermonax ap. Athen. XI. p. 502 B.
1406.
Ælian V. H. III. 9. comp. N. A. IV. 1.
1407.
Aristot. Polit. II. 9. 6, 7.
1408.
Aristoph. Acharn. 774. Theocrit. Id. XII. 28. and Schol.
1409.
According to Plato and Cicero (Leg. I. p. 636 B. Tusc. Quæst. IV. 34. comp. Boeckh ad Leg. p. 106.) This practice originated from the gymnastic exercises; a supposition probably not true in this general sense.
1410.
Polit. II. 7. 5.—It is however true of Athens only, and not of the Dorians, that the love of the male supplied the place of that of the female sex.
1411.
Welcker, Sappho von einem herrschenden vorurtheill befreit, p. 41. Confederates in arms are called Ἀχίλλήιοι φίλοι in the beautiful Fragment of Æolian lyric poetry, attributed to Theocritus, XXVIII. 34. Comp. Arrian. Peripl. Pont. p. 23.
1412.
Cicero de Rep. IV. 4. Lacedæmonii ipsi cum omnia concedunt in amore juvenum præter stuprum, ienui sane muro dissæpiunt id quod excipiunt: complexus enim concubitusque permittunt.
1413.
Ælian V. H. III. 12. On account of this provision the Lacedæmonian law is called ποίκιλος by Plato Sympos. p. 182. The purity of the Lacedæmonian custom is also attested by Xenophon, the best authority on Doric manners. Εἴ τις παιδὸς σώματος ὀρεγόμενος φανείη, αἴσχιστον τοῦτο θεὶς (ὁ Λυκοῦργος) ἐποίησεν ἐν Δακεδαίμονι μηδὲν ἧττον ἐραστὰς παιδικῶν ἀπέχεσθαι ἢ γονεῖς παίδων ἢ καὶ ἀδελφοὶ ἀδελφῶν εἰς ἀφροδίσια ἀπέχονται, de Rep. Lac. 2. 13; and see Schneider's note. Plato however has a different opinion of it, Leg. I. p. 638. VIII. p. 836. The Cretan fell into worse repute than the Lacedæmonian custom, Plutarch de Educ. 14. Both however are praised as equally innocent by Maximus Tyrius, Diss. X. p. 113. The suspicions thrown upon it are perhaps to be entirely traced to the Attic comic poets; thus Eupolis ap. Athen. I. p. 17 D. Hesych. et al. Lexicog. in Κυσολάκων and λακωνίζειν. Comp. Suidas and Apostolius, XI. 73. Λακωνικὸν τρόπον περαίνειν.
1414.
On the subject of this last part generally, see Meiners' Miscellaneous Philosophical Writings, vol. I. p. 61, and History of the Female Sex, vol. I. p. 321. Herder's Thoughts on the Philosophy of History, Works, vol. V. p. 173. Since the first publication of this work, the view of the above question taken in the text has been approved by Jacobs, Miscellaneous Works, III. Leben und Kunst der Alten, II. (1829) pp. 212, sqq.
1415.
Lucian. Anach. 38. θῆλυς νεολαία Theocr. Idyl. XVIII. 24. Comp. D'Orville ad Charit. p. 22. Alberti ad Hesych. in v.
1416.
Plutarch, Lycurg. 16. I have written house instead of tribe, as above, b. III. ch. 10. § 2.
1417.
The philosopher Archytas is mentioned as the inventor of a child's rattle, πλατάγη, Aristot. Polit. VIII. 6. 1. Apostol. XVI. 21.
1418.
μίτυλλα, ἐσχατονήπια Hesychius.
1419.
Plutarch, ubi sup.
1420.
Concerning this expression see Plutarch, Ages. 1. Cleom. II. 37. Λακωνικὴ ἀγωγὴ Polyb. I. 32, also Zonaras and Suidas. The Λυκούργειος ἀγωγὴ was in later times supplanted by the Ἀχαϊκὴ παιδεία, the object of which was utility, Plutarch, Philop. 16. comp. Pausan. VII. 8. 3.
1421.
According to the correct reading in Athen. VI. p. 271 E. These are the same as οἱ ἐκ τῆς ἀγωγῆς παῖδες: see above, p. 22. note p. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “assuredly had not,” starting “Χωρίτης.”] From the expression ὡς ἂν καὶ τὰ ἴδια ἐκποιῶσιν, we may infer that the fathers paid the expenses of education, which was observed in b. III. ch. 10, § 7.
1422.
Xenoph. Hellen. V. 3. 9. τῶν ἐν τῆ πόλει καλῶν οὐκ ἄπειροι. The δημοτικὴ ἀγωγὴ in Polyb. XXV. 8. 1. is an inferior degree.
1423.
See in particular Plutarch, Lac. Apophthegm. p. 243.
1424.
Any one who when a boy would not undergo hard labour, according to Xen. Rep. Lac. 3. 3. had no longer any share τῶν καλῶν; i.e. the remaining education (τὰ καλὰ in Sparta; comp. Xenoph. Hellen. V. 4. 32, and above, note h [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “half-blood were admitted,” starting “Xenoph. Hellen.”]), and became ἀδοκιμος in the town, not ὅμοιος. Plutarch, Inst. Lac. p. 252, says too generally, that “any one who did not go through the education lost the right of citizenship; which conversely might be obtained by a stranger who submitted to it.”
1425.
Plutarch, Ages. i.
1426.
Plutarch, Lycurg. 16: comp. above, ch. 2. § 5.
1427.
Photius in συνέφηβος, where for ἑξῆς δέκα read ἑκκαίδεκα. Schneider Lexicon in σκύθραξ proposes συνεύνας; but all these were in the Agelæ. More general names are derived from κόρος, e.g. κωραλίσκοι: see Hesych. in v. From thence the piece of Epilycus, the scene of which was laid in Sparta, had its title: see above, p. 288, note d, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “particularly the kings,” starting “Athen. IV.”] κυρσανίον, Aristoph. Lysistr. 983. Schol. also Suidas, Photius in κυρσάνια, Hesych. in v. also in κύρσιον, σκύρθακες, σκυρθάκια: comp. Hesych. in σκύθραξ et σκυρθαλίας. Phot. in σκυρθάνια.
1428.
In the second year after this period he was called Eiren, before it Melleiren, Plutarch, Lycurg. 17. Etym. Mag. and Gloss. Herodot. in εἴρην, Hesych. in ἰρίνες, ἴρανες, μελλίρην. Hesychius explains ἴρανες by ἄρχοντες, διώκοντες; and εἰρηνάζει to mean κρατεῖ, and this appears to be the original meaning of the word. Amompharetus, Callicrates, &c., the ἰρένες in Herod. IX. 85. were certainly not youths, but commanders, particularly Amompharetus, was lochagus of the Pitanatan lochus. After that same period he was called Proteires, Phot. p. 105. κατὰ πρωτεῖρας, Hesych. κατὰ πρωτῆρας. It appears that in this composition εἴρης is the same word as εἴρην.
1429.
Pausan. III. 14. 6, and see Boeckh Inscript.
1430.
Siebelis ad Pausan. ubi sup. and b. III. ch. 11. § 3.
1431.
Above, b. III. ch. 3. § 4.
1432.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 3. 5.
1433.
Hesych. and Etym. Mag. in βουόα, where for ἀγλεῖ τις, read ἀγέλη τις, Valcken. ad Adon. p. 274.
1434.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 2. 11. Plutarch, Lycurg. 16, 17. Inst. Lac. p. 248.
1435.
At Tarentum, the commander of the ile was called βειλαρμόστας, the digamma being prefixed; see Hesych.
1436.
See Hesych. in ἵππαρχος ἡνιοχαράτης, and according to Eustath. ad Il. θ᾽. p. 727. 22. not merely the 300 were called cavalry, but all the ἱππεῖς of the elders.
1437.
Xen. Plutarch, ubi sup. uses the word agele instead of ile.
1438.
Plutarch Lyc. 18.
1439.
Xenoph. 2. 2. Plutarch. Hesych. According to Xen. 4. 6 the ἱππεῖς were still under the superintendence of the παιδονόμος.
1440.
Xenoph. ubi sup.
1441.
Hesych. where the βουάγορ is erroneously called παῖς. See b. III. ch. 7. § 8.
1442.
Hesychius in ἄμπαιδες.
1443.
Who were called κῶραι, πῶπαι, πάλλακες. For the first expression see Maittaire, p. 156. κόρα amongst the Pythagoreans. Jambl. Pyth. XI. 56. For the second, see Hesychius in v. where read κόραι. For the third see Etym. Mag. p. 649. 57.
1444.
Theocrit. Idyll. XVIII. 23. comp. Pind. Fragm. Hyporch. 8. Boeckh, Callim. Lav. Pall. 33.
1445.
In Porphyr. Pyth. VIII. 61. p. 263. Goeller: comp. Jambl. Pyth. 30.
1446.
σκότιοι: see Schol. in Eurip. Alcest. 989. This also was the time in which the boys were taken away from home; see above, ch. 4. § 7; and from the circumstance of their belonging to no agele, they were called ἀπάγελοι, Hesych. in v.
1447.
Ephorus ap. Strab. p. 483.
1448.
Hesych. Ephorus ubi sup. and Nicol. Dam. mention indeed only a παίδων ἀγέλη, but use παῖς in an extensive sense.
1449.
Chishull, p. 134.
1450.
Ephor. ubi sup. Heracl. Pont. 3. From this circumstance, according to Hesychius, the ephebi in the agele were called ἀγελαστοὶ, for which Meursius reads ἀγελαῖοι from ἀγελάζω, without any authority.
1451.
See book III. ch. 8. § 2.
1452.
Suidas.
1453.
οἱ δέκα ἔτη ἐν τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἠσκηκότες, according to the correction of Valcken. ad Ammon. I. 12.
1454.
Eustath. ad II. θ᾽. p. 727. 18. ad Odyss. θ᾽. 1592, 57. Rom. Ammonius in gerôn.
1455.
τριακάτιοι. Eustath. and Ammon. ubi sup. Hesych. in v. οἱ ἔφηβοι καὶ τὸ σύστημα αὐτῶν. comp. Intpp. vol. II. 1412. The observations of Mazocchi, Tab. Heracl. p. 258. 87. are very absurd.
1456.
Hence a particular oil vessel used in the gymnasia was called Δωρὶς ὄλπα, Theocr. Idyll. II. 156. it was probably a very simple utensil, since the Spartans, instead of the στλεγγὶς, used a bundle of reeds, Schol. ad Plat. Charm. p. 90. Ruhnken. Plutarch. Inst. Lac. p. 253. Lobeck ad Phrynich. p. 430. remarks ingeniously that several vocabula musica, palæstrica et mititaria, even in the common Grecian dialect, had a Doric character, being particularly in use amongst the Dorians.
1457.
Dion. Chrysost. Orat. 37. 33. Φιλογυμναστοῦσι Λάκωνες. The same is said in Plato Protag. p. 342. of the imitators of the Spartans, who also (contrary to the customs of their original) were addicted to the contest with the cæstus. Aristot. Polit. VIII. 3. 3. merely says, that the discipline to which the Spartan youth were subjected made them too brutal, θηριώδεις.
1458.
Comp. what the Spartan in Plutarch. Lac. Apophthegm, p. 246. says concerning the distinction between κρείσσων and καββαλικώτερος, a better wrestler.
1459.
Plutarch Lycurg. 19. reg. Apophthegm. p 125. Lac. Ap. p. 225. Seneca de Benef. V. 3. Xenophon's remarks in Rep. Lac. 4. 6. on the boxing of the ἡβῶντες, do not apply to the gymnastic exercises.
1460.
Plato, Laches, p. 183.
1461.
Where it was without doubt connected with the military service, and a display of valour in the practice of war.
1462.
Athen. IX. p. 154 D. The Mantinean ὁπλομαχία will account for a Mantinean being reported to have invented the ἐνόπλιος ὄρχησις, Plutarch. Num. 13. There was also a peculiar Μαντινικὴ ὅπλισις.
1463.
Corsini, Diss. Agon. p. 127.
1464.
Thus, as is his usual practice, Hermippus gives a fictitious account of the victory gained by the son of Chilon in the contest with the cestus at Olympia. Diog. Laert. I. 3. 5.
1465.
Pausan. V. 8. 3. It is however surprising that the πένταθλον παίδων existed only in one Olympiad, viz. the 38th, when a Lacedæmonian obtained the victory.
1466.
See the Grammarians in the proverb ὑπὲρ τὰ ἐσκαμμένα πηδᾷ.
1467.
The Olympic conqueror, Philip of Croton, the friend of Dorieus the Spartan, was considered the most beautiful of the Greeks, Herod. V. 47. Cicero de Invent. II. 1. says of the Crotoniats as follows: “Quodam tempore Crotoniatæ multum omnibus corporis viribus et dignitatibus antesteterunt, atque honestissimas ex gymnico certamine victorias domum cum maxima laude retulerunt. Quum puerorum igitur formas et corpora magno hic (Zeuxis) opere miraretur: horum, inquiunt illi, sorores sunt apud nos virgines.” This is doubtless a correct description of the flourishing period of the youth of Croton: but it falls much before the time of Zeuxis.
1468.
Strab. VI. p. 262. comp. Meiners, Geschichte der Wissenshaft, book III. ch. 2.
1469.
Diagoras, his sons Damagetus, Acesilaus, Dorieus, and grandsons Eucles and Peisirrhodus; perhaps also Hyllus, see Boeckh Expl. Pind. Olymp. VII. p. 165.
1470.
Æginetica, p. 141. see also Menand. de Encom. III. 1. p. 97. ed. Heeren.
1471.
Boeckh Expl. Pind. Pyth. IV. p. 268. Pyth. V. p. 287. to which add Hesych. in ἐλαία.
1472.
Boeckh Expl. Pind. Olymp. IV. p. 143.
1473.
Olymp. XII. 20. comp. Boeckh Expl. p. 210.
1474.
The Spartans were particularly fond of the mode of wrestling called κλιμακίζειν: see the verses of Plato the comic poet quoted above, p. 280, note x. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “ornament of a man,” starting “Plato Comicus Ap. Aspas.”] comp. Plut. Lac. Apophthegm. p. 241. The ἀπὸ τραχήλον γυμνάζεσθαι, Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 9. appears to have required particular strength of neck. The Argives were dexterous ἑδροστρόφοι (throwers of crossbuttocks), Theocr. Idyll. XXV. 109.
1475.
See b. I. ch. 4. § 3.
1476.
Above, ch. 4. § 7.
1477.
Above, § 3.
1478.
See b. III. ch. 3. § 4.
1479.
Xenoph. Anab. IV. 6. 14.
1480.
Heracl. Pont. 2. Xen. Rep. Lac. 2, 6. Justin. III. 3. 6. 7 comp. Cicero apud Nonium in clepere. Gellius N.A. XI. 18. &c. Plutarch Lycurg. 17. does not state the reason accurately, comp. Inst. Lac. p. 249. Lac. Apophthegm, p. 239. The Schol. Plat. Leg. I. p. 225. ed. Ruhnken. 450. ed. Bekker. confound the cryptia with this institution.
1481.
ὅσα μὴ κωλύει νόμος. Xenoph. Anab. ubi. sup. comp. De Rep. Lac. 2. 6. Cicero's assertion de Rep. III. 9. Cretes latrocinari honestum putant should also be taken in a limited sense; comp. however Polyb. VI. 46. 1.
1482.
B. II. ch. 9. § 6. Concerning the διαμαστίγωσις, comp. Plutarch Lycurg. 18. Inst. Lac. p. 254. Athen. VIII. p. 350 C. Lucian. Icarom. 16. Musonius apud Stob. Serm. 92. p. 307. Schol. ad Plat. Leg. I. p. 224. Ruhnken. p. 450. Bekker. Cic. Quæst. Tusc. V. 27. Seneca de prov. IV. To this add the passages in Manso I. 2. p. 183. Creuzer Init. Philos. Plat. II. p. 166. A βωμονίκης occurs in a Lacedæmonian inscription, Boeckh, No. 1364. I am not yet convinced of the truth of Thiersch's conjecture, that the bronze statute of the youth at Berlin is of this character. I should rather take it to represent a conqueror in the pancration τῶν παίδων, in the attitude of returning thanks to Jupiter for his victory.
1483.
Pausan. III. 14. 8. comp. II. 2. Plat. Leg. I. p. 633. Cic. Quæst. Tusc. 5-27. Lucian. Anach. 38. Plutarch Lac. Apophthegm. p. 239. Lacæn. p. 258. what Plato terms γυμνοπαιδιὰς, are in general exercises of naked boys in the heat of summer, comp. Schol. ad loc. and Suidas in Λυκοῦργος. The ἡβῶντες according to Xen. Rep. Lac. 4. 4. also fought with the selected three hundred wherever they encountered them.
1484.
Ephor. apud Strab. X. p. 483. Heracl. Pont. 3.
1485.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 9. The Lacedæmonian ἀγωγὴ was in later times considered as a gymnastic education. Thus Phocion had his son brought up in the Lacedæmonian manner, and Alcibiades was at least nursed by Amycla, Plutarch Lycurg. 16. Schol. Plat. I. p. 77. Ruhnken.
1486.
Herod. IX. 72. A Lacedæmonian strikingly resembled Hector, i.e. the ideal of heroic excellence, according to Plutarch Arat. 3.
1487.
Nicol. Damasc.
1488.
Plutarch Lycurg. 14. Lac. Apophthegm. p. 223. comp. Manso I. 2. p. 162. Respecting the exercise of running ἐνδριώνας, Welcker ad Alcm. p. 10 sq. The exercises, besides the gymnasia, are mentioned by a poet in Cic. Quæst. Tusc. II. 15. and referred to also in Aristoph. Lys. 117.
1489.
Plato Theæt. p 162, 169. Plutarch Lycurg. 14. only says, that they witnessed the procession and dances of the young men.
1490.
In Athen. XII. p. 550 D. comp. Ælian. V. H. XIV. 7.
1491.
According to Isocr. Panath. p. 544. comp. Perizonius ad Ælian. V. H. XII. 50. That they learnt to read, is asserted by Plutarch Lycurg. 16. Inst. Lac. p. 247. but contradicted by a Soph. anon. in Orelli Opp. Mor. II. p. 214. The ancient simplicity of their manners is evident from the custom of cutting a staff (σκυτάλη) in pieces, and dividing the fragments, to be preserved as memorials of a contract entered into, Photius in σκυτάλη, and Schol. Aristoph. Av. 1284. from Dioscorides περὶ νομιμων. Concerning the schools of learning in Crete, see Heracl. Pont. 3. Ephor. apud Strab. X. p. 482. The most ancient Grecian letters appear also to have been called Doric, Suidas in Κόριννος.
1492.
Ælian. V. H. II. 39. The same practice was enjoined by the laws of Lycurgus, see book I. ch. 7. § 3.
1493.
