(Miss Nightingale to Sidney Herbert.) Crimea, April 4 [1856]. I arrived here March 24 with Nurses for the two Land Transport Hospitals required by Dr. Hall in writing on March 10.[205] We have now been ten days without rations. Lord Cardigan was surprised to find his horses die at the end of a fortnight because they were without rations, and said that they “chose” to do it, obstinate brutes! The Inspector-General and Purveyors wish to see whether women can live as long as horses without rations. I thank God my charge has felt neither cold nor hunger (and is in efficient working order, having cooked and administered in both Hospitals the whole of the extras for 260 bad cases ever since the first day of their arrival). I have, however, felt both. I do not wish to make a martyr of myself; within sight of the graves of the Crimean Army of last winter (too soon forgotten in England), it would be difficult to do so. I am glad to have had the experience. For cold and hunger wonderfully sharpen the wits.… During these ten days I have fed and warmed these women at my own private expense by my own private exertions. I have never been off my horse till 9 or 10 at night, except when it was too dark to walk home over these crags even with a lantern, when I have gone on foot. During the greater part of the day I have been without food necessarily, except a little brandy and water (you see I am taking to drinking like my comrades of the Army). But the object of my coming has been attained, and my women have neither starved nor suffered.

The memory of the petty persecution to which she was subjected by hostile and jealous officials in the Crimea never faded from Miss Nightingale's mind. A reference to it will be found in a much later chapter,[206] and she often mentioned it in her notes and letters. But, though she fought the officials hard, she never showed temper in public, and she did not allow either the obstruction itself or her vexation at it to impede her work. She had come to the Crimea prepared, and her private stores sufficed to feed her staff till official obstruction was removed; whilst as for her vexation, she was careful not to show it lest her work should suffer.

Meanwhile a dispatch was already on its way from the War Department, which gave to Miss Nightingale the full support for which she had asked. The dispatch was not settled, however, without a stiff fight against it by subordinates at the War Office, who sided with Sir John Hall and Mr. Fitz-Gerald. The curious in such matters may consult the minutes and counter-minutes upon Miss Nightingale's letter of protest preserved in the archives of the War Office. Lord Panmure, however, took her view. Even when the lines of the dispatch were settled in accordance with his instructions, protests were still made against a policy which, in supporting Miss Nightingale, would censure Dr. Hall, but the Minister was not moved. He had already, on November 5, 1855, written to Miss Nightingale herself, stating that Mrs. Bridgeman was not justified in acting as she had done.[207] He now, on February 25, 1856, wrote to the Commander of the Forces directing that Dr. Hall's attention should be called to the irregularity of his proceeding in introducing nurses into a Hospital without previous communication with Miss Nightingale, and that the following statement should be issued:—

The Secretary of State for War has addressed the following dispatch to the Commander of the Forces, with a desire that it should be promulgated in General Orders: “It appears to me that the Medical Authorities of the Army do not correctly comprehend Miss Nightingale's position as it has been officially recognized by me. I therefore think it right to state to you briefly for their guidance, as well as for the information of the Army, what the position of that excellent lady is. Miss Nightingale[293] is recognized by Her Majesty's Government as the General Superintendent of the Female Nursing Establishment of the military hospitals of the Army. No lady, or sister, or nurse is to be transferred from one hospital to another, or introduced into any hospital, without consultation with her. Her instructions, however, require to have the approval of the Principal Medical Officer in the exercise of the responsibility thus vested in her. The Principal Medical Officer will communicate with Miss Nightingale upon all subjects connected with the Female Nursing Establishment, and will give his directions through that lady.”[208]

Miss Nightingale's strong feeling in this matter was not caused, as a hasty, prejudiced, or uncharitable judgment might suggest, by wounded amour propre. It was based on the conviction which experience had given her, that only by the strictest discipline exercised through properly constituted authority, could the experiment of female nursing in military hospitals be made successful. In the Confidential Reports which were sent to the War Office criticizing the experiment, advantage was taken of mistakes and misdeeds which Miss Nightingale felt that she might have prevented had she been armed earlier with explicit and plenary authority.[209]

