As for the cause, it is not so reasonably imputed unto the breaking of the gall as the putrefaction or corruptive firmentation of the body, whereby the unnatural heat prevailing, the putrifying parts do suffer a turgescence and inflation, and becoming aery and spumous affect to approach the air, and ascend unto the surface of the water. And this is also evidenced in Eggs, whereof the sound ones sink, and such as are addled swim, as do also those which are termed hypenemia or wind-eggs; and this is also a way to separate seeds, whereof such as are corrupted and steril, swim; and this agreeth not only unto the seed of plants lockt up and capsulated in their husks, but also unto the sperm and seminal humour of Man; for such a passage hath Aristotle upon the Inquisition and test of its fertility.
That the breaking of the gall is not the cause hereof, experience hath informed us. For opening the abdomen, and taking out the gall in Cats and Mice, they did notwithstanding arise. And because we had read in Rhodiginus of a Tyrant, who to prevent the emergency of murdered bodies, did use to cut off their lungs, and found Mens minds possessed with this reason; we committed some unto the water without lungs, which notwithstanding floated with the others. And to compleat the experiment, although we took out the guts and bladder, and also perforated the Cranium, yet would they arise, though in a longer time. From these observations in other Animals, it may not be unreasonable to conclude the same in Man, who is too noble a subject on whom to make them expressly, and the casual opportunity to rare almost to make any. Now if any should ground this effect from gall or choler, because it is the highest humour and will be above the rest; or being the fiery humour will readiest surmount the water, we must confess in the common putrescence it may promote elevation, which the breaking of the bladder of gall, so small a part in Man, cannot considerably advantage.
Lastly, That Women drowned float prone, that is, with their bellies downward, but Men supine or upward, is an assertion wherein the hoti or point it self is dubious; and were it true, the reason alledged for it, is of no validity. The reason yet currant was first expressed by Pliny, veluti pudori defunctorum parcente naturâ, nature modestly ordaining this position to conceal the shame of the dead; which hath been taken up by Solinus, Rhodiginus, and many more. This indeed (as Scaliger termeth it) is ratio civilis non philosophica, strong enough for morality of Rhetoricks, not for Philosophy or Physicks. For first, in nature the concealment of secret parts is the same in both sexes, and the shame of their reveal equal: so Adam upon the tast of the fruit was ashamed of his nakedness as well as Eve. And so likewise in America and Countries unacquainted with habits, where modesty conceals these parts in one sex, it doth it also in the other; and therefore had this been the intention of nature, not only Women but Men also had swimmed downwards; the posture in reason being common unto both, where the intent is also common.
Again, While herein we commend the modesty, we condemn the wisdom of nature: for that prone position we make her contrive unto the Woman, were best agreeable unto the Man, in whom the secret parts are very anteriour and more discoverable in a supine and upward posture. And therefore Scaliger declining this reason, hath recurred unto another from the difference of parts in both sexes; Quod ventre vasto sunt mulieres plenoque intestinis, itaque minus impletur et subsidet, inanior maribus quibus nates præponderant: If so, then Men with great bellies will float downward, and only Callipygæ, and Women largely composed behind, upward. But Anatomists observe, that to make the larger cavity for the Infant, the hanch bones in Women, and consequently the parts appendant are more protuberant then they are in Men. They who ascribe the cause unto the breasts of Women, take not away the doubt; for they resolve not why children float downward, who are included in that sex, though not in the reason alleadged. But hereof we cease to discourse, lest we undertake to afford a reason of the [1]golden tooth, that is, to invent or assign a cause when we remain unsatisfied or unassured of the effect.
That a Mare will sooner drown then a Horse, though commonly opinion’d, is not I fear experienced: nor is the same observed, in the drowning of Whelps and Kitlins. But that a Man cannot shut or open his eyes under water, easie experiment may convict. Whether Cripples and mutilated Persons, who have lost the greatest part of their thighs, will not sink but float, their lungs being abler to waft up their bodies, which are in others overpoised by the hinder legs; we have not made experiment. Thus much we observe, that Animals drown downwards, and the same is observable in Frogs, when the hinder legs are cut off. But in the air most seem to perish headlong from high places; however Vulcan thrown from Heaven, be made to fall on his feet.
Footnotes
[1] Of the cause whereof much dispute was made, and at last proved an imposture.