Hence also δωρίζειν, to sing in the Doric style, Hesychius. A cithara strung so as to suit that measure was called a Δωρία φόρμιγξ. Pindar Olymp. I. 17. who also calls the rhythm which suited the Doric mode, Δώριον πέδιλον, Olymp. III. 5. and the whole together Δωρία κέλευθος ὕμνων, Fragm. Incert. 98.
1494.
Plat. Lach. p. 188 D.
1495.
Some endeavoured to explain this name by supposing that Thamyris was the inventor, who had contended with the Muses at Dorium, Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 307. comp. Fabric. Bibl. Græc. vol. I. p. 301.
1496.
Vol. I. p. 351. note g. It was on this that Glaucus ap. Plutarch Music. 4. probably grounded his proof of the date of Terpander.
1497.
According to the important testimony of Sosibius the Laconian, the musical contests at the Carnea were first instituted in Olymp. 26., and according to the catalogue of Hellanicus, Terpander was the first who gained the prize, Athen. XIV. p. 635. The Parian Marble ep. 35, places his new regulation of music at Sparta in Olymp. 33. 4. The other statements on the time of Terpander are far inferior to these in authority.
1498.
Thus Pindar (ap. Athen. p. 635 D. fragm. Scol. 5. Boeckh.) says, that Terpander first heard at Lydian banquets the strings of the lyre sound in opposition to the high πηκτίς.
1499.
For the whole of this, see Boeckh de Metric. Pindar. p. 238. and particularly Heraclid. Pont. ap. Athen. XIV. p. 624 D.
1500.
See Athenæus, p. 632. from Heraclides Ponticus.
1501.
The supposed Plutarch, in the learned and excellent Essay on music, c. 9.
1502.
See Aristotle and Ælius Dionysius in Eustathius p. 741. 15. Heraclid. Pont. 2. Plutarch de Sera Num. Vind. 13. Hesychius in μετὰ Λέσβιον ᾠδὸν, Apostolius XII. 70. &c. According to Plutarch Mus. 6, the last of that school who appeared at the Carnea was Pericleitus, who lived before Hipponax. If so, Ælius Dionysius is wrong in mentioning Euænitides and Aristocleides, the latter of whom was certainly of a later date. Phrynis is altogether out of the question.
1503.
Diod. fragm. II. p. 639. Plutarch Music. 42. Schol. Od. γ᾽. 267. ed. Buttman. Tzetzes Chil. I. 16. Marm. Par. ep. 35.
1504.
Although he is said to have been first fined by the ephors on account of the number of the strings, Plutarch. Inst. Lac. p. 251. but the account is very confused. Yet Athenæus XIV. p. 628 D., when he says that the Spartans saved music three times, seems to allude to it.
1505.
For the statements of Schol. Od. γ᾽. 267. and Eustathius ad 1. concerning an ancient Lacedæmonian named Demodocus, of Sipias a Dorian, of Abaris a Lacedæmonian, and of Probolus a Spartan, at the time of the migration of the Heraclidæ, are hardly worthy of the name of mythical.
1506.
B. II. ch. 1. § 5.
1507.
Concerning whom see Boeckh Expl. Pind. Ol. X. p. 197.
1508.
Polymnestus wrote a poem to Thaletas for the Lacedæmonians (Paus. I. 14. 3.), probably after his death, and therefore he is unquestionably of a later date than Thaletas; he is called the contemporary of Sacadas, who flourished about the 48th Olympiad (588 B.C.), but was probably somewhat earlier. According to Plutarch Mus. 5. he was mentioned by Alcman, which does not agree, if this poet lived in Olymp. 27 (672 B.C.) where he is generally placed: but the other date of the ancient chronologists for Alcman, viz. Olymp. 42 (612 B.C.), is doubtless more correct.
1509.
Glaucus ap. Plutarch. Mus. 10.
1510.
Sosibius ap. Athen. XV. p. 678 B. also mentions songs of Thaletas at this festival, comp. Suidas in Θαλήτας. It seems however probable that the introduction here mentioned did not take place before the battle of Thyræa, about Olymp. 58. or 546 B.C., since much of the musical solemnities of the gymnopædia referred to this action, Athen. ubi sup. comp. Etymol. Mag. in γυμνοπαιδία, if we should there read with Manso, Sparta, vol. I. part 2. p. 211. Θυραίαν for Πύλαιαν, on which however there is some doubt. See vol. I. p. 309, note m.
1511.
Plutarch Agis 10. Lac. Apophth. p. 205.
1512.
According to Plutarch Agis 10. Inst. Lac. p. 251, and Cicero de Leg. II. 15. compare Dio Chrys. Or. XXXII. p. 382 B. ed. Reisk.
1513.
Artemon ap. Athen. XIV. p. 636 E.
1514.
III. 12. 8.
1515.
Etymol. Mag. in σκιάς.
1516.
Ap. Boeth. de Musica ad calc. Arati. Oxon. p. 66. Also in Casaubon on Athen. VIII. p. 613. (vol. IV. p. 611. Schweigh.), Scaliger on Manilius, Bulliald on Theon, Leopardus in his Observationes Criticæ, Gronovius Præf. ad Thes, Ant. Græc. vol. V. from a Cambridge MS., Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 128, and with a collation of several Oxford manuscripts (Cleaver's) Decretum Lacedæmoniorum contra Timotheum Milesium, Oxonii 1777; lastly, Payne Knight, Essay on the Greek Alphabet, sect. 7. and Porson, Tracts, p. 145. Mus. Crit. vol. I. p. 506.
1517.
The following recension of the decree is made after the manuscripts, without any arbitrary introduction of laconisms; while the short vowels are every where retained, and even the singular Ι for Υ. Επειδε ὁ Τιμοθεορ ὁ Μιλησιορ παργινομενορ εν ταν ἁμετεραν πολιν ταν παλαιαν μοαν ατιμασδε, και ταν δια ταν ἑπτα χορδαν κιταριτιν αποστρεφομενορ πολιφονιαν εισαγον λιμαινεται ταρ ακοαρ τον νεον δια τε ταρ πολιχορδιαρ και ταρ καινοτατορ το μελεορ, αγεννε και ποικιλαν αντι ἁπλοαρ και τεταμεναρ αμφιεννιται ταν μοαν, επι χροματορ σινισταμενορ ταν το μελεορ διασκειαν αντι ταρ εναρμονιο ποτταν αντιστροφον αμοιβαν; παρακλετεις δε και εττον αγονα ταρ Ελεισινιαρ Δαματρορ απρεπε διεσκειασατο ταν τω μιτω διασκειαν ταν γαρ Σεμελαρ οδινα ουκ ενὀικα τορ νεορ διδακκε δεδοκται αρ περι τουτοιν τορ βασιλεαρ και τορ εφορορ μεμψατται Τιμοθεον, επαναγκαται δε και ταν ἑνδεκα χορδαν εκταμεν ταρ περιτταρ ὑπολιπομενον ταρ ἑπτα; ὁπορ ἑκαστορ το ταρ πολιορ βαρορ ὁρον ευλαβεται ετταν Σπαρταν επιφερεν τι τον με καλον ετον με ποτε ταραττιται κλεορ αγονον (according to Porson, ἢ τῶν μὴ ποτὶ τᾶρ ἀρετᾶρ κλέορ ἀγόντων.).
1518.
B. II. ch. 10. § 4.
1519.
In common Greek, ἐπὶ χρώματος συνιστάμενος τὴν τοῦ μέλεος διασκευὴν ἀντὶ τῆς ἐναρμονίου πρὸς τὴν ἀντίστροφον ἀμοιβήν.
1520.
Thus, for example, we have ετων from ἔθος, the Laconian form of which was ΒΕΣΟΡ, Valcken. ad Theocrit. p. 282.
1521.
For instance, ΜΟΥΣΩ has been written for μιτω (see Valckenær. p. 379.), without a shadow of probability; for κιταριτιν ΚΙΣΑΡΙΞΙΝ, for αμφιεννιται ΑΜΠΕΝΝΥΤΑΙ (from ἀμπέσαι, ἀμφιέσαι Hesychius), or ΑΜΠΙΓΕΝΝΥΤΑΙ (from βέστον, Etym. M. p. 193. 45. for ἔσθος Aristoph. Lys. 1090.); for ἐπαναγκάται ΕΠΑΝΑΓΚΑΑΙ from ποιηἁι, &c. &c.
1522.
That it was a common practice to forge Spartan inscriptions is remarked by Valekenær. p. 257. The genuineness of this decree was first questioned by Villebrun ad. Athen. VIII. p. 352. and Heinrich Epimenides, p. 175.
1523.
Plat. Leg. II. p. 660. cf. III. p. 680.
1524.
Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 121.
1525.
A contemporary of Timotheus, Plutarch Mus. 21. Athen. VIII. p. 352 B.
1526.
Plutarch Mus. 37.
1527.
Boeckh Inscript. No. 1108. Plutarch Mus. 32. ascribes a moral judgment of music particularly to the Lacedæmonians, Mantineans, and Pelleneans.
1528.
Max. Tyr. 4. p. 46. 21. p. 216. ed. Davis. cf. Cic. de Leg. II. 15.
1529.
As was always the case in Arcadia, according to Polybius IV. 20. 7.
1530.
Ap. Demosth. in Mid. p. 15. compare Buttmann's Commentary, p. 35.
1531.
Sosibius ap. Athen. p. 678 B.
1532.
Pausan. III. 11. 7.
1533.
Xen. Rep. Lac. IX. 5. ἐν χοροῖς εἰς τὰς ἐπονειδίστους χώρας ἀπελαύνεται.
1534.
See the apophthegm of Damonides, Plutarch Reg. Apophth. p. 130. Lac. Apophth. p. 203. where however χοραγὸς is put instead of χοροποιὸς, which magistrate had the regulation of the choruses in general (Xen. Ages. 2. 17. Plutarch ubi sup. p. 173. but in Herodotus VI. 67. there is no reason to introduce him on conjecture); and the saying of Agesilaus, Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 173 (where however it is erroneously stated that Agesilaus was appointed king when a boy). The author of the Agesilaus attributed to Xenophon states, that Agesilaus, before the capture of Peiræum, returned home, though lame, in order to be conducted to his place by the choropœus at the pæan of the Hyacinthia; but he clearly confounds him with the Amycleans.
1535.
Above, page 262, note g, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “corresponding evolutions,” starting “For this reason.”] where I preferred the explanation of Hesychius to that of Suidas.
1536.
Aristot. Polit. VIII. 6. 6.
1537.
Plato Leg. II. p. 666.
1538.
Pollux IX. 5. 41.
1539.
Ap. Athen. XIV. p. 628 F. Schweighæuser asks who this poet Socrates was? I believe the passage is from the Προοίμιον, or Hymn to Apollo, which the philosopher composed when in prison.
1540.
The cicada was considered as a musical animal, and sacred to Apollo.
1541.
Ib. XIV. p. 633 A.
1542.
Aristot. Polit. VIII. 5. and on the other hand see Chamæleon ap. Athen. IV. p. 184 D.
1543.
Above, ch. 2. § 3. ch. 4. § 1. Hesychius φουλίδερ, παρθένων χορὸς, Δωριεῖς.
1544.
Boeckh ad Pindar. fragm. p. 598.
1545.
Plutarch Lycurg. 21. de amore sui 15. Lac. Inst. p. 251. Schol. Plat. Leg. I. p. 223. Ruhnken. p. 449. Bekker Zenobius, Apostolius, &c. They are said to have been instituted by Tyrtæus (Pollux IV. 15. 106), to whom Lycurgus in Leocrat. p. 162. 21. ascribes generally a large share in the education of youth at Sparta. It is from these of the Spartans that Plato copies his great choruses. Leg. II. p. 664 sqq.
1546.
B. II. ch. 8. § 11, 13.
1547.
Concerning these songs, see Athenæus IV. p. 181 B. where it is stated that tumbling (κυβιστᾶν) was a national custom in Crete, and in general Aristoxenus ap. Athen. XIV. p. 630 B.
1548.
Above, ch. 4. § 1. Eustathius ubi sup. relates that Theseus danced thus with the seven youths and maidens to Cnosus. Compare Lobeck ad Soph. Aj. 698. Κνώσια ὀρχήματα.
1549.
Lucian de Saltat. 12. See Meursius Orchestra, tom. V. p. 237.
1550.
Ephorus ap. Strab. N. p. 481 D.
1551.
Herod. VI. 129. compare Wesseling's note.
1552.
Athenæus I. p. 22 D.
1553.
Pausan. IV. 33. 3.
1554.
Herod. III. 131.
1555.
Boeckh ad Pindar, fragm. inc. 88. Concerning Hierax, see below § 7. Ariston is also mentioned as an ancient flute-player of Argos, in an epigram of Simonides or Bacchylides, Brunck's Analect. vol. I. p. 141. Gaisford's Poet. Min. vol. I. p. 383. Neue Bacchyl. fragm. 61.
1556.
Pausan. IV. 27. 4.
1557.
Pausan. VI. 14. 5.
1558.
See the ancient Epigram in Athenæus XIV. p. 629.
1559.
B. II. ch. 10. § 6.
1560.
Athen. V. p. 181 C.
1561.
The ἰαμβίζειν is also elsewhere connected with this worship; compare Max. Tyr. Diss. XXI. p. 216. Davis, and the general expression σικελίζειν for ὀρχεῖσθαι, Theophrast. ap. Athen. I. p. 22 C. And Archilochus perhaps belonged to the colony in which the priestess Cleobœa brought the mystical rites of Demeter from Paros to Thasos.
1562.
Particularly of Artemis Χιτωνέα, as appears from Athenæus p. 629 E. who was also originally Ionic, b. II. ch. 9. § 5.
1563.
Athen. IV. p. 103.
1564.
On which see Athen. p. 624 B.
1565.
Pausan. II. 21. 3. Comp. Schol. Soph. Aj. 14. Eurip. Phœn. 1386. Athene was evidently the patron of the trumpeters, under the name Σάλπιγξ, at Argos (an allusion to which see in Æsch. Eum. 556. Soph. Aj. 17.), because she was tutelar deity of the flute-players; and this was also the case at Sparta. For it is plain from Polyænus I. 10. that the διαβατήρια were offered to Athene on the boundaries (b. III. ch. 12. § 5.) only because she presided over the flutes, by which the army was conducted.
1566.
Athen. XII. p. 517 A. de XIV. p. 627 D. Plutarch Mus. 26.
1567.
Polyb. IV. 20. 6. Athen. XIV. 626. Plutarch ubi sup. Lucian de Saltat. 10. Dio Chrysost. Or. XXXII. p. 380. Reisk. Gell. N. A. I. 11. Eustath. ad Il. ψ᾽. p. 1320. 3. ed. Rom.
1568.
Fragm. 14. ed. Welcker. Pausanias III. 17. 5. mentions flute, lyre, and cithara together. The fabulous narration of Polyænus appears to me to be historically refuted by Alcman, as also by that remarked in b. II. ch. 8. § 11.
1569.
Polyb. IV. 20. 6. Compare Strabo X. p. 483 B.
1570.
B. III. ch. 2. § 4. ch. 12. § 5, 10.
1571.
V. 70. See Lucian de Saltat. 10.
1572.
The Ἀδώνιον was one kind of the ἐπιβατήρια, according to Hesyehius, whose gloss ὅπερ ὕστερον παρὰ Λεσβίοις ὠνομάσθη, as well as the name itself, is by no means clear. Ἐνόπλια μέλη ἐμβατήρια in Athenæus XIV. p. 630 F. Valckenaer ad Theocrit. Adon. p. 283. is also of opinion that the σαρσίτειος χορὸς to the flute was an ἐμβατήριον (from θαρρεῖν); but an ἐμβατήριον was not a chorus.
1573.
Plutarch de Mus. 26. Lycurg. 22. where however the Καστόρειον μέλος of the flute-players is distinguished from the ἐμβατήριος παιᾶν, in which the king joined (on the other hand Polyænus I. 10. ἐμβατήριον ἐνδίδωσιν αὐλὸς); Καστόρειον generally being used for the music of instruments, and ἐμβατήριον the song itself.
1574.
Pollux IV. 10. 78.
1575.
Messeniacum metrum seu embaterium, Victorinus, p. 2522. ed. Putsch. Comp. Hephæst. pag. 25. 46, 1. ed. Gaisford. Schol. Eurip. Hec. 59. and Demetrius Triclinius ad Soph. Aj. 134. Cic. Quæst. Tusc. II. 16.
1576.
Plutarch Inst. Lac. p. 251. Valer. Maxim. II. 6. 2.
1577.
Pindar. Pyth. II. 69. Hermann de Dial. Pind. p. 19, 20. Boeckh de Metr. Pind. p. 276. Expl. Pyth. II. p. 249.
1578.
Isthm. I. 16.
1579.
B. II. ch. 10. § 8. A third supposition is that of the Scholiast to Pindar, Pyth. II. 127, that the νόμος took its name from the Dioscuri, as being the inventors of the Pyrrhic dance (comp. Plat. Leg. VII. p. 795. Lucian de Saltat. 10.) But in the Μῶσαι of Epicharmus (ap. Schol. Pind. et Athen. p. 184 F.) it was only stated that Minerva played the flute for the Dioscuri to the ἐνόπλιος νόμος (i.e. the Pyrrhic), and hence that the flute was used as a military instrument at Sparta; but not a word of the Καστόρειος νόμος.
1580.
As, for instance, ἄγετ᾽ ὦ Σπάρτας εὐάνδρου in Dion Chrysost. Orat. II. p. 31 A. ed. Reisk.; although, according to Hephæstion, the laconicum metrum was a tetrameter catalecticus in syllabam, with a spondaic ending; and according to M. Victorinus ubi sup. a trimeter catalecticus in syllabam.
1581.
B. III. ch. 12. § 4.
1582.
This very precise and credible account is given by Philochorus ap. Athen. p. 630. Lycurgus in Leocrat. p. 212. ed. Reisk. states, that it was sung at the king's tent before the battle. Compare Manso's Sparta, vol. I. part II. p. 171. Conrad Schneider in the Studien, vol. IV. p. 18. Franck's Tyrtæus, p. 133.
1583.
Hesych. in ἰβυκτήρ. Write ἰβυκτήρ. ἦν παρὰ Κρησὶν Ἴβυκος ἐμβατήριον ποιησάμενος, ὅπερ ὁ ἄδων οὕτω ἐκαλεῖτο.
1584.
Book III. ch. 12. § 10.
1585.
Ib. notes.
1586.
Plato Leg. VII. p. 795. Aristoxenus ap. Athen. p. 630 E. Strab. X. p. 467. Nicol. Damasc. Κρῆτες. Lucian de Saltat. 8. Schol. Pindar. Pyth. II. 127. Hesychius in πυῤῥιχίζειν. Pollux IV. 14. 99. derives two ἔνοπλοι ὀρχήσεις from Crete, the Pyrrhic and the Telesias, comp. Athen. p. 630 A; and from Athen. p. 629 C. it appears that there were there also the similar dances of ὀρσίτης and ἐπικρηνίδιος.
1587.
See Hoeck's Kreta, vol. I. p. 212.
1588.
Above, p. 342. note r. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Spartan army,” starting “B. II. ch. 10.”]
1589.
Schol. Pind. ubi sup.
1590.
Leg. VII. p. 815.
1591.
Athen. p. 631 A. Comp. Meursius Orchestra Op. vol. V. p. 242. Manso, Sparta, vol. I. part II. p. 175.
1592.
As is frequently seen on vases.
1593.
Plutarch. Music. 26. Comp. Pollux IV. 10. 79.
1594.
Plutarch ubi sup.
1595.
That is, if the emendation of Salmasius, ἱεράκιον for θεράκιον, in Pollux IV. 10. 78, is adopted.
1596.