Armed with this full authority, Miss Nightingale proceeded to make such transferences among the nurses as she deemed necessary in the cause of efficiency. She had no desire to remove Mrs. Bridgeman and the nuns; she was anxious only to make some reforms in their administration, as she would now have express authority to do; and she begged Mrs. Bridgeman to remain. Sir John Hall and the Deputy Purveyor-in-Chief, smarting under the War Office's edict, seem to have laid their heads together, and advised Mrs. Bridgeman to resign.[210] “It must rest with you to decide,” wrote Sir John, “whether you wish to remain subservient to the control of Miss Nightingale or not.” She and her Sisterhood, resigning forthwith (March 28), returned to England, and Miss Nightingale filled their places by others of the staff. In her retrospect of the whole campaign, she regarded the spring of 1856 in the Crimea as one of the three periods when her nurses gave the greatest proof of their utility.[211] There was then great sickness among the Land Transport Corps. The other two periods were on the arrival of the wounded from Inkerman at Scutari (p. 181), and “during the heavy summer work of nursing the wounded at Balaclava in 1855.” There is, I think, no memorial of Miss Nightingale in the Crimea. But on the heights above Balaclava, visible from a great distance at sea, is a tall marble cross, erected to the memory of the heroic dead, “and to those Sisters of Charity who had fallen in their service.” The words engraved upon it are, “Lord, have mercy upon us.”[212]

Miss Nightingale was much exhausted by her labours in the Crimea, and, a few weeks before she left it for the last time, she wrote some testamentary dispositions which, in the event of her death, were to be handed to General Storks, in command at Scutari: “As you,” she wrote to him (Balaclava, May 3, 1856), “are of all those in office, whether at home or abroad, the officer who has given the most steady and consistent support to the work entrusted to me by Her Majesty's Government, I venture to appeal to you to continue that support after my death, and to carry out as far as possible my last requests.” She expressed an “earnest desire” that Mrs. Shaw Stewart should be appointed to succeed her. She left messages of commendation and pecuniary gifts to the Reverend Mother of the Bermondsey Nuns, Sister Bertha Turnbull, and Mrs. Roberts: “To the Queen I beg humbly to restore the ‘Order’ with which Her Majesty was pleased to decorate me. If she sees fit to return it to my family, it will be prized the more by them. I cannot express the support which the approbation of my Sovereign has been to me in all my trials. But I would assure Her that neither by word or thought or deed have I ever for one moment been unworthy of Her service or of the charge entrusted to me by Her. I would wish the Commander of the Forces in the East, in restoring to Her this jewel, to assure Her of this.” There were other requests, but her last thought was of the Army: “I would wish that I could have done something more to prove to the noble Army, whom I have so cared for, my respect and esteem. If the Commander of the Forces would put into General Orders a message of farewell from me, of remembrance of the time when we lived and suffered and worked together, I should be grateful to him.” She was to be spared to render services to the British Army greater than any she had been able to render in the Crimea.

IV

At Scutari, during the last months of Miss Nightingale's sojourn (Nov. 1855—March 1856, and July 1856), her work was as continuous as in the Crimea. Her companions, Mr. and Mrs. Bracebridge, had returned to England in August 1855, and their place was taken by Mrs. Samuel Smith. From her letters we get a glimpse of Florence's daily toil at Scutari. “Mine,” wrote the aunt (Dec. 31, 1855), “is mere copying; hers is perplexing brain-work. I go to bed at 11; she habitually writes till 1 or 2, sometimes till 3 or 4; has in the last pressure given up 3 whole nights to it. We seldom get through even our little dinner (after it has been put off one, two, or three hours on account of her visitors), without her being called away from it. I never saw a greater picture of exhaustion than Flo last night at ten (Jan. 7). ‘Oh, do go to bed,’ I said. ‘How can I; I have all those letters to write,’ pointing to the divan covered with papers. ‘Write them to-morrow.’ ‘To-morrow will bring its own work.’ And she sat up the greater part of the night.” But with all this pressure, there was no flurry. “Such questions as food, rest, temperature,” wrote her aunt in another letter (Jan. 25, 1856), “never interfere with her during her work; I suppose she has gained some advantage over other people in her entire absence of thought about these things; that is, her mind overtasked with great things has not these little questions to entertain. She is extremely quick and clear too, as you know, in her work. This I suppose has increased upon her, and she can turn from one thing or one person to another, when in the midst of business, in a most extraordinary manner. She has attained a most wonderful calm and presence of mind. She is, I think, often deeply impressed, and depressed, though she does not show it outwardly, but no irritation of temper, no hurry or confusion of manner, ever appears for a moment.” Mrs. Smith's work was not only copying. Mrs. Bracebridge had called herself “Boots,” because she did all Florence's odd jobs, and to this part Mrs. Smith had succeeded. “Aunt Mai,” who had helped so greatly in Florence's struggle for independence, must have felt rewarded for her self-sacrifice in leaving husband, home, and children, by being able to stand at her niece's side through some part of the life of action.