That Men weigh heavier dead then alive, if experiment hath not failed us, we cannot reasonably grant. For though the trial hereof cannot so well be made on the body of Man, nor will the difference be sensible in the abate of scruples and dragms, yet can we not confirm the same in lesser Animals, from whence the inference is good; and the affirmative of Pliny saith, that it is true in all. For exactly weighing and strangling a Chicken in the Scales; upon an immediate ponderation, we could discover no sensible difference in weight; but suffering it to lie eight or ten hours, untill it grew perfectly cold, it weighed most sensibly lighter; the like we attempted, and verified in Mice, and performed their trials in Scales, that would turn upon the eighth or tenth part of a grain.
Now whereas some alledge that spirits are lighter substances, and naturally ascending, do elevate and waft the body upward, whereof dead bodies being destitute, contract a greater gravity; although we concede that spirits are light, comparatively unto the body, yet that they are absolutely so, or have no weight at all, we cannot readily allow. For since Philosophy affirmeth, that spirits are middle substances between the soul and body, they must admit of some corporiety, which supposeth weight or gravity. Beside, in carcasses warm, and bodies newly disanimated, while transpiration remaineth, there do exhale and breath out vaporous and fluid parts, which carry away some power of gravitation. Which though we allow, we do not make answerable unto living expiration; and therefore the Chicken or Mice were not so light being dead, as they would have been after ten hours kept alive; for in that space a man abateth many ounces. Nor if it had slept, for in that space of sleep, a Man will sometimes abate fourty ounces; nor if it had been in the middle of summer, for then a Man weigheth some pounds less, then in the height of winter; according to experience, and the statick Aphorisms of Sanctorius.
Again, Whereas Men affirm they perceive an addition of ponderosity in dead bodies, comparing them usually unto blocks and stones, whensoever they lift or carry them; this accessional preponderancy is rather in appearance then reality. For being destitute of any motion, they confer no relief unto the Agents, or Elevators; which makes us meet with the same complaints of gravity in animated and living bodies, where the Nerves subside, and the faculty locomotive seems abolished; as may be observed in the lifting or supporting of persons inebriated, Apoplectical, or in Lypothymies and swoundings.
Many are also of opinion, and some learned Men maintain, that Men are lighter after meals then before, and that by a supply and addition of spirits obscuring the gross ponderosity of the aliment ingested; but the contrary hereof we have found in the trial of sundry persons in different sex and ages. And we conceive Men may mistake if they distinguish not the sense of levity unto themselves, and in regard of the scale or decision of trutination. For after a draught of wine, a Man may seem lighter in himself from sudden refection, although he be heavier in the balance, from a corporal and ponderous addition; but a Man in the morning is lighter in the scale, because in sleep some pounds have perspired; and is also lighter unto himself, because he is refected.
And to speak strictly, a Man that holds his breath is weightier while his lungs are full, then upon expiration. For a bladder blown is weightier then one empty, and if it contain a quart, expressed and emptied it will abate about a quarter of a grain. And therefore we somewhat mistrust the experiment of a pumice stone taken up by Montanus, in his Comment upon Avicenna, where declaring how the rarity of parts, and numerosity of pores, occasioneth a lightness in bodies, he affirms that a pumice-stone powdered, is lighter then one entire; which is an experiment beyond our satisfaction; for beside that abatement can hardly be avoided in the Trituration; if a bladder of good capacity will scarce include a grain of air, a pumice of three or four dragms, cannot be presumed to contain the hundred part thereof; which will not be sensible upon the exactest beams we use. Nor is it to be taken strictly which is delivered by the learned Lord Verulam, and referred unto further experiment; That a dissolution of Iron in aqua fortis, will bear as good weight as their bodies did before, notwithstanding a great deal of waste by a thick vapour that issueth during the working; for we cannot find it to hold neither in Iron nor Copper, which is dissolved with less ebullition; and hereof we made trial in Scales of good exactness: wherein if there be a defect, or such as will not turn upon quarter grains, there may be frequent mistakes in experiments of this nature. That also may be considered which is delivered by Hamerus PoppiusBasilica Antimonii., that Antimony calcin’d or reduced to ashes by a burning glass, although it emit a gross and ponderous exhalation, doth rather exceed then abate its former gravity. Nevertheless, strange it is; how very little and almost insensible abatement there will be sometimes in such operations, or rather some encrease, as in the refining of metals, in the test of bone ashes, according to experience: and in a burnt brick, as Monsieur de Clave Des Pierres. affirmeth. Mistake may be made in this way of trial, when the Antimony is not weighed immediately upon the calcination; but permitted the air, it imbibeth the humidity thereof, and so repaireth its gravity.