Athen. p. 678 B. and compare p. 631 B. p. 632 C. Concerning the gymnopædia in general, see Meurs. Orchest. p. 202. and the passages cited by Creuzer Comment. Herod. vol. I, p. 230.
1597.
πόῤῥω παῖδες πόδα μετάβατε, καὶ κωμάξατε βέλτιον, Lucian de Salt. 10. 11.
1598.
Athen. p. 14 D. from Dicæarchus and Hippasus. At Argos the choruses of boys were called Βαλλαχράδαι. Plutarch Quæst. Græc. 51. p. 405.
1599.
Pollux IV. 14. 102.
1600.
Lysist. 82. The ἀναλακτίζειν of the Spartan women when dancing is mentioned in Oribasius Med. p. 121. ed. Mosq.; the ἐκλακτίσματα, as a woman's dance in general is mentioned by Pollux ubi sup.
1601.
Cited by Pollux, χίλιά ποκα βιβάντι (rather βιβάτι) πλεῖστα δὴ τῶν πή ποκα, which becomes a trimeter iambic by the omission of the first ποκα.
1602.
Pollux IV. 4. 101. Hesychius in v. See Meurs. Orchest. under διποδία, διαποδισμὸς ποδίκρα.
1603.
Perhaps it was connected with the trochaic dipodia, which appears to have been the common metre in these choral songs, though mixed with cretics, spondees, dactylic, and logaœdic verses.
1604.
Aristoph. Lysist. ad fin.
1605.
Some rites of Bacchus were mixed with the worship of the Caryatan Artemis, as may be seen from Servius ad Virg. Eclog. VIII. 30; hence the dances of this goddess were of a wild and violent character. Accordingly, Praxiteles (Pliny, H. N. XXXVI. 4.) made a joint composition of Caryatides and Thyades; and Pratinas (Athen. X. p. 392.) wrote a play called Δύμαιναι ἢ Καρυάτιδες, the former of whom, also called Δύσμαιναι, occur as Bacchantes. The form Δύσμαιναι is defended against Toup and Meineke (Euphorion. fragm. 42. p. 93.) by Philargyr. ad Virg. Georg. II. 487. who translates the name by furiosæ Bacchæ. The Caryatides, who danced with uplifted hands, (Lynceus ap. Athen. VI. p. 241 D.) may be recognised in many reliefs as young women with their garments girt up and lightly clad.
1606.
B. II. ch. 8. § 14.
1607.
Pollux IV. 14. 104. where for βαρύλλικα write with Schneider (in v.) βρυάλλιχα.
1608.
Hesychius has βύλλιχαι χοροὶ τινες ὀρχηστῶν παρὰ Λάκωσιν; then βρυαλίκται ὀρχησταὶ from Ibycus and Stesichorus; next βρυδάλιχα (but the order of the letters requires ΒΡΥΑΛΛΙΧΑ), in the sense of frightful female masks, from Rhinthon; and βρυδαλίχας (ΒΡΥΑΛΛΙΧΑΣ) τὰς μαχλάδας, Λάκωνες; and, lastly, βρυλλοχισταὶ, persons who sang hymns in hideous female masks. The original forms appear to have been βρυάλλιχα for the dance, βρυαλλίχα for the mask, and βρυαλλίκτης (like δεικηλίκτης) for the dancer.
1609.
Vol. I. p. 377, note s.
1610.
Pollux IV. 14. 104. ἦν δὲ τινα καὶ Λακωνικὰ ὀρχήματα. δειμαλέα: Σειληνοὶ δ᾽ ἦσαν καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς Σάτυροι ὑπότροχα ὀρχούμενοι. καὶ ἴθυμβοι ἐπὶ Διονύσῳ. καὶ καρυατίδες ἐπὶ Ἀρτέμιδι. καὶ βρυάλλιχα τὸ μὲν εὕρημα Βρυαλλίχον. προσωρχοῦντο δὲ γυναῖκες Ἀπόλλωνι καὶ Ἀρτέμιδι. οἱ δὲ ὑπογύπωνες γερόντων ὑπὸ βακτηρίοις τὴν μίμησιν εἶχον. οἱ δὲ γύπωνες ξυλίνων κώλων ἐπιβαίνοντες ὠρχοῦντο, διαφανῆ ταραντινίδια ἀμπεχόμενοι. καὶ μῆνες Χαρίνων μὲν ὄρχημα, ἐπώνυμον δ᾽ ἦν τοῦ εὑρόντος αὐλητοῦ. τυρβασία δὲ ἐκαλεῖτο τὸ ὄρχημα τὸ διθυραμβικόν. μιμηλικὴν δἐ ἐκάλουν δι᾽ ἧς ἐμιμοῦντο τοὺς ἐπὶ τῇ κλοπῇ τῶν ἑώλων μερῶν ἁλισκομένους. λαμπροτέρα δὲ ἦν ἣν ὠρχοῦντο γυμνοὶ σὺν αἰσχρολογίᾳ. In this passage there is nothing altered except βρυάλλιχα and Βρυαλλίχου for βαρύλλιχα and Βαρυλλίχου, λαμπροτέρα δὲ ἦν ἣν for λαμπροτέραν δὲ ἣν; and μιμηλικὴν for μιμητικὴν, as a friend of the author's has proposed (G. A. Schoell, de origine Græci dramatis, p. 97.), which gives the same sense δεικηλιστικὴν, which I had formerly proposed, as μιμηλοὶ and δεικηλισταὶ were synonyms, according to Suidas in Σωσίβιος.
1611.
γένος οὐτιδανῶν Σατύρων καὶ ἀμηχανοεργῶν, Hesiod. ap. Strab. X. p. 471. The reading δειμαλέα is not however at all certain; and still less the word μῆνες, a little lower.
1612.
On the Charinus or Gracioso, see below, ch. 7. § 3; and on the Argolian τύρβη, b. II. ch. 10. § 6.
1613.
Although the Spartans also called regular actors δεικηλίκται, Plutarch Agesil. 21. Lac. Apophth. p. 185. Apostolius XV. 39. Schol. Il. χ᾽. 391.
1614.
δίκηλον according to Hesychius ἀνδρίας, ζῴδιον παρὰ Λάκωσιν perhaps refers to the fact mentioned in vol. I. p. 66, note q.
1615.
δεικηλισταὶ σκευοποιοὶ καὶ μιμηταὶ, Sosibius ap. Athen. XIV. p. 621 D. Hesychius in δεικηλισταὶ. cf. interprett. They were μιμολόγοι according to Hesychius in δίκηλον, κωμικοὶ according to Eustathius p. 884. 23, σκωπτικοὶ according to Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 746. The Laconic form is δεικηλίκτας.
1616.
Ap. Athen. Eustath. ubi sup. Suidas and Phavorinus in δικηλιστῶν, and Suidas in Σωσίβιος. On the Lacedæmonian mimicry see also Boettiger Quat. ætat. reiscenicæ, p. 8.
1617.
See Plutarch Lycurg. I. καὶ φέρουσι κλέπτοντες, οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ τοὺς κήπους βαδίζοντες (robbers of gardens), οἱ δ᾽ εἰς τὰ τῶν ἀνδρῶν συσσίτια παρεισρέοντες (the thieves of the ἐωλομερῆ of Pollux cited in p. 347, note b.) [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “grammarian,” starting “Pollux IV.”]
1618.
B. III. ch. 3. § 3; and see Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 279. Eq. 632.
1619.
Diomed. 3. p. 483. ed Putsch. Servius ad Virg. Ecl. I. Donatus Vit. Virg. p. 84. sq. Diomedes also connects the Sicilian bucoliasms with rites of Ἄρτεμις Λύη.
1620.
Ἐν Ἁλκυόνι καὶ ἐν Ὀδυσσεῖ ναυαγῷ, Athen. XIV. p. 619 A. Comp. Hesych. et Etym. M. in v.
1621.
Ælian. V.H. X. 18.
1622.
Tityrus, according to Servius ad Ecl. I. i. was aries major, qui gregem anteire consueverit, lingua Laconia; a goat, according to Schol. Theocrit. III. 2. Photius in v. Τίτυρος is the Doric form of σίσυρος, which also originally meant a goat; whence σισύρνα (i.e. σισυρίνα), or σισύρα, a goat-skin: but τίτυρος is not allied to σάτυρος (as the Schol. Theocrit. III. 2. VII. 72. Eustath. ad II. τ᾽. p. 1157. 39. ed. Rom. suppose; comp. Creuzer, Symbolik, vol. III. p. 197). The flute called τιτύρινος by the Italian Dorians (Artemidorus ap. Athen. IV. p. 182 D. Eustath. p. 1157. 38), was so named from a shepherd.
1623.
Of the θεοὶ Παλικοὶ, near mount Ætna, which evidently were originally identical with the goddess Pales of the Romans; and consequently her worship belongs to the Siculian branch of the Roman religion.
1624.
Schol. Theoc. et Virg. Ælian ubi sup.
1625.
The poems of Theocritus unluckily give little information on these points, as the bucolics are those which show the most artifice and novelty.
1626.
Poet. IV. 14.
1627.
Athen. XIV. p. 631 D. At Athens too the country Phallic festival was called ἑορτὴ ἁλῆτις.
1628.
Semus Delius ap. Athen. p. 621 F. p. 622 C. and Suidas in Σῆμος. Compare b. II. ch. 10. § 6.
1629.
It seems probable that the proverb μωρότερος Μορύχου originally referred to the rude mirth at the vintage-festivals, at which it was common in Sicily (and probably elsewhere also) to smear the face with the juice of the grape. In Italy there were also at the festival of Artemis Corythallia clowns, with wooden masks (κύριθρα), called κυριττοὶ, Hesych. in v.
1630.
Æginetica, p. 170. sq.
1631.
Aristoph. Vesp. 57. γέλωτα Μεγαρόθεν κεκλεμμένον. Eupolis ap. Schol. Vesp. 57. et Aspas. ad Aristot. Eth. Nic. IV. 2. 20. fol. 53 B. τὸ σκῶμμ᾽ ἀσελγὲς καὶ Μεγαρικὸν καὶ σφόδρα ψυχρὸν γελῶσιν, ὡς ὁρᾷς, τὰ παιδία (as emended by Dobree in Porson's Tracts, p. 384.). See also on the γέλως Μεγαρικὸς Diogenian. Prov. IV. 88. App. Vatic. I. 46. Apostol. VI. 2. What Aristotle ubi sup. relates, refers merely to the silly and unnecessary display of a Megarian choregus for comedy, in the embellishment of the theatre.
1632.
Aristot. Poet. 3. Aspasius ubi sup.
1633.
Ecphantides ap. Aspas. ubi sup. says, Μεγαρικῆς κωμῳδίας ἆσμ᾽ οὐ δίειμ᾽: ᾐσχυνόμην τὸ δρᾶμα Μεγαρικὸν ποιεῖν, as Meineke ad Menand. p. 382. and Quæst. Seen. I. p. 6. has correctly written, i.e. “the song which I sing is not that of a Megarian comedy; I was ashamed to make my play Megarian.”
1634.
Concerning Ecphantides, see Schneider ad Aristot. Pol. VIII. 8. Gaisford ad Hephæst. p. 97. and particularly Næke's Chœrilus, p. 51 sq. and Meineke Quæst. Scen. I. p. 12. who correctly places him between Magnes and Chionides on the one side, and Cratinus and Teleclides on the other, about Olymp. 80. 460 B.C. [See also Clinton, F. H. vol. II. Introduction, p. xxxvii.]
1635.
Aspasius ubi sup. Schol. Dionys. Thrac. in Bekker's Anecdota Gr. p. 748. compare Bentley Phalarid. p. 261.
1636.
Marm. Par. ep. 34. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 308.
1637.
As may be inferred from Statius Theb. XII. 619.
1638.
According to Aristot. Poet. 3. it originated during the existence of democracy at Megara; but the period of popular rule in this town (b. III. ch. 9. § 10.) was too late for this to be strictly true, though its rise was probably connected with a democratic principle, which was alive at Megara before the time of Theagenes, and after his downfall was continually on the increase.
1639.
Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 362 sqq. and Thiersch, Einleitung zu Pindar, p. 117. with the opposite remark on the τὰ ἐπινίκια κωμῳδός, Goettingen Review, 1821. part 106. p. 1050. I also conceive that the comedies of Antheas the Lindian, the relation (συγγενὴς) of Cleobulus, were lyric; who passed his whole life in leading processions to Bacchus, and also practised the obscure ποίησις διὰ συνθέτων ὀνομάτων, Athen. X. p. 445 A. In this instance the comedies are evidently only procession-songs from κῶμος. The same is likewise true of the slanderous comedies of Timocreon, also a Rhodian, Suidas in v.
1640.
Aristoph. Byz. ap. Ath. XIV. p. 659 A. Hesych. in Μαίσων, τεττιξ. Festus in Maeson. cf. Zenob. Prov. II. 11.
1641.
Poet. III. 5.
1642.
B. I. ch. 6. § 10.
1643.
That the names “Chimarus” and “Tityrus” were taken from the occupation of the shepherd and goatherd, is remarked by Welcker on Schwenck's Mythologische Andeutungen, p. 331.
1644.
Diog. Laert. and τινὲς ap. Suid. cf. Diomed. 3. p. 486. ed. Putsch.
1645.
See vol. I. p. 187. note a.
1646.
This statement is indeed inconsistent with the account in Diog. Laert. VIII. 78. that Epicharmus, when a child of three months, was brought from Cos to Megara; but this is not a sufficient authority to set aside the other accounts. The statements of the writer περὶ κωμῳδίας in Kuster's Aristophanes, p. xii. γέγονε κατὰ τὴν ογ ὀλυμπιάδα, and of Suidas, ἦν δὲ πρὸ τῶν Περσικῶν ἔτη ἓξ, διδάσκων ἐν Συρακούσαις, perhaps refer to the arrival of Epicharmus in Sicily.
1647.
Suidas. His first covering the stage with purple skins reminds us of the Megarian choregus, who used real purple. Aristot. Eth. Nic. IV. 2. 20. Bentley Phalarid. p. 260. considers him as identical with Phormis the Mænalian, who served Gelon and Hieron with great honour; to me it seems that the ideas of an Arcadian condottiere and a comic poet are quite irreconcileable.
1648.
Fabric. Biblioth. vol. II. p. 315. Harles.
1649.
There is no reason for supposing that there were never more than two interlocutors in the plays of Epicharmus. Three, viz. Amycus, Pollux, and Castor, are evidently engaged in the dialogue of which a fragment is preserved in Schol. Soph. Aj. 722. Ἄμυκε μὴ κύδαζέ μοι τὸν πρεσβύτερον ἀδελφέον; and there must have been several in the Ἅφαιστος.
1650.
See Casaubon ad Athen. III 13. p. 176. Harless ibid. p. 45.
1651.
Photius in Ἥρας δεσμοὺς, and Suidas in Ἥρας δὲ δεσμούς.
1652.
Figured in Mazocchi Tab. Heracl. ad p 138. Hancarville, vol. III. pl. 105. Millin, Galérie Mythologique, XIII. 48.
1653.
This form of the H or aspirate, which seems to have been peculiar to the Italian Greeks, is found, besides the Heraclean Tables and this vase, on the Pæstum vase, which Lanzi and others have edited (Illustrazione di due vast fittili, Roma 1809).
1654.
Why I do not (with Visconti Mus. Pio Clement, vol. IV. p. 20. and Welcker ap. Dissen. ad Pind. Nem. IV. p. 386.) suppose that Dædalus means Hephæstus himself, is sufficiently explained in the text.
1655.
Millingen Vases de Coghill. pl. 6. and in Millin vol. I. pl. 9. The scene in Millin vol. II. pl. 66. Tischbein III. 9. IV. 38. is evidently the same, and Millingen's opinion, p. 10. seems to me untenable.
1656.
B. II. ch. 12. § 10.
1657.
Millin I. pl. 63. 72. comp. Tischbein II. 7. 18.
1658.
Winckelmann Monum. ined. No. 190. p. 285. Hancarville, vol. IV. pl. 160.
1659.
Tischbein IV. 57. The figure looks like the Κάγχας in the vase described below.
1660.
See A. W. Schlegel, Ueber dramatische Kunst. vol. II. p. 8.
1661.
Millingen, Peintures de Collections diverses, 46, Compare the explanation, p. 69. From this name charinos for jester probably comes the Latin carinari, in Festus. The Glossaries of Labbæus render it by χαριεντίζεσθαι.
1662.
Above, ch. 6. § 9.
1663.
The best translation for κάγχας is “cachinno” in Persius Sat. I.
1664.
That the above painting was taken from the Σκίρων of Epicharmus, I could hardly maintain, from the grounds stated in the text; although the bed of Procrustes probably occurred in that play, as well as in the Σκίρων of Euripides. On the latter see Hemsterhuis ad Poll. X. 7. 35. Boettiger, Vasengemälde I. 2. p. 147.
1665.
Ad Poll. IX. 4. 26.
1666.
Schol. Pind. Pyth. I. 99. see Boeckh Explic. Pyth. II. p. 240.
1667.
Athen. VI. p. 235. 236 A. X. p. 429 A.
1668.
Menæchm. Prol. 12. Indeed the expression can only mean, that the characters of this play of Plautus were Sicilian Greeks. Plautus has sometimes Doric names for his characters; thus a parasite in the Stichus I. 3. 89. is called Miccotrogos, from μικκὸς Doric for μικρὸς. Such names as this were probably borrowed from Epicharmus. Notwithstanding the line of Horace, “Plautus ad exemplar Siculi properare Epicharmi,” his chief model was the Attic comedy.
1669.
Epicharmus was γνωμικὸς, according to the writer περὶ κωμῳδίας, p. xii. Kuster.
1670.
Jambl. Pyth. 36. p. 219. whose statement seems probable to Boeckh, Philolaos, p. 13. This person's name is uncertain; Jamblichus calls him Ἀρήσας, Ἄρκεσος Plutarch de de Gen. Socrat. 13.
1671.
Diog. Laert. III. 16.
1672.
Diog. Laert. VIII. 18. Eudocia ap. Villois. Anecd. vol. I. p. 193. compare the Ἐπιχάρμειος λόγος in Suidas, and the fragm. Ennii, p. 110. ed. Hessel. It is however possible that this Ἐπιχάρμειος λόγος was merely an extract from his comedies.
1673.
Cicero Tusc. I. 8. ad Att. I. 19. calls him acutus and vafer, as being a Sicilian.
1674.
Bentley Phalar. p. 413.
1675.
As may be inferred from Photius in Ῥηγίνους, where Sophron's son Xenarchus (also a mimographer, Hermann ad Aristot. Poet. I. 3. p. 94.) is mentioned as a contemporary of Dionysius (the elder). Suidas and Eudocia p. 389. place Sophron in the time of Xerxes and of Euripides; several moderns have followed the former statement.
1676.
Which appear to have partially corresponded with one another, as is evident from some fragments extant, and from a comparison of the Schol. in Gregor. Naz. in Montfaucon's Biblioth. Coislin. p. 120. with the poem to which it refers, in Tollius' Itin. Ital. pag. 96 sq. See Hermann ibid. p. 93.
1677.
Hence in early inscriptions fragments of hexameters often occur.
1678.
Xen. Hell. I. 23. Plutarch Alcib. 28. Eustathius ad Hom. II. p. 63. 1. Apostol. IX. 2. Compare Valckenær ad Adoniaz. p. 264. But to suppose that Hippocrates intentionally wrote two scazons, would be very absurd.
1679.
Plutarch Lacæn. Apophth. p. 260. τεῦ and ἀπωθεῦ, according to Valckenær. p. 260. who collects some letters, which say the same thing a little differently.
1680.