For Christmas Day (1855) Miss Nightingale accepted an invitation to the British Embassy, and another guest has drawn a picture of her on this occasion:—

By the side of the Ambassadress was a tall, fashionable, haughty beauty. But the next instant my eye wandered to a lady modestly standing on the other side of Lady Stratford. At first I thought she was a nun, from her black dress and close cap. She was not introduced, and yet Edmund and I looked at each other at the same moment to whisper Miss Nightingale. Yes, it was Florence Nightingale, greatest of all now in name and honour among women. I assure you that I was glad not to be obliged to speak just then, for I felt quite dumb as I looked at her wasted figure and the short brown hair combed over her forehead like a child's, cut so when her life was despaired of from a fever but a short time ago. Her dress, as I have said, was black, made high to the throat, its only ornament being a large enamelled brooch, which looked to me like the colours of a regiment surmounted with a wreath of laurel, no doubt some graceful offering from our men. To hide the close white cap a little, she had tied a white crape handkerchief over the back of it, only allowing the border of lace to be seen; and this gave the nun-like appearance which first struck me on her entering the room; otherwise Miss Nightingale is by no means striking in appearance. Only her plain black dress, quiet manner and great renown told so powerfully altogether in that assembly of brilliant dress and uniforms. She is very slight, rather above the middle height; her face is long and thin, but this may be from recent illness and[297] great fatigue. She has a very prominent nose, slightly Roman; and small dark eyes, kind, yet penetrating; but her face does not give you at all the idea of great talent. She looks a quiet, persevering, orderly, lady-like woman.… She was still very weak, and could not join in the games, but she sat on a sofa, and looked on, laughing until the tears came into her eyes.[213]

It was during this latter portion of Miss Nightingale's sojourn at Scutari that she made a new friendship, which was of some importance to her work. In October 1855 Colonel Lefroy,[214] confidential adviser on scientific matters to the Secretary for War, was sent out by Lord Panmure to report privately on the state of the hospitals. He formed a high opinion of Miss Nightingale's work and abilities, and a friendship with her then began which continued to the end of his life. Lord Panmure's confidence in her, and the full authority with which, as already related (p. 292), he invested her, were partly due to Colonel Lefroy's reports.[215] At the time when the matter was under discussion, he had returned to his post at the War Office, and the papers were sent to him. His view of the case was the same as Miss Nightingale's, and he expressed it with a force inspired by his personal observation, alike of her services and of her difficulties. The medical men, he wrote in one minute, are jealous of her mission. “Dr. Hall would gladly upset it to-morrow.” “A General Order,” he wrote in another minute, “recognizing and defining her position would save her much annoyance and harassing correspondence. It is due, I think, to all she has done and has sacrificed. Among other reasons for it, it will put a stop to any spirit of growing independence among these ladies and nurses who are still under her, a spirit encouraged with no friendly intention in more than one quarter.” For many years Colonel Lefroy was one of Miss Nightingale's most constant correspondents on subjects connected with military hospitals and nurses, and they often co-operated in schemes for the welfare of the soldiers. Colonel Lefroy's services to the army, both in scientific matters and in philanthropic directions, were long and distinguished. Miss Nightingale had detractors and opponents in the service; but the more progressive an officer was, the more probably may he be included among her admirers and supporters.

CHAPTER XIII

END OF THE WAR—RETURN HOME
(July–August 1856)

I love the people,
But do not like to stage me to their eyes.
Though it do well, I do not relish well
Their loud applause and aves vehement.

Shakespeare.