That there are different passages for Meat and Drink, the Meat or dry aliment descending by the one, the Drink or moistening vehicle by the other, is a popular Tenent in our daies, but was the assertion of learned men of old. For the same was affirmed by Plato, maintained by Eustathius in Macrobius, and is deducible from Eratosthenes, Eupolis and Euripides. Now herein Men contradict experience, not well understanding Anatomy, and the use of parts. For at the Throat there are two cavities or conducting parts; the one the Oesophagus or Gullet, seated next the spine, a part official unto nutrition, and whereby the aliment both wet and dry is conveied unto the stomack; the other (by which tis conceived the Drink doth pass) is the weazon, rough artery, or wind-pipe, a part inservient to voice and respiration; for thereby the air descendeth into the lungs, and is communicated unto the heart. And therefore all Animals that breath or have lungs, have also the weazon; but many have the gullet or feeding channel, which have no lungs or wind-pipe; as fishes which have gils, whereby the heart is refrigerated; for such thereof as have lungs and respiration, are not without the weazon, as Whales and cetaceous Animals.
Again, Beside these parts destin’d to divers offices, there is a peculiar provision for the wind-pipe, that is, a cartilagineous flap upon the opening of the Larinx or Throttle, which hath an open cavity for the admission of the air; but lest thereby either meat or drink should descend, Providence hath placed the Epiglottis, Ligula, or flap like an Ivy leaf, which alwaies closeth when we swallow, or when the meat and drink passeth over it into the gullet. Which part although all have not that breath, as all cetaceous and oviparous Animals, yet is the weazon secured some other way; and therefore in Whales that breath, least the water should get into the lungs, an ejection thereof is contrived by a Fistula or spout at the head. And therefore also though birds have no Epiglottis, yet can they so contract the rim or chink of their Larinx, as to prevent the admission of wet or dry ingested; either whereof getting in, occasioneth a cough, until it be ejected. Why a man cannot drink and breath at once. And this is the reason why a Man cannot drink and breath at the same time; why, if we laugh while we drink, the drink flies out at the nostrils; why, when the water enters the weazon, Men are suddenly drowned; and thus must it be understood, when we readAnacreon the Poet, if the story be taken literally. of one that died by the seed of a Grape, and another by an hair in milk.
Now if any shall still affirm, that some truth there is in the assertion, upon the experiment of Hippocrates, who killing an Hog after a red potion, found the tincture thereof in the Larinx; if any will urge the same from medical practice, because in affections both of Lungs and weazon, Physitians make use of syrupes, and lambitive medicines; we are not averse to acknowledge, that some may distil and insinuate into the wind-pipe, and medicines may creep down, as well as the rheum before them; yet to conclude from hence, that air and water have both one common passage, were to state the question upon the weaker side of the distinction, and from a partial or guttulous irrigation, to conclude a total descension.
Concerning Sternutation or Sneezing, and the custom of saluting or blessing upon that motion, it is pretended, and generally believed to derive its original from a disease, wherein Sternutation proved mortal, and such as Sneezed, died. And this may seem to be proved from Carolus Sigonius, who in his History of Italy, makes mention of a Pestilence in the time of Gregory the Great, that proved pernitious and deadly to those that Sneezed. Which notwithstanding will not sufficiently determine the grounds hereof: that custom having an elder Æra, then this Chronology affordeth.
For although the age of Gregory extend above a thousand, yet is this custom mentioned by Apuleius, in the Fable of the Fullers wife, who lived three hundred years before; by Pliny in that Problem of his, Cur Sternutantes salutantur; and there are also reports that Tiberius the Emperour, otherwise a very sower Man, would perform this rite most punctually unto others, and expect the same from others, unto himself. Petronius Arbiter, who lived before them both, and was Proconsul of Bythinia in the raign of Nero, hath mentioned it in these words, Gyton collectione spiritus plenus, ter continuo ita sternutavit ut grabatum concuteret, ad quem motum Eumolpus conversus, Salvere Gytona jubet. Cælius Rhodiginus hath an example hereof among the Greeks, far antienter than these, that is, in the time of Cyrus the younger; when consulting about their retreat, it chanced that one among them Sneezed; at the noise whereof, the rest of the Souldiers called upon Jupiter Soter. There is also in the Greek Anthology A Collection of Greek Epigrams, Titulo εἰς δυσειδεῖς., a remarkable mention hereof in an Epigram, upon one Proclus; the Latin whereof we shall deliver, as we find it often translated.