Compare, e.g., the fragment of Sophron in Athen. p. 86 E. (Blomfield No. 12. Mus. Crit. vol. II. p. 342.)

τίνες δ ἐντί ποκα, φίλα, ταῖδε τοι μακραὶ κόγχαι; Β. σωλῆνες, τουτί γα γλυκύκρεων κογχύλιον χηρᾶν γυναικῶν λίχνευμα.

1681.
The actual representation of the mimes of Sophron is also proved by the words of Solinus 5., that in Sicily “cavillatio mimica in scena stetit.” Compare Salmas. Lect. Plin. p. 76 B.C.
1682.
Σικελίζειν, τὸ ἀτηρεύεσθαι παρὰ Ἐπιχάρμῳ, οἱ δὲ τὸ πονηρεύεσθαι, Photius &c. in v.
1683.
Diod. XX. 63.
1684.
See particularly on this point, Valckenær. ad Adoniaz. p. 200 sq.
1685.
Demetrius de Elocut. 156. cf. 127. 162. Ulpian. ad Demosth. Olynth. p. 36. comp. Apolladorus ἐντοῖς περὶ Σώφρονος fragm. p. 438 sq. Heyne.
1686.
Duris ap. Athen. XI. p. 504 B. Diog. Laert. III. 18. Olympiodorus Vit. Plat. &c.
1687.
On Sophron see the references of Fabricius Bibl. Gr. vol. II. p. 493 sq. Harl. and Blomfield in the Classical Journal, vol. IV. p. 380. Museum Criticum, vol. IV. p. 340-358. 559-569.
1688.
J. Laurent. Lydus de Magistratibus Rom. p. 70. ed. Fuss.
1689.
Identical with φλυακογραφία, Suidas in Ῥίνθων, &c.
1690.
The Amphitryon, Hercules, Orestes, Telephus, the Iphigenias, and the slave Meleager in Athenæus, Pollux, Hephæstion, and Herodian.
1691.
This is the explanation given by several writers of the word φλύακες, Steph. Byz. in Τάρας, Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 976. φλύακες τραγικοὶ Nossis Epigr. ap. Brunck. Analect. vol. I. p. 196. See Reuven's Collect. Litter. p. 71.
1692.
Apollonius Dysc. de Pronom. p. 364 C. ed. Bekker. comp. Valckenær. ad Adoniaz. p. 294.
1693.
In Hephæstion p. 10. Gaisford. Rhinthon says to a choliambic line, in the last thesis of which there is a syllable lengthened by a violent metrical licence, ἴθ᾽ Ἱππώνακτος τὸ μέτρον; οὐδέν μοι μέλει. Trimeter iambics of Rhinthon often occur; e.g. two properly constructed in Herodian περὶ μονήρους λέξεως p. 19. 27. 30. ed. Dindorf.
1694.
At least it appears that there is an hexameter extant of Sopater, another writer of φλύακες, in Athen. XIV. p. 656 F. if Osann. Anal. Rei Scenicæ p. 73. corrects rightly; the other verses of the same poet are however all iambic. But the ἱλαροτραγῳδία of Rhinthon could not by any means be generally called ἑξαμετρικὴ, and I agree with Reuvens on Lydus I. 41. who considers that the statement ὃς ἑξαμέτροις ἔγραψε κωμῳδίαν as a mistake of that writer, and Lange in I. 40. seems properly to defend ἑξωτική.
1695.
Valckenær ad Adoniaz. p. 294 classes Sclerias (whom he considers as identical with Sciras in Athen. IX. p. 402 B.), Blæsus, and Rhinthon together; and there is no doubt that in Lydus Reuvens p. 69 has rightly corrected Ῥίνθωνα καὶ Σκίραν καὶ Βλαῖσον: as also φλυακογράφων for πυθαγόρων, and Lange κωμικῶν for οὐ μικρῶν. In Hesychius in ἄσεκτος, for παρὰ Ῥίνθωνι Ταραντίνῳ φιλοσόφῳ may be corrected either φλυαοκογράφῳ or Τηλέφῳ.
1696.
Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. II. p. 426. Harl. Reuvens Coll. Litt. p. 79.
1697.
II. VI. 132.
1698.
V. 67; for an explanation of which passage see vol. I. p. 404. note c. Perhaps μεγαρίζειν for “to lament” (Aristoph. Ach. 822. Suidas and the Parœmiographers in Μεγαρέων δάκρυα, comp. Tyrrwhit ad Aristot. Poet, p. 174.) refers to tragedy, as Μεγαρικὸς γέλως to comedy.
1699.
Suidas in Θέσπις. Photius, Apostolius, and Suidas in οὐδὲν πρὸς τὸν Διόνυσον, the former of whom says, Ἐπιγένους τοῦ Σικυωνίου τραγῳδίαν εἰς αὐτὸν (in Suidas εἰς Διόνυσον, but perhaps it is an old error for εἰς Ἄδραστον) ποιήσαντος ἐπεφώνησάν τινες τοῦτο; ὅθεν ἡ παροιμία.
1700.
Poet. 3. and Hermann ad I. p. 104.
1701.
Themistius Or. XIX. p. 487. says directly that the Sicyonians were the inventors of tragedy.
1702.
Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 362.
1703.
Particularly by Aristocles ap. Athen. XIV. p. 630 C.
1704.
Suidas in Ἀρίων.
1705.
Arion's age is stated in Suidas after the beginning of Periander's reign, Olymp. 38, or, according to Eusebius, Olymp. 40. (628 or 620 B.C.)
1706.
Hence also his father is called Cycleus, according to the analogy remarked above, p. 357. note n. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Helothales,” starting “That the names.”]
1707.
Herod. I. 23. cf. Hellanic. ap. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 1403. p. 87. ed. Sturz. Aristot. ap. Procl. Chrestom. p. 382. Gaisford.
1708.
Olymp. XIII. 18. cf. Schol. ad 1.
1709.
Suidas in Πρατίνας. Acron ad Horat. A. P. 216. and compare the Φλιάσιοι Σάτυροι in Dioscorides. Anthol. vol. I. p. 252. Jacob. See Casaubon de Sat. Poësi I. 5. p. 120. Toup Emend. in Suid. vol. II. p. 479.
1710.
Paus. II. 13.
1711.
As may be inferred from the fact that Pratinas also composed Doric hyporchemes, Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. II. p. 135, and from the title of one of his plays, Δύμαιναι ἢ Καρυατίδες, above, p. 346, note n. [Transcriber's Note: There is no such footnote on that page.]
1712.
F. Schlegel, Geschichte der Poësie der Griechen und Römer, I. 1. p. 226. sqq. Schneider, Geschichte der Elegie, Studien, vol. I. p. 2.
1713.
The choral poetry of Corinna in the Bœotian dialect is however an exception.
1714.
Boeckh ad Pind. Fragm. p. 607.
1715.
In the Prytaneum at Elis also Doric songs were sung in the time of Pausanias (V. 15. 8.) and the ἔπη used at the Lernæa were in the same dialect (ib. II. 37. 3.).
1716.
See above, ch. 6. § 4. and the τετραγώνοι χοροὶ of the Laconists, Ath. IV. pag. 181 C. from Timæus.
1717.
Ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 21.
1718.
Ib. Fragm. incert. 110. Boeckh; above, p. 94, note e. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “appointed for war,” starting “Which is beautifully expressed.”]
1719.
Ælian V. H. XII. 50.
1720.
Ælian V. H. IX. 41.
1721.
According to Athenæus XIV. p. 632 F.
1722.
Plutarch Lycurg. 28.
1723.
Sosibius ap. Athen. XV. p. 687 B.
1724.
Above, ch. 6. § 3. I will not add Philoxenus of Cythera in the time of Dionysius to the names in the text.
1725.
Pausan III. 17. 3. Chilon likewise, according to Diog. Laert. I. 3. 68, wrote ἐλεγεῖα to the number of about 200 verses. Likewise Areus the Laconian (Anton. Liber. 12.) was a lyric poet, and different from the epic poet Ἄρειος in Paus. III. 13. 5. if such a person ever existed. Also the μελοποιὸς Eurytus, who, according to J. Lydus de Ostent. p. 283. Hase, wrote an ode, beginning “Ἀγαλμοειδὲς Ἔρως,” and Zarex, according to the conjecture of Paus. I. 38. 4, both Lacedæmonians.
1726.
Valer. Max. V. 3. Archiloch. Fragm. p. 147. Liebel.
1727.
Plutarch Cleom. 2. de Solert. Anim. I. Apophth. Lac. p. 244.
1728.
Alcman ap. Apollon. Dys. de Pron. p. 381. Bekker. Fragm. 73. Welcker.
1729.
Alcman ap. Athen. XIII. p. 600 F. Fragm. 27. Schol. Aristoph. Lys. 1239. Suidas in Κλειταγόρα Olcarus ap. Wolf. Fragm. Mul. 2. p. 62, 145. Fabric. Biblioth. Gr. vol. II. p. 11, 157. vol. I. p. 883.
1730.
In denying the truth of the report that Telesilla routed Cleomenes (vol. I. pag. 191, note n.) I did not mean to disparage the beautiful and genuine Doric character of that poetess and heroine.
1731.
Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. II. p. 135.
1732.
Plutarch Sympos. V. 2. p. 206.
1733.
Æginetica, p. 143. cf. Dissen. Expl. p. 381.
1734.
See above, p. 151. note k, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “influence of Athens,” starting “Compare what Timocreon.”] and Fabricius.
1735.
The assertion in the text makes it necessary for me to remark, that I do not consider either Homer or his language as originally Ionic; and the Ionisms of his dialect appear to me to have been introduced by the prevailing schools of rhapsodists. To offer any proofs of these positions would be improper in this place.
1736.
The following epic poets were Dorians: Eumelus of Corinth, Cinæthon of Lacedæmon, Augeas of Trœzen, Pisander of Rhodes, Panyasis of Halicarnassus; and Empedocles of Agrigentum was the author of a philosophical didactic poem.
1737.
See b. II. ch. 8. §. 13.
1738.
Ibid.
1739.
B. I. ch. 7. §. 4. The laws of Lycurgus were doubtless reduced into epic or elegiac verse, possibly by Terpander himself, who was likewise an epic poet, and composed προοίμια as introductions to the Homeric poems. He also wrote scolia, probably of the Doric kind, Plutarch. Mus. 8. and spondaics in the Doric measure, as the splendid one in Clemens Alex. VI. p. 658. Ζεῦ πάντων ἀρχὰ, πάντων ἡγῆτορ Ζεῦ, Σοὶ πέμπω ταύτων ὕμνων ἀρχάν. His epic poems too, in part at least, were written in the Doric dialect, in which the earlier Orphic hymns were composed, according to Jamblichus, and many Delphic oracles, concerning which see Appendix VIII. ad fin.
1740.
Although several broken dactylics of this kind were named after Alcman, he was doubtless not the first person who introduced them. It is to this that the expression “numeros minuit in carmine” (Welcker, p. 11.) refers.
1741.
See the beautiful fragment, No. 10, in Welcker.
1742.
Fragm. 63.
1743.