Peace was signed at Paris on March 30, 1856; but there was still work to be done in the Crimean hospitals, and Miss Nightingale remained at Balaclava, as we have seen, till the beginning of July. On her return to Scutari she was occupied in winding up the affairs of her mission. Meanwhile the nurses were already beginning to go home. The Reverend Mother (Moore), who had come out from Bermondsey with the first party, left the East at the end of April. She had been throughout one of the mainstays of Miss Nightingale, who wrote to her thus from Balaclava (April 29): “God's blessing and my love and gratitude with you, as you well know. You know well too that I shall do everything I can for the Sisters whom you have left me. But it will not be like you. Your wishes will be our law. And I shall try and remain in the Crimea for their sakes as long as we are any of us there. I do not presume to express praise or gratitude to you, Revd. Mother, because it would look as if I thought you had done the work not unto God but unto me. You were far above me in fitness for the General Superintendency, both in worldly talent of administration, and far more in the spiritual qualifications which God values in a Superior. My being placed over you in an unenviable reign in the East was my misfortune and not my fault.” Another of those whom Miss Nightingale described as her mainstays was Mrs. Shaw Stewart, who served in the Crimea as Superintendent of the nurses, successively in the “General” and in the “Castle” Hospital, and of her Miss Nightingale wrote in terms of similarly grateful fervour. I quote a few of these appreciations (and many more might be added), because it has been supposed, on the strength of isolated expressions penned in moments of vexation or despondency, that Miss Nightingale was ungenerous in recognition of the work of others.[216] Nothing could be further from the fact. She was, it is true, unsparing in blame wherever she saw, or thought she saw, incompetence, or unfaithfulness, or a lack of single-mindedness; she was also impatient of opposition; and hers was not one of those soft natures which readily forget and forgive. But wherever efficiency and faithful zeal were to be found, she was quick to recognize them, and she was as unstinted in praise as in blame. Of Mrs. Shaw Stewart, she wrote to Lady Cranworth (who had succeeded Lady Canning in good offices towards the nurses): “Without her our Crimean work would have come to grief—without her judgment, her devotion, her unselfish, consistent looking to the one great end, viz. the carrying out the work as a whole—without her untiring zeal, her watchful care of the nurses, her accuracy in all trusts and accounts, her truth, her faithfulness. Her praise and her reward are in higher hands than mine.” Of the same “noble, brave” lady, Miss Nightingale had written to Mrs. Bracebridge (Nov. 4, 1855): “Faithfulness is so eminently her, that I hear her Master saying, Thou hast been faithful over a few things, I will make thee ruler over many things.” I could multiply Miss Nightingale's praises of her fellow-workers, for of every one of them she sent home to Lady Cranworth a terse character-sketch. This was done mainly for the sake of the professional nurses, in order that they might be helped to find suitable situations on their return. The sketches show how close a touch the Lady-in-Chief kept upon her staff, and they reveal no reluctance either to criticize or to praise. It would be invidious to particularize further than to cite Miss Nightingale's appreciation of her third mainstay, Mrs. Roberts, who came out as a paid nurse with her in October 1854, and served throughout the war: “Having been 23 years Sister in St. Thomas's Hospital, her qualifications as a nurse were, of course, infinitely superior to any other of those with me. She is indeed a surgical nurse of the first order. Her valuable services have been recognized even and most of all by the surgeons (of Scutari, where she has principally been and where, after Inkerman, her exertions were unremitting). Her total superiority to all the vices of a Hospital Nurse, her faithfulness to the work, her disinterested love of duty and vigilant care of her patients, her power of work equal to that of ten, have made her one of the most important persons of the expedition.”

II

On June 3 the Secretary of State wrote to Miss Nightingale, “as the period is now fast approaching when your generous and disinterested labours will cease, with the occasion which called them forth,” to inquire what arrangements should be made for her return. “In thus contemplating,” he continued, “the close of those anxious and trying duties, which you imposed upon yourself solely with a view to alleviate the sufferings of Her Majesty's Army in the East, and which you have accomplished with a singleness of purpose beyond all praise, it is not necessary for me to inform you how highly Her Majesty appreciates the services you have rendered to Her Army; as Her Majesty has already conveyed to you a signal proof of Her gracious approbation. But I desire now, on behalf of my colleagues and myself, to offer you our most cordial thanks for your humane and generous exertions. In doing so, I feel confident that I simply express the unanimous feelings of the people of this country.”

There were things which Miss Nightingale valued more highly than the approbation of the people. One of them was correctly surmised by Sir Henry Storks. Writing to her from Headquarters at Scutari, on July 25, he said:—

I have received your kind note with mingled feelings of[302] extreme pleasure and regret—the former, because I appreciate your good opinion very highly; the latter, because your note is a Farewell. It will ever be to me a source of pride and gratification to have been associated with you in the work which you have performed with so much devotion and with so much courage. Amidst the acknowledgments you have received from all classes, and from many quarters, I feel persuaded there are none more pleasing to yourself than the grateful recognition of the poor men you came to succour and to save. You will ever live in their remembrance, be assured of that; for amongst the faults and vices, which ignorance has produced, and a bad system has fostered and matured, ingratitude is not one of the defects of the British soldier. I indulge the hope that you will permit me hereafter to continue an acquaintance (may I say friendship?) which I highly value and appreciate.