Nor was this only an ancient custom among the Greeks and Romans, and is still in force with us, but is received at this day in remotest parts of Africa. De rebus Abassinorum For so we read in Codignus; that upon a Sneeze of the Emperour of Monomotapa, there passed acclamations successively through the City. And as remarkable an example there is of the same custom, Buxt. Lex. Chald.in the remotest parts of the East, recorded in the travels of Pinto.
But the history will run much higher, if we should take in the Rabinical account hereof; that Sneezing was a mortal sign even from the first Man; until it was taken off by the special supplication of Jacob. From whence, as a thankful acknowledgment, this salutation first began; and was after continued by the expression of Tobim Chaiim, or vita bona, by standers by, upon all occasion of Sneezing.
Now the ground of this ancient custom was probably the opinion the ancients held of sternutation, which they generally conceived, to be a good sign or a bad, and so upon this motion accordingly used, a Salve or Ζεῦ σῶσον, as a gratulation for the one, and a deprecation for the other. Now of the waies whereby they enquired and determined its signality; the first was natural, arising from Physical causes, and consequences oftentimes naturally succeeding this motion; and so it might be justly esteemed a good sign. For Sneezing being properly a motion of the brain, suddenly expelling through the nostrils what is offensive unto it, it cannot but afford some evidence of its vigour; and therefore saith AristotleProblem Sect. 33., they that hear it, προσκυνοῦσιν ὡς ἵερον, honour it as somewhat sacred, and a sign of Sanity in the diviner part; and this he illustrates from the practice of Physitians, who in persons near death, do use Sternutatories, or such medicines as provoke unto Sneezing; when if the faculty awaketh, and Sternutation ensueth, they conceive hopes of life, and with gratulation receive the signs of safety. In what cases a sign of good. And so is it also of good signality, according to that of Hippocrates, that Sneezing cureth the hicket, and is profitable unto Women in hard labour; and so is it good in Lethargies, Apoplexies, Catalepsies, and Coma’s 2. King 4. 35.. In what of bad. And in this natural way it is sometime likewise of bad effects or signs, and may give hints of deprecation; as in diseases of the chest; for therein Hippocrates condemneth it as too much exagitating: in the beginning of Catarrhs according unto Avicenna, as hindering concoction, in new and tender conceptions (as Pliny observeth) for then it endangers abortion.
The second way was superstitious and Augurial, as Cælius Rhodiginus hath illustrated in testimonies, as ancient as Theocritus and Homer: as appears from the Athenian Master, who would have retired, because a Boat-man Sneezed; and the testimony of Austin, that the Ancients were wont to go to bed again if they Sneezed while they put on their shoe. And in this way it was also of good and bad signification; so Aristotle hath a Problem, why Sneezing from noon unto midnight was good, but from night to noon unlucky? So Eustathius upon Homer observes, that Sneezing to the left hand was unlucky, but prosperous unto the right; so, as Plutarch relateth, when Themistocles sacrificed in his galley before the battle of Xerxes, and one of the assistants upon the right hand sneezed; Euphrantides the Southsayer, presaged the victory of the Greeks, and the overthrow of the Persians.
Thus we may perceive the custom is more ancient then commonly conceived; and these opinions hereof in all ages, not any one disease to have been the occasion of this salute and deprecation. Arising at first from this vehement and affrighting motion of the brain, inevitably observable unto the standers by; from whence some finding dependent effects to ensue; others ascribing hereto as a cause what perhaps but casually or inconnexedly succeeded; they might proceed unto forms of speeches, felicitating the good, or deprecating the evil to follow.