See the beautiful lines of Alcman, fragm. 12.

Οὔ μ᾽ ἔτι, παρθενικαὶ μελιγάρυες ἱερόφωνοι,
γυῖα φέρειν δύναται. βάλε δὴ, βάλε, κηρύλος εἴην,
ὅστ᾽ ἐπὶ κύματος ἄνθος ἅμ᾽ ἀλκυόνεσσι ποτᾶται,
νηδεὲς ἦτορ ἔχων, ἁλιπόρφυρος εἴαρος ὄρνις.

1744.
An ancient erotic poet was Ametor of Eleutherna in Crete, Athen. XIV. p. 638 B. from whom a family or clan of Citharistæ was there called Ἀμητορίδαι, Hesych. in v. whence correct Athenæus and Etymol. M. p. 83, 15. The author of the Εἵλωτες laments in Athenæus XIV. p. 638. E. that “it had become oldfashioned to sing the songs of Stesichorus, Alcman, and Simonides: but every one listened to Gnesippus, who had taught lovers how to serenade their mistresses with harps and guitars.” This fragment, which is written in logaœdic metre, has little of the Doric dialect. The Εἵλωτες was a satyric drama, and its complete title was οἱ Εἵλωτες οἱ ἐπὶ Ταινάρῳ, Eustath. ad Il. p. 297. ἐκ τῶν τοῦ Ἡρωδιανοῦ. Perhaps in allusion to the ἄγος Ταινάριον. See vol. I. p. 208. note q. Concerning the origin of this singular drama, see some remarks in Niebuhr's Rhein. Museum, vol. III. p. 488.
1745.
B. II. ch. 10. §. 9.
1746.
Above, p. 308 notes h and i. [Transcriber's Note: These are the footnotes to “were admitted” and “free citizen,” starting “Xenoph. Hellen. V.” and “See in particular.”]
1747.
Above, ch. 4. § 1. ch. 5. § 7.
1748.
B. II. ch. 8. § 18.
1749.
Æginetica, p. 96. sq.
1750.
Thiersch, Epochen der Kunst, vol. II. p. 27.
1751.
B. III. ch. 2. § 3.
1752.
B. II. ch. 8. § 18.
1753.
It is only by this general proposition that we can explain why the physicians of Cos wrote in the Ionic dialect.
1754.
Plato Hipp. Maj. p. 285 C. Philostr. Vit. Soph. I. 11. p. 495. Olear. comp. Plutarch Lycurg. 23. So also the Πολιτεία Σπαρτιατῶν of Dicæarchus was annually read in the ephors' office at Sparta (Suidas in Δικαίαρχος) and in early times Hecatæus of Miletus found there a favourable reception. Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 199.
1755.
This is only true of the more early times; for later we find many historians among the Dorians. Of the Lacedæmonians, Nicocles and Hippasus are mentioned by Athenæus (see Schweighäuser ad Athen. Ind. p. 129.), Aristocrates by Plutarch and others, Pausanias by Suidas, Diophantus by Fulgentius, and Sosibius is frequently quoted. See Heeren de Font. Plutarchi p. 24. and Meursius Miscell. Lacon. IV. 17. Λαοκράτης, ὁ Σπαρτιάτης, in Plutarch de Malign. Herod. 35, is doubtful. I also mention Dercyllus the Argive, because he wrote in the dialect of his native city; see Valckenær ad Adoniaz. p. 274. et ad Eurip. Phœn. Schol. p. 7. and see Schol. Vrat. Pind. Olymp. VII. 49. This Dercylus or Dercyllus is connected in a singular manner with another historian, the very same quotations being sometimes made from both. See Athen. III. p. 86 F. Clem. Alex. Strom. 1. p. 39. Sylb. Schol. Vat. in Eurip. Tro. 14. Since in all these passages Agias and Dercylus are connected, we ought, in Schol. Vrat. Pind. Ol. VI. 4 g. p. 167. Boeckh., where the manuscript has οἱ περὶ ΔΕΡΑ (with a mark of abbreviation) καὶ Δέρκυλον, to write: οἱ περὶ Ἀγίαν (not Δεινίαν). Probably a single work had been composed upon Argolic antiquities, with a mixture of various Argolic expressions, by Agias and Dercylus.
1756.
Unless his religious turn, and a certain infantine simplicity, which seems the more singular, when it is remembered that he wrote nearly at the same time as Thucydides, are considered as traces of a Doric character. He does not however appear to have the idea of government, which belonged to that race.
1757.
See b. III. ch. 9. § 7. besides which we may mention Gorgias of Leontini, and the great sums gained by Hippias even in small towns of Sicily, as, e.g., Inycus.—Sparta, on the other hand, together with Argos (b. III. ch. 9. § 1. extr.), and Crete, had no orators (Cicero Brut. 13. Tacitus de Orat. 40.), and rhetoric, as being an art favouring untruth (τέχνη ἄνευ ἀληθείας, Plutarch et Apostol. XIII. 72.), was prohibited, Athen. XIII. p. 611 A. Cephisophon the good speaker (ὁ ἀγαθὸς μυθήτας) was banished (Plutarch Inst. Lac. p. 254. Apostol. XIX. 89.), and the ephors punished any person who introduced a foreign method of speaking; in the same manner as at Crete, those who made speeches of false display were driven from the island (οἱ ἐν λόγοις ἀλαζονευόμενοι, Sextus Empiricus adv. Mathemat. p. 68 B.). Nor is there any better criticism of sophistical panegyrics, than the Lacedæmonian remark, τίς αὑτὸν ψέγει?
1758.
Above, ch. 2. § 5.
1759.
Plutarch de Garrul. 17.
1760.
Ἡ βραχυλογία ἐγγὺς τῷ σιγᾶν, a saying of Lycurgus, according to Apostolius IX. 69.
1761.
See particularly Demetrius de Elocut. VIII. p. 241 sqq.
1762.
Crete, according to Plat. Leg. I. p. 641. aimed more at πολύνοια than πολυλογία. Σύντομος ἦν ὁ ξεῖνος is said of a Cretan, Anthol. Palat. VII. 447.
1763.
Æsch. Suppl. 198. 270. Pindar Isthm. V. 55. Sophocl. ap. Schol. Isthm. VI. 87. See also Sophocles in Stobæus Florileg. 74. p. 325.
1764.
Pope's translation of Iliad III. 213. This passage is referred by the Venetian Scholiast, Eustathius p. 406. ed. Rom. and Tzetzes Chil. V. 317. to the βραχυλογία of the Lacedæmonians.
1765.
Above, p. 298 note p. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “yoke of their wives,” starting “Plutarch Lyc. 14.”]
1766.
Ap. Plutarch. Cimon. 4.
1767.
Protag. p. 342. Plutarch Lycurg. 20 extr. refers to this passage. When Thucydides IV. 84. says of Brasidas, that he was not, for a Lacedæmonian, unable to speak (ἀδύνατος λέγειν), he probably does not mean literally that the Lacedæmonians were unable to speak, but only points to their peculiar mode of speaking.
1768.
Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 242. Similarly the saying αὐτᾶς ἄκουσα τήνας in Plutarch Lycurg. 20. cf. Reg. Apophth. p. 129.
1769.
Herod. VII. 226. Lac. Apophth. p. 245.
1770.
P. 244. Compare the apophthegm in Plutarch de Frat. Amor. 8. p. 44.
1771.
This figurative turn may be particularly remarked in Cleomenes' address to Crius, in the speech of Bulis and Sperthis to Hydarnes, in which they say, “Would you then advise us to fight for freedom, not with lances, but with axes?” and the action of Amompharetus, who laid a block of stone at the feet of Pausanias, as if it were a pebble for voting.
1772.
Athen. VI. p. 261 C.
1773.
Plutarch et Heracl. Pont. 2.
1774.
Plutarch Lycurg. 17. 19.
1775.
B. III. ch. 11. § 3.
1776.
This I infer from the passage of Pollux quoted above, p. 347. note b, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “grammarian,” starting “Pollux IV.”] compared with the joke (χλεύασμα) of Leotychides at the gymnopædia in Herod. VI. 67.
1777.
Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 3. 5. and above, p. 288. note f. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “not prohibited,” starting “Critias ubi sup.”]
1778.
Plutarch Lycurg. 12. comp. Macrob. Sat. VII. 3.
1779.
Τῷ λεγομένῳ εἰς τὸ μέσον, Herod. VI. 129.
1780.
Θεὸς δ᾽ ὑπὸ καλὸν ἄειδεν Ἐξ αὐτοσχεδίης πειρώμενος, ἠύτε κοῦροι Ἡβηταὶ θαλίησι παραιβόλα κερτομέουσιν, v. 54.
1781.
Gämelicher Sprüche wart do niht verdeit, i.e. non abstinebatur a sermonibus ludicris. Niebelungen Lied. v. 6707. p. 345. ed. 1820.
1782.
Sosibius ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 25. It is worthy of remark, that the worship of abstract ideas, as of Death, of Fear (b. III. ch. 7. § 7.), of Fortune (Plutarch Inst. Lac. p. 253.), existed among the Spartans, as among the Romans; see Plutarch Cleom. 9.
1783.
Plutarch Ages. 2.
1784.
Plutarch Cleom. 13.
1785.
Protag. p. 342. see also Plutarch de Garrul. 17.
1786.
Hence this mode of expression was called the Chilonian, Diog. Laert. I. 72.
1787.
Or Spartan, see the passages quoted above, p. 8. note p. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Money makes the man,” starting “Χρήματα χρήματ᾽ ἀνὴρ.”] comp. Diog. Laert. I. 41. Others are mentioned by Hermippus, ibid. 42.
1788.
Thus, for example, Apollo is said to have given the same answer to Gyges, as Solon to Crœsus, Valer. Maxim. VII. 1, 2.
1789.
Plutarch ubi sup.
1790.
The chief passage on this point is Demetr. Phaler. ap. Diog. Laert. I. 22. who places the event in the archonship of Damasias (Olymp. 49. 3.), the same year in which, according to the Parian Marble, which probably follows the same authority, the second Pythian ἀγὼν γυμνικὸς, the first ἀγὼν στεφανίτης, fell. Also Branchus, the ancient prophet of Miletus, is mentioned as βραχυλόγος, Diog. Laert. I. 72.
1791.
Diog. Laert. I. 89. comp. Jacobs Comment. Anthol. tom. I. p. 194.
1792.
Athen. X. p. 448 B. Aristot. Rhet. III. 2. Plutarch Sept. Sap. Conviv. III. 10. Menage Hist. Mulier. Philos. 4. Hence the Κλεοβουλῖναι of Cratinus, concerning which see Schweighæuser ad Ind. Ath. p. 82.
1793.
Athen. X. p. 452 A.
1794.
Epicharmus called it λόγον ἐν λόγῳ, Eustathius ad Od. IX. p. 1634. 15. ed. Rom. Many ancient griphi are in the Doric dialect; though this is not always the case.
1795.
Thus for example, if they said, “Admit no swallows into your house,” they not only avoided the company of talkative persons (Porphyrius, Vit. Pythag. 42.), but actually prevented swallows from building under their roofs. On this subject see the ancient writers quoted by Fabricius Bibl. Græc. vol. I. p. 788 sq. comp. Creuzer's Symbolik, vol. I. p. 104.
1796.
Orchomenos, p. 438. note 2.
1797.
B. I. ch. 5. § 3.
1798.
There is an account of a dialogue between Pythagoras and Leon the tyrant of Phlius, Cicero Tusc. Quæst. V. 3. Diog. Laert. VIII. 8. According to Diogenes Laert. VII. 1. Pythagoras was the fourth from Cleonymus, who had fled from Phlius; and therefore he would be a Dorian.
1799.
B. II. ch. 8. § 20.
1800.
See vol. I. p. 370. note m.
1801.
B. III. ch. 9. § 16.
1802.
Their silence is also worthy of remark, Timæus ap. Diog. Laert. VIII. 17. Gale Opusc. Mythol. vol. I. p. 739. On the use of music see b. II. ch. 8. § 20. A work of Philochorus is cited: περὶ ἡρωΐδων ἤτοι Πυθαγορείων γυναικῶν. See Siebel. Fragm. p. 9.
1803.
Pausan. III. 13. 2. See vol. I. p. 76. note l.
1804.
Sosibius ap. Diog. Laert. I. 10, 12. Pausan. II. 21. 4. III. II. 8. III. 12. 9. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 399. ed. Potter. Heinrich's Epimenides, p. 128. Epimenides is said to have informed the Spartans of a defeat at Orchomenos, Diog. Laert. I. 117., of which nothing else is known.
1805.
Plutarch Agid. 10. Diog. Laert. I. 117. from Theopompus, Creuzer Init. Philos. Platon. vol. II. p. 164.
1806.
Vol. I. p. 208. note p.
1807.
He erected the first sun-dial at Sparta, Plin. H. N. II. 66.
1808.
See, e.g., Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 36.
1809.
Herod. IV. 77.
1810.
Ἀφθονία σχολῆς, Plutarch Lycurg. 24. Inst. Lac. p. 255.
1811.
Id. Lycurg. 24. Lac. Apophth. p. 207.
1812.
Manso, vol. I. 2, p. 201.
1813.
Xen. Rep. Lac. 4. 7. Hence the excellence of the Lacedæmonian hounds, Pind. Hyporch. fragm. 3. p. 599. Boeckh. Simonides ap. Plutarch Symp. IX. 15. 2. Meursius Misc. Lac. III. 1. The love of the Cretans for the chase is well known, see above, ch. 4. § 7.
1814.
B. III. ch. 10. § 2. cf. Plutarch Lycurg. 25. Also in Cleomen. 30. I prefer ταῖς λέσχαις to the other reading, ταῖς σχολαῖς.
1815.
Plutarch Lycurg. 25.
1816.
Id. Inst. Lacon. p. 254. τὸν ἐκ τοῦ γυμνασίου νεανίσκον ἐπετίμων ὅτι τὴν εἰς πυλαίαν ὁδὸν ἠπιστατο.