That Jews stink naturally, that is, that in their race and nation there is an evil savour, is a received opinion we know not how to admit; although concede many questionable points, and dispute not the verity of sundry opinions which are of affinity hereto. We will acknowledg that certain odours attend on animals, no less then certain colours; that pleasant smels are not confined unto vegetables, but found in divers animals, and some more richly then in plants. And though the Problem of Aristotle enquire why no animal smels sweet beside the Parde? yet later discoveries add divers sorts of Monkeys, the Civet Cat and Gazela, from which our Musk proceedeth. We confess that beside the smell of the species, there may be individual odours, and every Man may have a proper and peculiar savour; which although not perceptible unto Man, who hath this sense, but weak, yet sensible unto Dogs, who hereby can single out their masters in the dark. We will not deny that particular Men have sent forth a pleasant savour, as Theophrastus and Plutarch report of Alexander the great, and Tzetzes and Cardan do testifie of themselves. That some may also emit an unsavory odour, we have no reason to deny; for this may happen from the quality of what they have taken; the Fætor whereof may discover it self by sweat and urine, as being unmasterable by the natural heat of Man, not to be dulcified by concoction beyond an unsavory condition: the like may come to pass from putrid humours, as is often discoverable in putrid and malignant feavers. And sometime also in gross and humid bodies even in the latitude of sanity; the natural heat of the parts being insufficient for a perfect and through digestion, and the errors of one concoction not rectifiable by another. But that an unsavory odour is gentilitious or national unto the Jews, if rightly understood, we cannot well concede; nor will the information of reason or sence induce it.
For first, Upon consult of reason, there will be found no easie assurance to fasten a material or temperamental propriety upon any nation; there being scarce any condition (but what depends upon clime) which is not exhausted or obscured from the commixture of introvenient nations either by commerce or conquest; much more will it be difficult to make out this affection in the Jews; whose race however pretended to be pure, must needs have suffered inseparable commixtures with nations of all sorts; not only in regard of their proselytes, but their universal dispersion; some being posted from several parts of the earth, others quite lost, and swallowed up in those nations where they planted. For the tribes of Reuben, Gad, part of Manasses and Naphthali, which were taken by Assur, and the rest at the Sacking of Samaria, which were led away by Salmanasser into Assyria, and after a year and half arrived at Arsereth, as is delivered in Esdras; these I say never returned, and are by the Jews as vainly expected as their Messias. Of those of the tribe of Judah and Benjamin, which were led captive into Babylon by Nebuchadnezzar, many returned under Zorobabel; the rest remained, and from thence long after upon invasion of the Saracens, fled as far as India; where yet they are said to remain, but with little difference from the Gentiles.
The Tribes that returned to Judea, were afterward widely dispersed; for beside sixteen thousand which Titus sent to Rome unto the triumph of his father Vespasian, he sold no less then an hundred thousand for slaves. Not many years after, Adrian the Emperour, who ruined the whole Countrey, transplanted many thousands into Spain, from whence they dispersed into divers Countreys, as into France and England, but were banished after from both. From Spain they dispersed into Africa, Italy, Constantinople, and the Dominions of the Turk, where they remain as yet in very great numbers. And if (according to good relations) where they may freely speak it, they forbear not to boast that there are at present many thousand Jews in Spane, France and England, and some dispensed withall even to the degree of Priesthood; it is a matter very considerable, and could they be smelled out, would much advantage, not only the Church of Christ, but also the coffers of Princes.
Now having thus lived in several Countries, and alwaies in subjection, they must needs have suffered many commixtures; and we are sure they are not exempted from the common contagion of Venery contracted first from Christians. Nor as fornications unfrequent between them both; there commonly passing opinions of invitement, that their Women desire copulation with them rather then their own Nation, and affect Christian carnality above circumcised venery. It being therefore acknowledged, that some are lost, evident that others are mixed, and not assured that any are distinct, it will be hard to establish this quality upon the Jews, unless we also transfer the same unto those whose generations are mixed, whose genealogies are Jewish, and naturally derived from them.
Again, if we concede a National unsavouriness in any people, yet shall we find the Jews less subject hereto then any, and that in those regards which most powerfully concur to such effects, that is, their diet and generation. The Jews generally very temperate. As for their diet whether in obedience unto the precepts of reason, or the injunctions of parsimony, therein they are very temperate; seldom offending in ebriety or excess of drink, nor erring in gulosity or superfluity of meats; whereby they prevent indigestion and crudities, and consequently putrescence of humors. They have in abomination all flesh maimed, or the inwards any way vitiated; and therefore eat no meat but of their own killing. They observe not only fasts at certain times, but are restrained unto very few dishes at all times; so few, that whereas St. Peters sheet will hardly cover our Tables, their Law doth scarce permit them to set forth a Lordly feast; nor any way to answer the luxury of our times, or those of our fore-fathers. For of flesh their Law restrains them many sorts, and such as compleat our feasts: That Animal, Propter convivia natum Quanta est gula, quæ sibi totos ponit Apros! Animal propter convivia natum., they touch not, nor any of its preparations, or parts so much in respect at Roman Tables, nor admit they unto their board, Hares, Conies, Herons, Plovers or Swans. Of Fishes they only taste of such as have both fins and scales; which are comparatively but few in number, such only, saith Aristotle, whose Egg or spawn is arenaceous; whereby are excluded all cetaceous and cartilagious Fishes; many pectinal, whose ribs are rectilineal; many costal, which have their ribs embowed; all spinal, or such as have no ribs, but only a back bone, or somewhat analogous thereto, as Eels, Congers, Lampries; all that are testaceous, as Oysters, Cocles, Wilks, Scollops, Muscles; and likewise all crustaceous, as Crabs, Shrimps and Lobsters. So that observing a spare and simple diet, whereby they prevent the generation of crudities; and fasting often whereby they might also digest them; they must be less inclinable unto this infirmity then any other Nation, whose proceedings are not so reasonable to avoid it.
As for their generations and conceptions (which are the purer from good diet,) they become more pure and perfect by the strict observation of their Law; upon the injunctions whereof, they severely observe the times of Purification, and avoid all copulation, either in the uncleanness of themselves, or impurity of their Women. A Rule, I fear, not so well observed by Christians; whereby not only conceptions are prevented, but if they proceed, so vitiated and defiled, that durable inquinations remain upon the birth. The original or material causes of the Pox and Meazels. Which, when the conception meets with these impurities, must needs be very potent; since in the purest and most fair conceptions, learned Men derive the cause of Pox and Meazels, from principles of that nature; that is, the menstrous impurities in the Mothers blood, and virulent tinctures contracted by the Infant, in the nutriment of the womb.
Lastly, Experience will convict it; for this offensive odor is no way discoverable in their Synagogues where many are, and by reason of their number could not be concealed: nor is the same discernable in commerce or conversation with such as are cleanly in Apparel, and decent in their Houses. Surely the Viziars and Turkish Basha’s are not of this opinion; who as Sir Henry Blunt informeth, do generally keep a Jew of their private Counsel. And were this true, the Jews themselves do not strictly make out the intention of their Law, for in vain do they scruple to approach the dead, who livingly are cadaverous, or fear any outward pollution, whose temper pollutes themselves. And lastly, were this true, yet our opinion is not impartial; for unto converted Jews who are of the same seed, no Man imputeth this unsavoury odor; as though Aromatized by their conversion, they lost their scent with their Religion, and smelt no longer then they savoured of the Jew.
Now the ground that begat or propagated this assertion, might be the distasteful aversness of the Christian from the Jew, upon the villany of that fact, which made them abominable and stink in the nostrils of all Men. Which real practise, and metaphorical expression, did after proceed into a literal construction; but was a fraudulent illation; for such an evil savour their father Jacob acknowledged in himself Gen. 34., when he said, his sons had made him stink in the land, that is, to be abominable unto the inhabitants thereof. Now how dangerous it is in sensible things to use metaphorical expressions unto the people, and what absurd conceits they will swallow in their literals; an impatient example we have in our profession; who having called an eaten ulcer by the name of a Wolf, common apprehension conceives a reality therein; and against our selves, ocular affirmations are pretended to confirm it.
The nastiness of that Nation, and sluttish course of life hath much promoted the opinion, occasioned by their servile condition at first, and inferiour ways of parsimony ever since; as is delivered by Mr. Sandys. They are generally fat, saith he, and rank of the savours which attend upon sluttish corpulency. The Epithetes assigned them by ancient times, have also advanced the same; for Ammianus Marcellinus describeth them in such language; and Martial more ancient, in such a relative expression sets forth unsavoury Bassa.
From whence notwithstanding we cannot infer an inward imperfection in the temper of that Nation; it being but an effect in the breath from outward observation, in their strict and tedious fasting; and was a common effect in the breaths of other Nations, became a Proverb Νηστείας ὄζειν. Iejunia olere. among the Greeks, and the reason thereof begot a Problem in Aristotle.