1817.
At Delphi it was a regular fair (Dio Chrys. Orat. 77. p. 414. Reisk.), and also a slave-market, as I infer from Plutarch Prov. Alex. p. 105. By means of it a considerable suburb, or new-town, called Pylæa, was formed at Delphi, Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 29. p. 296. Perhaps this was the locality of the Πυλαία of Cratinus.
1818.
At Rhodes liars were called πυλαιασταὶ, Hesychius and Schol. ad Plutarch. Artaxerx. I. p. 387. ed. Hutten. compare Suidas in v. In Plutarch de Fac. Lunæ 8. jugglers of the Pylæa, in the Life of Pyrrhus, 29. πυλαικὴ ὀχλαγωγία, are mentioned. But these expressions do not refer to the Pylæa cf Delphi.
1819.
Polyb. VIII. 30.
1820.
See Athen. XII. p. 522 F.
1821.
Plutarch Lycurg. 27. Inst. Lac. p. 251. The Laconian word for “to bury” was τιθήμεναι, Schol. Cantabr. II. ψ᾽. 83. On the burial of the king, see b. III. ch. 6. § 6.
1822.
Plutarch Lycurg. 27. Thus Pausanias III. 14, 1. saw at Sparta the names of the 300 who died at Thermopylæ, and the same monument is, as it appears, referred to by Herodotus VII. 224.
1823.
What Ælian. V.H. VI. 6. says only of persons who had fallen in battle, Plutarch states of all who died.
1824.
B. II. ch. 6, § 2. At Argos the mourning was white, Plut. Quæst. Rom. 26.
1825.
Plutarch Solon. 9, 10. comp. Ælian. V. H. V. 14. and Minervæ Poliadis Sacra, p. 27.
1826.
It is remarkable, that among all the names for the races of the Greek nation, Δωριεὺς alone is by itself a laudatory term (as in several passages of Pindar, Boeckh ad Pyth. VIII. 21. Dissen ad Nem. III. 3. and frequently in Plutarch. See likewise the epigram in Athen. V. p. 209 E. and Damagetus in the Palatine Anthology, VII. 231.), and expresses a national pride respected by the other Greeks, Thuc. VI. 77. Valckenær ad Adoniaz. p. 385 C.
1827.
B. II. ch. 8. § 20. B. III. ch. 1. § 1. 10.
1828.
B. III. ch. 9. § 18.
1829.
Ib. ch. 4. § 6.
1830.
Ib. ch. 9. § 18. ch. 12. § 5. Above, ch. 5. § 2.
1831.
See, e.g., above, ch. 3. § 3.
1832.
See above, p. 4. note g. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “ancient authors,” starting “From Thucyd. I.”]
1833.
B. III. ch. 9. ad fin.
1834.
B. II. ch. 6. § 2.
1835.
B. III. ch. 12. § 9.
1836.
Above, ch. 8. § 1.
1837.
Ib. § 2.
1838.
With which the ἄτολμον of the Spartans was connected.
1839.
B. III. ch. 1. § 1.
1840.
Above, ch. 2. § 1. ch. 3. § 1. ch. 6. § 1.
1841.
Above, ch. 7. § 12.
1842.
B. III. ch. 1. § 10.
1843.
B. II. ch. 8. § 2. 11. 20.
1844.
Ib. § 10. Above, ch. 6. § 2.
1845.
B. II. ch. 6. § 7. ch. 8. § 7.
1846.
Above, ch. 8. § 17. [Transcriber's Note: There is no such section number in that chapter.]
1847.
B. II. ch. 5. § 7. ch. 8. § 12. ch. 10. § 9.
1848.
B. III. ch. 4. § 1.
1849.
According to Demetrius de Elocut. § 122. the ephors caused a person to be scourged who had made some innovation in the game of ball; a subject on which Timocrates, a Spartan, had written a treatise.
1850.
Herod. IX. 54. Λακεδαιμονίων ἄλλα φρονεόντων καὶ ἄλλα λεγόντων. So also Eurip. Androm. 452. In this poet's attacks upon Sparta the date should always be attended to (Markland ad Suppl. 187. Wüstemann Præf. ad Alcest. p. xv.) He calls the Spartans δόλια βουλευτήρια, ψευδῶν ἄνακτας in the Andromache, when the Athenians accused them of a breach of treaty, Olymp. 90. 2, according to Petit and Boeckh Trag. Princip. p. 190. In the Orestes (Olymp. 92. 4.) in reference to the proposals of the Spartans for peace after the disasters of Mindarus, which the Athenians had declined, Philochorus ap. Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 371. (cf. ad 772, 903), who states that these were made in Olymp. 92, 2. Diodorus XIII. 52, however, in Olymp. 92. 3. Aristophanes Lys. 1269. calls them αἱμύλας ἀλώπεκας (comp. the false Bacis Pac. 1068. Lycophr. 1124), in Olymp. 92. 1. at the time when the proverb arose, οἴκοι λέοντες, ἐν Ἐφέσῳ δ᾽ ἀλώπεκες, Meursius Misc. Lac. III. 2. However, similar charges of perfidy and treachery are made against them in the Acharneans v. 308, οἶσιν οὔτε βωμὸς οὔτε πίστις οὔθ᾽ ὅρκος μένει, in Olymp. 88. 3.
1851.
In Plutarch. Ages. 15, 37. it is said that the benefit of his country was the aim of a Spartan's actions. The Athenians say in Thuc. V. 105, that the Lacedæmonians, as far as respects themselves and their native institutions, are virtuous and well-principled; but that in their dealings with foreign states their own interest was their only standard.
1852.
B. III. ch. 11. § 11. [Transcriber's Note: There is no such section number in that chapter.]
1853.
Plutarch. Lysand. 1.
1854.
Xen. Hell. III. 1. 8. Ephorus ap. Athen. XI. p. 500 C. says of Dercylidas, ἦν γὰρ οὐδὲν ἐν τῷ τρόπῳ Λακωνικὸν οὐδ᾽ ἁπλοῦ νἔχων.
1855.
Lysand. 5.
1856.
Besides Xenophon, see Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 210. Diod. XIII. 76, 97. and Manso, vol. II. 327. sqq.
1857.
Plutarch Pelopid. 2.
1858.
Plutarch Lysand. 5.
1859.
Pedaritus has been sufficiently defended by Valckenær ad Adoniaz. pag. 261. against the charge of the exiles at Chios.
1860.
See Xenophon cited above, p. 4. note g. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “ancient authors,” starting “From Thucyd. I.”]
1861.
Above, p. 218, note a. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “six hundred talents,” starting “Proofs of wealth.”]
1862.
Thuc. V. 50. Paus. VI. 2. 1.
1863.
Thuc. VIII. 43.
1864.
Thuc. VIII. 84.
1865.
Paus. III. 2. 8.
1866.
Tit. I. 12.
1867.
B. III. ch. 8. § 2. Hence Polybius IV. 54. 6. calls the Lyctians the best men in Crete. They are also said to have driven the Epicureans from their city, Suidas, vol. I, p. 815. who mentions a νόμος τῇ ἐπιχωρίᾳ φωνῇ, probably a forgery, like the decree against Timotheus, above, ch. 6. § 3.
1868.
B. I. ch. 8. § 7. b. III. ch. 9. § 1.
1869.
See also on the Ἀργεῖοι φῶρες Suidas in v. Prov. Vat. II. 49.
1870.
B. III. ch. 9. § 3.
1871.
The school of the ancient Coreggio, Protogenes. See also the Anacreontic Ode XXVIII. 3. of the Alexandrine or Roman age.
1872.
Meyer's Geschichte der Kunst, vol. I. p. 208, 218.
1873.
Meurs. Rhod. I. 20. cf. Anacreont. Od. XXXII. 16.
1874.
The hospitality of Corinth is confirmed by the proverb ἀεί τις ἐν Κύδωνος, Zenob. II. 42. Prov. Vat. IV. 19. Diogenian. VIII. 42. Suidas I. 86. ed. Schott. Plutarch Prov. Al. 129. Apostolius VIII. 66.
1875.
Corinthian ἄσωτοι occur so early as the 5th Olympiad (vol. I. p. 134), and were restrained by ancient laws, ib. p. 189. and Lydus de Magistr. Rom. I. 42. According to Alciphron Ep. 60. Corinth itself was beautiful and full of luxuries, but the inhabitants were ἀχάριστοι and ἀνεπαφρόδιτοι.
1876.
B. III. ch. 9. § 5.
1877.
In Corinth the husbandman was obliged ἐκλιθοβολεῖν, but not in Syracuse. Theophrast. de Caus. pluv. III. 20. But ἀμᾶν Κορινθικὸν (Suidas in Κορινθ.) probably refers to τὰ μεταξὺ Κορίνθου καὶ Σικύωνος.
1878.
Thuc. VI. 20.
1879.
VIII. 96.
1880.
VI. 73.
1881.
Ib. above, B. III. ch. 9. § 7.
1882.
See B. I. ch. 8. § 2.
1883.
Above, page 300, note u. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “courtesans,” starting “See b. II. ch. 10.”] b. IV. ch. 7. § 8, 12.
1884.
Thuc. I. 28.
1885.
B. III. ch. 9. § 9.
1886.
Ib. and vol. I. pag. 197, note d.
1887.
Hell. VI. 5. 45.
1888.
Theophrast. ubi sup. Strabo IX. p. 393. Isocrat. de Pace, p. 183. A. in whose time however Megara had rich families.
1889.
Above, p. 222, note u. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “the interior,” starting “Concerning Ægina.”]
1890.
Above, p. 371, note z. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “before Thespis,” starting “Suidas in Θέσπις.”]
1891.
Above, p. 174, note e. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “a long time,” starting “Theopompus ap. Athen.”]
1892.
Περὶ Βυζαντίων ap. Athen. X. p. 442 C. Ælian. V. H. III. 14.
1893.
See Aristot. Pol. III. 4. 1.
1894.
Menander ap. Ælian. ubi sup. Athen. X. p. 442. Nicetas Acominatus Hist. p. 251. ed. Fabric.
1895.
Sextus Empiricus adv. Rhetor. § 37.
1896.
Herod. VII. 99.
1897.
I say hardly, on account of an exception which a fragment of the Argolica of Dinias (ap. Herodian. περὶ μον. λέξεως, p. 8. 14. emended by Dindorf) establishes, viz. that “Perimeda, queen of Tegea, generally called Χοίρα, compelled the captured Lacedæmonians to cut a channel for the river Lachas across the plain.”
1898.
B. III. ch. 9. § 15. above, ch. 5. § 5.
1899.
Of this we have probably a trace in Hesychius, μαιριῆν, κακῶς ἔχειν, in Tarentine; which probably refers to the Sirocco in the dog-days.
1900.
E.g. besides the names of coins, πᾶνα, panem, among the Messapians and Tarentines, Athen. III. p. 111 C. σάννορος, sannio, in Tarentum, Hesychius.
1901.
IV. 27. 5.
1902.
Vol. I. p. 210, note c.
1903.
The coins which Eckhel ascribes to the time of Anaxilaus have both MESSANION and MESSENION; but it is not improbable that the first was merely affectation, as the city appeared more illustrious if its origin was Doric: it cannot be doubted that the language of the Samian-Chalcidian population preponderated in common life.
1904.
Both Xenarchus (ap. Phot. in Ῥηγ. Apostol. XVII. 15. cf. XI. 72.) and Nymphodorus (ap. Athen. I. p. 19 F.) reproach them with effeminacy.
1905.
See Athen. IV. p. 173.
1906.
Above, § 1.
1907.
Eustath. ad Il. α᾽. p. 96. Rom. Etymol. M. and Gud. in many places. Phavorin. Ecl. p. 296. 305. Dindorf.
1908.
Πινδάροιο occurs in the fragments of Corinna the Bœotian poetess, p. 51. Wolf.
1909.
Maittaire p. 173. ed. Sturz.
1910.
Gregor. Corinth, p. 580. Schæfer.
1911.
Hesychius in πεμφθοί.
1912.
II. 37. 3.
1913.
Herod. VIII. 73.
1914.
Pausan. IV. 34, 5. The Eleutherolacones likewise use many Dorisms in their decrees.
1915.
Strabo VIII. p. 333. Plutarch Philopœmen. 2.
1916.
Corp. Inscript. No. 1513.
1917.
ϜΑΛΙΣ, ϜΕΤΕΑ, ϜΕΠΟΣ, ϜΑΡΓΟΝ, ϜΕΤΑΣ, βαδὺ for ϝηδὺ.
1918.
Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 11.
1919.
Hesych. in δίκαρ and βαρβαρόφωνος. Phavorinus p. 429. 21.
1920.
Vol. I. p. 271. note z.
1921.
Plat. Cratyl. p. 434. Strab. X. p. 448. Hesychius in Ἐρετρίεων ρῶ, Diogenian. IV. 57. Apostol. IX. 6.
1922.
Suidas in χαλκιδίζειν.
1923.
Koen ad Gregov. Cor. p. 300.
1924.
Etymol. M. p. 391. 13.
1925.
Stephanus of Byzantium in Ἰωνία reckons the Ætolians generally as Dorians. Chishull Ant. As. p. 104.
1926.
Grammaticus Meermannianus ap. Gregor. Corinth. p. 642.
1927.
Such as ä, ö, and ü, which are not diphthongs, but (as it were) middle tones among the vowels.
1928.
Vit. Pythagor. 34.
1929.
As is particularly stated by Clem. Alex. VI. p. 658. Compare book IV. c. 6. § 3.
1930.
Aristides Quintil. de Musica, vol. II. p. 93.
1931.
That is, the Α, which is pronounced broad by the Germans (as in father), has in English generally the sound of their E.
1932.
See Welcker ad Alcman. fragm. 65. ἐμίνγα Sophron. ἴγωνγα, the Megarian in Aristoph. Acharn. 736. 764. 775.
1933.
Tab. Heracl. Comp. Apollon. de Adverb. p. 563.
1934.
Aristoph. Ach. 787.
1935.
Vol. I. p. 375. note f.
1936.
Hesychius in v. Inscript. and see Koen ad Greg. C. p. 305.
1937.
Aristoph. Lysist. 1174, 1320. and Phavorinus Ecl. p. 156. Dindorf.
1938.
De Corona p. 255.
1939.
Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 134.
1940.
Koen ad Greg. C. p. 229.
1941.
Ap. Apollon. de Pronom. p. 343. C. Mus. Crit. vol. II. p. 563. Compare Maittaire p. 227.
1942.
Etymol. M. p. 434, 51. Koen ubi sup. p. 185.
1943.