Lastly, If all were true, and were this savour conceded, yet are the reasons alleadged for it no way satisfactory. Hucherius, De sterilitate and after him Alsarius Crucius,Cruc. Med. Epist. imputes this effect unto their abstinence from salt or salt meats; which how to make good in the present diet of the Jews, we know not; nor shall we conceive it was observed of old, if we consider they seasoned every Sacrifice, and all oblations whatsoever; whereof we cannot deny a great part was eaten by the Priests. And if the offering were of flesh, it was salted no less than thrice, that is, once in the common chamber of salt, at the foot-step of the Altar, and upon the top thereof, as is at large delivered by Maimonides. Nor if they refrained all salt, is the illation very urgent; for many there are, not noted for ill odours, which eat no salt at all; as all carnivorous Animals, most Children, many whole Nations, and probably our Fathers after the Creation; there being indeed in every thing we eat, a natural and concealed salt, which is separated by digestions, as doth appear in our tears, sweat and urines, although we refrain all salt, or what doth seem to contain it.
Another cause is urged by Campegius, and much received by Christians; that this ill savour is a curse derived upon them by Christ, and stands, as a badge or brand of a generation that crucified their Salvator. But this is a conceit without all warrant; and an easie way to take off dispute in what point of obscurity soever. A method of many Writers, which much depreciates the esteem and value of miracles; that is, therewith to salve not only real verities, but also nonexistencies. Thus have elder times not only ascribed the immunity of Ireland from any venemous beast, unto the staff or rod of Patrick; but the long tails of Kent, unto the malediction of Austin. Thus therefore, although we concede that many opinions are true which hold some conformity unto this, yet in assenting hereto, many difficulties must arise: it being a dangerous point to annex a constant property unto any Nation, and much more this unto the Jew; since this quality is not verifiable by observation; since the grounds are feeble that should establish it; and lastly, since if all were true, yet are the reasons alleadged for it, of no sufficiency to maintain it.
By Pigmies we understand a dwarfish race of people, or lowest diminution of mankind, comprehended in one cubit, or as some will have it, in two foot or three spans; not taking them single, but nationally considering them, and as they make up an aggregated habitation. Whereof although affirmations be many, and testimonies more frequent then in any other point which wise men have cast into the list of fables, yet that there is, or ever was such a race or Nation, upon exact and confirmed testimonies, our strictest enquiry receives no satisfaction.
I say, exact testimonies, first, In regard of the Authors, from whom we derive the account, for though we meet herewith in Herodotus, Philostratus, Mela, Pliny, Solinus, and many more; yet were they derivative Relators, and the primitive Author was Homer; who, using often similies, as well to delight the ear, as to illustrate his matter, in the third of his Iliads, compareth the Trojans unto Cranes, when they descend against the Pigmies; which was more largely set out by Oppian, Juvenal, Mantuan, and many Poets since, and being only a pleasant figment in the fountain, became a solemn story in the stream, and current still among us.
Again, Many professed enquirers have rejected it; Strabo an exact and judicious Geographer, hath largely condemned it as a fabulous story, Julius Scaliger a diligent enquirer, accounts thereof, but as a Poetical fiction; Ulysses Aldrovandus a most exact Zoographer in an express discourse hereon, concludes the story fabulous, and a Poetical account of Homer; and the same was formerly conceived by Eustathius, his excellent Commentator. Albertus Magnus a man ofttimes too credulous, herein was more then dubious; for he affirmeth, if any such dwarfs were ever extant, they were surely some kind of Apes: which is a conceit allowed by Cardan, and not esteemed improbable by many others.
There are I confess two testimonies, which from their authority admit of consideration. The first of Aristotle,Hist. animal. lib. 3. whose words are these, ἐστὶ dὲ ὁ τόπος, etc. That is, Hic locus est quem incolunt Pygmæi, non enim id fabula est, sed pusillum genus ut aiunt. Wherein indeed Aristotle plaies the Aristotle, that is, the wary and evading assertor; For though with non est fabula, he seems at first to confirm it, yet at the last he claps in Sciunt aiunt, and shakes the belief he put before upon it. And therefore I observe Scaliger hath not translated the first; perhaps supposing it surreptitious or unworthy so great an assertor. And truly for those books of animals, or work of eight hundred talents, as Athenæus terms it, although ever to be admired, as containing most excellent truths; yet are many things therein delivered upon relation, and some repugnant unto the history of our senses; as we are able to make out in some, and Scaliger hath observed in many more, as he hath freely declared in his Comment upon that piece.