Ἐνίκη for ἐνίκαε also occurs in a poetical inscription, which was contained in Boeckh's Corp. Inscript. No. 17, but can now be safely amended from a better copy in Ross Inscript. Grec. Ined. fascie. 1. n. 55. It runs as follows, with a few supplements.

...ΟΟΝΑΝΕΘΗΚΕ
τε]ΝΤΕΑΙΣΧΥΛΛΟ[σ
ΘΙΟΠΟΣΤΟΙΣΔΑΜ
ΟΣΙΟΙΣΕΝΑΕΘΛΟ
ΙΣ: ΤΕΤΡΑΚΙΤΕ[σ
ΠΑΔΙΟΝΝΙΚΕΚΑΙ
ΔΙΣΤΟΝΟΠΛΙΤΑ[ν

It should be read as follows:

... θων ἀνέθηκε τἤντεα.
Ἴσχυλλος Θίοπος τοῖς δαμοσίοις ἐν ἀέθλοις,
Τετράκι τε σπάδιον νίκη καὶ δὶς τὸν ὁπλίταν.

“So and so (probably Ischylus himself) has offered up the arms. Ischylus, the son of Theops, was conqueror in the public games (of Argos), four times in the stadion, and twice in the hoplite race.” Θίοψ is Doric for Θέοψ; and σπάδιον for στάδιον is cited as Doric, as well as Æolic.

1944.
Ap. Ammon. p. 122. Mus. Crit. vol. II. p. 566.
1945.
Dodwell's Travels vol. II. p. 503. Mustoxidi pp. 188. 193-7.
1946.
An inscription of the island of Cos in the Mém. de l'Acad. des Inscriptions tom. XLVII. p. 325. has τὸς θεός. τὸς ἀνθρώπως, τὸς ἄλλως, Epicharmus as corrected by Hermann, ap. Diog. Laert. III. 11, 17.
1947.
Chishull Aut. As. Compare Koen ad Greg. C. p. 220.
1948.
Herodianus in the Hortus Adon. p. 209.
1949.
Phavorinus p. 283. Dindorf. Eustath. ad Il θ᾽. p. 722. 60. Gregorius p. 355. Koen ad 1. Maittaire p. 330.
1950.
Herodian et Eustath. ubi sup. Etym. M. p. 302. 2 where for σπένδω and σπείδω the sense everywhere requires σπένσω and σπείσω.
1951.
Etymol. M. p. 135. 45. Etymol. Gud. p. 73. 44. where the same correction should be made.
1952.
Etym. M. p. 156. 17.
1953.
Herodian. p. 10. ed. Dindorf.
1954.
See Thiersch Act. Monac. II. 3. p. 393. In the town of Ποσειδωνία ΠΑΙΣΤΟΝ, Achæans of Sybaris joined the Trœzenians, and hence the common form of the name.
1955.
Xenoph. Hell. III. 3. 2. Aristid. Or. Rhod. vol. II. p. 346.
1956.
Maittaire p. 349; and compare the inscription of Gela in Castelli p. 84.
1957.
Etymol. M. p. 157. 48. p. 167. 37.
1958.
Vol. II. p. 35, note a.
1959.
Valckenær ad Adoniaz. p. 287. cf. ad Eurip. Phœn. 1671.
1960.
Above, p. 349. note e. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “regular players,” starting “Although the Spartans.”] Compare Buttmann Gr. Gr. vol. I. p. 382.
1961.
Ap. Plutarch. Lyc. 19. less correctly in Apophth. Lucon. p. 226. For the common reading ἐρατέημεν Valckenær ad Adoniaz. p. 258. conjectures κρατέῃ, Haitinger in Act. Monac. vol. III. 3. pag. 311. μέσδων—ἐρᾶτε ἦμεν.
1962.
See Schneider's Latin Grammar, vol. I. p. 385.
1963.
On the other hand the High German dialect changed the Greek sound of Δ into Z; e.g. δέκα, zehen, δύω, zwo, δάκτυλος, zühe, δάκρυ, zähre, δεικνύναι zeigen, dis—zer—&c. See Grimm's Deutsche Grammatik, vol. I. p. 586.
1964.
Etym. M. p. 605. 43. Heraclides ap. Eustath. ad Od. κ᾽. p. 1654. Phavorinus p. 444. Dindorf. Koen ad Greg. p. 613.
1965.
The same tendency may be traced in the German, as in Salz, Süss, Sitz for ἅλς, ἡδὺ, ἕδος.
1966.
Valckenær ad Adon. p. 277.
1967.
Vol. II. p. 310, note t. This explains the Κυνοουρέων φυλὴ in recent Laconian inscriptions (Corp. Inscript. vol. I. p. 609.); it stands for Κυνοὁυρέων, i.e. Κυνοσουρέων. For the same reason Hesych. in Εὐτρηΐους calls this form Doric for Εὐτρησίους; the word was pronounced Εὐτρηἱοι.
1968.
Etymol. M. pag. 391. 13. Eustath. ad Il. λ᾽. pag. 844. 7. Maittaire p. 199.
1969.
Book IV. ch. 6. § 3.
1970.
Apollon. de Pronom. pag. 355. A. Buttmann Gr. Gr. vol. I. p. 294.
1971.
In High German Rhotacism is very prevalent, although, according to Grimm, Deutsche Grammatik, vol. I. pp. 802, 825, it succeeded in the place of the S; and the German article der clearly corresponds with that which must have been the original Doric article, viz. τόρ.
1972.
The ancient High German likewise always has—mês in the same person.
1973.
θαυλακίζειν, Blomfield, Classical Journal, vol. IV. p. 387.
1974.
ἀγῆται is the best reading in Aristoph. Lysist. 1314.
1975.
See Reisig. Synt. Critic. p. 14.
1976.
I feel now considerable doubt whether ἀϜέλιος, ἀβέλιος really comes from ἕλη, Ϝέλα. The original form was, without doubt, ΣΑϜΕΛΙΟΣ, whence Sol in Latin, Sòl in Icelandish, Saule in Lithuanian (a language which has a remarkable resemblance to the Greek). Hence in Greek Ἁ ϜΕΛΙΟΣ, in Homer softened into ἡέλιος, afterwards among the Dorians ἅλιος, in Attic ἥλιος. Now it seems doubtful whether this ἁ, or ΣΑ can be considered as the α conjunctionis, as in ἀδελφεὸς, or whether ΣΑ ϜΕΑΙΟΣ should not rather be considered as a separate root.
1977.
Ptolem. Hephæst. ap. Phot. Biblioth. p. 486.; comp. Toup, ad Hesych. vol. IV. pag. 165. Gregor. Corinth, p. 235.; the Megarian in Aristoph. Ach. 796.; the Delphian Inscription in Boeckh No. 1690.; Epicharmus ap. Athen. VIII. p. 362 B.C. ὀδολκαὶ a Cretan form according to Hesychius.
1978.
Schol. Æschyl. Theb. 367. Schol. Nicand. Ther. 625.
1979.
See Reisig. Synt. Critic, p. 16.
1980.
For instance, ἁ Ϝράτρα τοῖς Ϝαλείοις, Τἀργεῖοι ἀνέθεν τῷ Δὶ, &c.: among the treaties in Thucydides the Doric documents always τοὶ Ἀργεῖοι, the Athenian Ἀργεῖοι, &c.—also the form ἁ Σπάρτα which so frequently occurs (οὐ γὰρ πάτριον τᾷ Σπάρτᾳ, Tyrtæus; ἀξίως τῆς Σπάρτης, Thuc. I. 86. &c.), belongs to the same class.
1981.
I may incidentally remark that the consideration of the word μάω, and its derivatives, shows how little ground there is for the notion that the Muses were originally Ionic deities: does not the word μοῦσα, incorrectly formed from μῶσα, the feminine participle of μάω, distinctly prove that the word, and also the idea, were transferred from a different branch of the Greek language and nation?
1982.
A remarkable agreement of Tarentine, Lacedæmonian, and Cretan words is ἀματὶς ἅπαξ Tarent., ἀμακίον Lacon., ἄμακις Cret. in Hesychius.
1983.
See Lobeck, Aglaoph. vol. 11. p. 846.
1984.
This date must have been fixed by the logographers.
1985.
According to Apollodorus, vol. I. p. 145, note q, from whom Tzetzes, Chil. XII. 193, gives the same statement (with the exception of what he says on the age of Homer, which must be a misunderstanding). Apollodorus is followed by Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Solinus: see Larcher, Chronologie d'Hérodote, p. 373. The calculation of Timæus only differed by nine years, vol. I. p. 131. note t, who is nearly followed by Velleius Paterculus. The date of Apollodorus can now be completely restored from the Armenian Eusebius p. 166; from which we see that, according to Apollodorus, the first Olympiad coincided with the 10th year of Alcamenes. The Canons of Eusebius place the first Olympiad at the 37th and last year of Alcamenes; an error which appears to have arisen from Eusebius having taken the first year of Eurysthenes as identical with the epoch of the return of the Heraclidæ. Apollodorus however appears to have allowed thirty years for the minority of the brothers, see vol. II. p. 90. note u. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “rights by law,” starting “Plut. Lyc. 25.”] And he seems not to have reckoned the time from the entrance of the Heraclidæ into Sparta until the birth of the brothers, which Herod. VII. 52. calls χρόνον οὐ πολλόν. Now the canons have 324 years from the return of the Heraclidæ to Olymp. 1. (916 to 1240); if from this we deduct 26 years for Alcamenes, in whose 37th year the first Olympiad falls, according to the calculation of the canons, and add 30 years for the minority, we obtain 328, the number of Apollodorus. Apollodorus apparently took the 10 years of Alcamenes before Olymp. 1. as complete; whereas Eratosthenes probably placed Olymp. 1. at the beginning of this 10th year; hence the difference of 327 and 328 years. See however Clinton F. H. vol. I. p. 124. 330.
1986.
If the years of the minority are included in those of the reign, (as the Spartans used to do in reckoning the reigns of their kings,) the 30 years of the guardianship of Theras must be given to Eurysthenes and Procles. But since this guardianship for the heads of both the royal houses was something peculiar, it is possible that the Spartan lists, and the Alexandrine chronologists who followed them, reckoned these 30 years separately.—For a defence of the opinion that the Spartan ἀναγραφαὶ contained chronological statements, and for an explanation of their character in reference to the remarks of Mr. Lewis (Philol. Museum, vol. II. p. 46.) and Mr. Clinton (F. H. vol. I. p. 332), see the Gottingen Gel. Anz. 1837. p. 893.
1987.
Vol. I. p. 147. note b. The line of the Corinthian princes is arranged after Diodorus, who evidently followed the Alexandrine chronologists; but committed an error similar to that just pointed out in Eusebius. It has been corrected by Wesseling from Didymus.
1988.
According to Eusebius. Compare b. II. ch. 3. § 4.
1989.
Æginetica, p. 98.
1990.
The Armenian Eusebius p. 166. in the extract from Diodorus, assigns 51 years to Procles, for which I correct 41; see b. I. ch. 5. § 14. But the list of the Proclidæ in that extract is very imperfect; and therefore only gives certain dates before Soüs and after Charilaus.
1991.
Larcher will not allow that Agis only reigned one year, as in that case he could not have been so famous. But (to reason in his own manner) may he not have obtained his renown when regent, and may not the regret for the king, whom the nation so soon lost, have even increased the fame of his reign?
1992.
This date and others followed by an asterisk are merely approximations to the truth.
1993.
On this epoch see vol. I. p. 145. note q. Eratosthenes, who fixed the first Olympiad 407 years after the fall of Troy, placed Lycurgus 219 years after the return of the Heraclidæ; so also Porphyrius ap. Euseb. Armen. p. 139 Scalig. p. 27. Apollodorus and Eratosthenes both reckoned twenty-seven Olympiads from Iphitus to Corœbus, which number is testified by Aristodemus of Elis and Polybius, ap. Euseb. Armen. p. 141. Scalig. p. 39. Callimachus, however, only reckons thirteen Olympiads between these two eras. Perhaps this is to be explained by supposing that the Olympiad of Corœbus was the first of four years, whereas the former Olympiads had contained eight years (book II. ch. 3. § 2.); in which case we have 13 × 8 + 4 = 108. On this Cleosthenes, see Phlegon Trallianus apud Meurs. Op. vol. VII. p. 128. et Schol. Plat. Rep. V. p. 246. 7.
1994.
Aristomedes reigned thirty-five years, according to the Armenian Eusebius, and Syncellus, in the list in p. 165; and not thirty years, as is stated in Syncellus, ib. p. 164.
1995.
Sosibius ap. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 327. gives sixty-four years for the reign of Charilaus and thirty-nine for that of Nicander, and places the first Olympiad in the thirty-fourth year of Nicander; and this appears also to be the computation of Pausanias, who therefore carries the reign of Theopompus six Olympiads lower than Eusebius. In Pausanias likewise the successor of Polymestor, the contemporary of Charilaus, is the contemporary of the first Messenian war.
1996.
Vol. I. p. 104, note g.
1997.
Those who with Eusebius place the foundation of Syracuse in Olymp. 11. 4. and that of Leontini in Olymp. 13. 1. must assume that Lamis the Megarian founded Trotilus and Thapsus in the same year, and went from Thapsus to Megara. Why then, it must be asked, does not Thucydides (VI. 4.) say that Lamis went to the Chalcideans at Leontini ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον that he had founded Trotilus, as he states that he remained ὀλίγον χρόνον at Leontini, if Thucydides meant that all these events should be understood to follow in so very rapid a succession? At the same time the author acknowledges that though the arguments of Clinton, Fast. Hell. vol. II p. 265. ed. 2, for the founding of Syracuse in Olymp. 11. 4. have not convinced him, they have shaken his former conviction: and he adds the following remark in favour of that opposite opinion. If Syracuse was founded in Olymp. 5. 3., the founding of Camarina must be placed in Olymp. 39. 2. (Thuc. VI. 5.) Camarina, according to Scymnus v. 293, was destroyed forty-six years afterwards, i.e. in Olymp. 50. 4. Now it appears from the authentic catalogues of the conquerors at the Olympic games, that Parmenides of Camarina was victorious in the stadium in Olymp. 63. Camarina had not at that time been rebuilt; he could therefore only have been so called from his native place; which would (according to the assumed dates) have been then destroyed forty-nine years. It must, however, have been uncommon for men of fifty to be victorious in running. If, however, we place the foundation of Camarina in Olymp. 45. 1, and the destruction in Olymp. 56 (with the Schol. Pind. Ol. V. 16.), the whole receives a greater degree of probability. This argument, however, is not conclusive.
1998.
This is the date of Eusebius. Pausanias, however, makes Alcamenes live till the 10th Olympiad, but without much authority, as the date is given in the romantic narrative of Myron.
1999.
Euseb. Armen. p. 167. Pausanias represents Theopompus as still alive in the 15th Olympiad; as he follows Tyrtæus, who calls this prince the conqueror of Messenia, b. I. ch. 7. § 10. Yet it is not absolutely impossible that Tyrtæus might have used this expression as meaning that Theopompus contributed largely to the final result, without having actually completed the subjugation. The chronologists followed by Eusebius appear to have adopted the Messenian tradition, that Theopompus was killed during the war (according to Myron in the last year but one), vol. I. p. 159, note h, at the sacrifice of a ἑκατομφόνιον, according to Clemens of Alexandria (Protr. p. 36. Sylburg. Euseb. Præp. Evang. IV. p. 126 C.), who, however, has a very confused notion of this sacrifice; from which, and from the testimony of Sosibius the Lacedæmonian mentioned above, in p. 446, note l, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “according to Sosibius,” starting “Sosibius ap. Clem.”] I infer that the authorities of Eusebius in this part of the history no longer followed the public register of Sparta.
2000.
According to Thucydides, with reference to the date Olymp. 5. 3.
2001.
Polydorus was honoured as a hero by posterity, as his τιμαὶ (Pausan. III. 3. 2.), the use of his portrait as the state seal ib. (11. 8.), and his house being bought by the state (ib. 12. 2.) sufficiently prove.
2002.
B. I. ch. 6. § 7.
2003.
B. I. ch. 8. § 2. Plutarch, de sera Num. vind. 7. p. 231, errs greatly in placing the victory of Teletias the Cleonæan ἐν παισὶν at the Pythia (after Olymp. 47.) before the reign of Orthagoras.
2004.
B. I. ch. 6. § 8.
2005.
Who also took refuge in Sparta, the protectress of aristocracy, Plutarch Lysand. 1. Some Heraclidæ, however, still remained in Corinth, b. I. ch. 6. § 8. With regard to the epoch, the dates from Diodorus of the kings and ninety prytanes of Corinth, agree completely with the best testimony as to the time of the Cypselidæ. Strabo's 200 prytanes have arisen from a confusion with the number of males in the clan of the Bacchiadæ. See vol. I. p. 181, note u.
2006.
Thuc. VI. 5. Compare the date of Syracuse, Olymp. 5. 3. The Scholiast to Pindar. Olymp. V. 16, who places the foundation in Olymp. 45. and Eusebius, reckon from Olymp. 11. 4.
2007.
According to Thucydides, with the date Olymp. 16. 4.
2008.
This victory cannot well be placed earlier, because Megacles, who was a party leader at Athens, from about the 54th to the 60th Olympiad, could have hardly come forward as a suitor before this time, (the other Athenian suitor, Hippoclides, was archon in Olymp. 53. 3.); nor later, because the Cypselidæ were not then in power, as is evident from Herod. VI. 128.
2009.
On the computation of the Pythiads, see Boeckh. Expl. Pindar. Olymp. XII. p. 206. It does not however seem probable, as Boeckh supposes, that the ἀγὼν χρηματίσης took place in Olymp. 48. 3.: but I suspect that Pausanias, knowing practically that the Pythiads were to be counted from Ol. 48. 3, placed the first Pythiad in this year; not perceiving that the first Pythiad was an ἐνναετηρὶς, or octennial period, as is evident from the Parian marble; whence in the argument to the Pythians, for μετὰ χρόνον ἑξαέτη, I would correct ἐνναέτη; although the fault, if it be a fault, is of old standing.
2010.
Orchomenos, p. 374, where for 60 write 50. As some misapprehensions have arisen on the passages relating to this event, I may be permitted to make the following remarks. I. The three passages of Pausanias, V. 63. V. 10. 2. VI. 22. 2. on the ἀνάστασις of the Pisans, evidently refer to the same event; and consequently the second of them should be interpreted thus: “the statue of Jupiter is made from the plunder gained at the time when the Eleans overcame Pisa.” This is the explanation of Dodwell, Annal. Thuc. p. 137. otherwise Voelckel, Ueber den Tempel des Olympischen Jupiters, p. 6. Krueger de Xenoph. Vita. II. In Strabo VIII. p. 355, C. the ἱσχάτη κατάλυσις τῶν Μεσσηνίων cannot be the war of Olymp. 81; since the Pisans could neither have had the management of the games at that time, nor any Nestoridæ been in existence at Pylos. But he must mean the subjugation of Messenia after the 30th Olympiad, after which time the Lacedæmonians perhaps assisted the Eleans in gradually weakening Pisa, until in the 50th Olympiad it became completely subject. A more precise date for the distinction of Pisa may be gathered from the strange statement of the catalogue of the Olympiad in Eusebius according to Africanus, that the Pisans celebrated the 30th and the 22 following Olympiads (vid. ad Ol. 30); if we understand it to mean that the Pisans had a share in the celebration of the Olympiads until their destruction. According to this, Pisa was destroyed in Olymp. 52.
2011.
Diog. Laert. I. 98.
2012.
In later times, however, a certain T. Statilius Lamprias, the son of Timocrates Memmianus derives his origin from Perseus (through Hercules) and the Dioscuri, Boeckh, Corp. Inscript. No. 1124; as also a M. Aurelius Aristocrates, the son of Damænetus, hereditary priest of Hercules and the Dioscuri at Sparta, declares that he is descended from Hercules in the 48th, and from the Dioscuri in the 44th generation, ibid. No. 1353. and see Boeckh on No. 1340.
2013.
That Pausanias (III. 7. 5.) errs greatly in assigning this battle to the reign of Theopompus (about Olymp. 2-16.) is proved by his own statement that Perilaus, the son of the Argive warrior Alcenor, was a conqueror at the Nemean games (b. I. ch. 7. § 16); for no conquerors at those games are mentioned before Olymp. 53. Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 233, states that the battle took place in the reign of Polydorus (about Olymp. 7-17.), Solinus VII. 9. in Olymp. 10, 4. 737 B.C.
2014.

To this war, which must be placed about Olymp. 60, should probably be referred the inscription on the helmet found at Olympia, which formed part of a trophy, Corp. Inscript. 20. 29. cf. Addend. p. 885.

ΤΑΡΓ[ει]ΟΙ ΑΝΕΘΕΝ ΤΟΙ ΔΙϜΙ ΤΟΝ ΚΟΡΙΝΘΟΘΕΝ.

2015.
Herod. V. 46. cf. Plutarch. Lycurg. 20. That Dorieus did not fight against Sybaris may also be proved chronologically.
2016.
Lacedæmonian envoys to this tyrant are mentioned by Plutarch, Lac. Apophth. p. 245.
2017.
According to Herod. VI. 33. See b. I. ch. 6. § 9.
2018.
Perhaps in Olymp. 71. 3. in which case Diodorus XI. 48. has confounded Anaxilas' government of Messana with his government of Rhegium.
2019.
The oration of the supposed Thessalus, in Epist. Hippocrat. p. 1294. ed. Foës. states, that “the king of Persia demanded earth and water (493 B.C.), which the Coans refused (contrary to Herod. VI. 49.); that upon this he gave the island of Cos to Artemisia to be wasted. Artemisia was shipwrecked, but afterwards conquered the island. During the first war (490 B.C.), Cadmus and Hippolochus governed the city; which the former quitted when Artemisia took the island.”
2020.
The fall of this town was preceded by a great plague, according to Diomedes, p. 484. ed. Putsch, who mentions Hiero instead of Gelo. It is to this time that Corsini, Fast. Att. II. 1. p. 110, refers the elegy of Theognis to those who had escaped the siege of the Syracusans, mentioned in Suidas in Θέογνις. It appears probable that in the words εἰς τοὺς σωθέντας τῶν Συρακουσίων ἐν τῇ πολιορκίᾳ, a slight transposition should be made, (viz. ἐν τῇ τῶν Συρακουσίων πολιορκίᾳ,) as at this time Syracuse was only the besieging and never the besieged party.
2021.
B. IV. ch. 7. § 2.
2022.
Euryanax was the son of Dorieus, according to Herod. IX. 10. But why was he not king before Leonidas, if Dorieus was the eldest son of Anaxandridas? Perhaps because a Heraclide who left his native country lost his right to the throne. Plut. Agesil. 11.
2023.
On the unfortunate skirmish of the Megarians and Phliasians with the Theban cavalry (Herod. IX. 69.), see the splendid eulogium contained in the Megarian epigram. Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 1050. Mus. Crit. Cant. vol. II. p. 616.
2024.
In Pausan. III. 14. I. I correct τέσσαρσιν for τεσσαράκοντα, which I cannot reconcile with the time.
2025.
The statements of Diodorus XI. 48. on the length of both these princes' reigns are quite correct; but are inserted in a wrong place. According to Plutarch, Cimon. c. 6. the earthquake was in the 4th year of Archidamus (Olymp. 78. 3. 466 B.C.). Pausanias, IV. 24. 2. places it, pretty accurately, in the 79th Olympiad. Diodorus incorrectly in Olymp. 77. 4. the first year of Archidamus.
2026.
Vol. I. p. 208, note q.
2027.
Pleistarchus, according to Paus. III 5. 1., died a short time after he had become king, and therefore not much above the age of 30. His mother Gorgo, the wife of Leonidas, was a girl of 8 or 9 years, when Aristagoras attempted to induce Sparta to join the Ionic revolt. Herod. V. 51.
2028.
According to the calculation of Thucydides. See Corsini Fast. Att. II. 1. p. 207.
2029.
It is to this that the offerings of the Megarians are referred, mentioned in vol. I. p. 195, note k.