The second testimony is deduced from holy Scripture; Ezek. 27. 12. thus rendered in the vulgar translation, Sed et Pygmæi qui erant in turribus tuis, pharetras suas suspenderunt in muris tuis per gyrum: from whence notwithstanding we cannot infer this assertion, for first the Translators accord not, and the Hebrew word Gammadim is very variously rendered. Though Aquila, Vetablus and Lyra will have it Pygmæi, yet in the Septuagint, it is no more then Watchmen; and so in the Arabick and high Dutch. In the Chalde, Cappadocians, in Symmachus, Medes, and in the French, those of Gamad. Theodotian of old, and Tremellius of late, have retained the Textuary word; and so have the Italian, Low Dutch and English Translators, that is, the Men of Arvad were upon thy walls round about, and the Gammadims were in thy Towers.
Nor do men only dissent in the Translation of the word, but in the Exposition of the sense and meaning thereof; for some by Gammadims understand a people of Syria, so called from the City Gamala; some hereby understand the Cappadocians, many the Medes See Mr. Fullers excellent description of Palestine.: and hereof Forerius hath a singular Exposition, conceiving the Watchmen of Tyre might well be called Pigmies, the Towers of that City being so high, that unto Men below, they appeared in a cubital stature. Others expounded it quite contrary to common acception, that is not Men of the least, but of the largest size; so doth Cornelius construe Pygmæi, or viri cubitales, that is, not Men of a cubit high, but of the largest stature, whose height like that of Giants, is rather to be taken by the cubit then the foot; in which phrase we read the measure of Goliah, whose height is said to be six cubits and a span. Of affinity hereto is also the Exposition of Jerom; not taking Pigmies for dwarfs, but stout and valiant Champions; not taking the sense of πυγμὴ, which signifies the cubit measure, but that which expresseth Pugils; that is, Men fit for combat and the exercise of the fist. Thus can there be no satisfying illation from this Text, the diversity or rather contrariety of Expositions and interpretations, distracting more then confirming the truth of the story.
Again, I say, exact testimonies; in reference unto circumstantial relations so diversly or contrarily delivered. Thus the Relation of Aristotle placeth them above Egypt towards the head of Nyle in Africa; Philostratus affirms they are about Ganges in Asia, and Pliny in a third place, that is, Gerania in Scythia: some write they fight with Cranes, but Menecles in Athenæus affirms they fight with Partridges, some say they ride on Partridges, and some on the backs of Rams.
Lastly, I say, confirmed testimonies; for though Paulus Jovius delivers there are Pigmies beyond Japan; Pigafeta, about the Molucca’s; and Olaus Magnus placeth them in Greenland; yet wanting frequent confirmation in a matter so confirmable, their affirmation carrieth but slow perswasion;[2] and wise men may think there is as much reality in the [3]Pigmies of Paracelsus; that is, his non-Adamical men, or middle natures betwixt men and spirits.
There being thus no sufficient confirmation of their verity, some doubt may arise concerning their possibility, wherein, since it is not defined in what dimensions the soul may exercise her faculties, we shall not conclude impossibility; or that there might not be a race of Pigmies, as there is sometimes of Giants. So may we take in the opinion of Austin, and his Comment Ludovicus, but to believe they should be in the stature of a foot or span, requires the preaspection of such a one as Philetas the Poet in Athenæus: who was fain to fasten lead unto his feet lest the wind should blow him away. Or that other in the same Author, who was so little ut ad obolum accederet; a story so strange, that we might herein excuse the PRINTER, did not the account of Ælian accord unto it, as Causabone hath observed in his learned Animadversions.
Lastly, If any such Nation there were, yet is it ridiculous what Men have delivered of them; that they fight with Cranes upon the backs of Rams or Partridges: or what is delivered by Ctesias, that they are Negroes in the middest of India; whereof the King of that Country entertaineth three thousand Archers for his guard. Which is a relation below the tale of Oberon; nor could they better defend him, then the Emblem saith, they offended Hercules whilest he slept; that is, to wound him no deeper, then to awake him.