The gratitude of the British soldier was very dear to Miss Nightingale, and the disposition which she ultimately made of her Crimean decorations was characteristic. Before she left the East, the Sultan had presented her with a diamond bracelet and a sum of money for the nurses and hospitals, both of which presents the Queen permitted her to accept.[217] The bracelet, with the badge given by the Queen, may be seen to-day in the Museum of the United Service Institution, placed there in accordance with her desire that they should be deposited “where the soldiers could see them.”

At length it was time for Miss Nightingale, having seen off the last of her nurses, and filed the last of her inventories and accounts, to leave also. The Government had offered her a British man-of-war for the voyage home. The view she was likely to take of such a proposal had been correctly surmised in the House of Lords some weeks before. On May 5 Lord Ellesmere moved the Address on the conclusion of peace. He was something of a poet, as well as a statesman, and this was his last appearance in the House. In a speech, which was much admired at the time, and which may still be read with pleasure as a specimen of the more ornate kind of parliamentary eloquence, he paid a tribute to the memory of Lord Raglan, and then passed by a happy transition to the heroine of the war: “My Lords, the agony of that time has become matter of history. The vegetation of two successive springs has obscured the vestiges of Balaclava and Inkerman. Strong voices now answer to the roll-call, and sturdy forms now cluster round the colours. The ranks are full, the hospitals are empty. The angel of mercy still lingers to the last on the scene of her labours; but her mission is all but accomplished. Those long arcades of Scutari in which dying men sat up to catch the sound of her footstep or the flutter of her dress, and fell back content to have seen her shadow as it passed, are now comparatively deserted. She may probably be thinking how to escape, as best she may on her return, the demonstrations of a nation's appreciation of the deeds and motives of Florence Nightingale.”

III

The offer of the man-of-war was declined; and Miss Nightingale, with her aunt, sailed in the Danube for Athens, Messina, and Marseilles. A Queen's messenger was in attendance to help the travellers with passports. They stayed a night in a humble hotel in Paris (August 4), and travelling thence, as Miss Smith, she reached London next day. The “return of Florence Nightingale is on every one's lips,” said a letter of the time, and all the newspaper-world was alert to discover her movements. “Weary and worn as she is,” wrote her aunt, “I cannot tell you the dread she has of the receptions with which she is threatened.” It became known that on her arrival in England she would proceed at once to her country-home. Triumphal arches, addresses from mayors and corporations, and a carriage drawn by her neighbours were at once suggested; but Miss Nightingale had prudently withheld information of her time-table even from her family, and the public reception was avoided. It had been proposed, too, that the reception should be military. “The whole regiments” of the Coldstreams, the Grenadiers, and the Fusiliers “would like to come, but as that was impossible, they desired to send down their three Bands to meet her at the station and play her home, whenever she might arrive, whether by day or by night, if only they could find out when.” But the attention even of her soldiers was eluded. She lay lost for a night in London, and at eight o'clock next morning she presented herself, according to a promise given to the Bermondsey Nuns, at their Convent door. It was the first day of their annual Retreat, and she rested with them for a few hours. Then, taking the train, she reached her home on August 7, 1856, after nearly two years' absence in the East, arriving at an unexpected hour, having walked up from the little country station. “A little tinkle of the small church bell on the hills, and a thanksgiving prayer at the little chapel next day, were,” wrote her sister, “all the innocent greeting.”

Florence's spoils of war, as Lady Verney wrote to Mrs. Gaskell, arrived in advance, and were characteristic. There was, first, William, a one-legged sailor boy, who was ten months in her hospitals. Occupation was found for him. Next there was Peter,[218] a little Russian prisoner who came into hospital, and of whom, as he was an orphan, she took charge. “One of the Lady Nurses was his theological instructor, and asked him where he would go when he died if he were a good boy? He answered, ‘To Miss Nightingale.’ Thirdly, there was a big Crimean puppy, given her by the soldiers. He was found in a hole in the rocks near Balaclava, and was called ‘Rousch,’ which is supposed to be ‘soldier’ in Russian. A little Russian cat, a similar gift, died on the road; but the three remaining are the happiest things I have seen for some time, careering about in the intervals of school, where they are made much of, and ‘glory’ is more agreeable to them than to their mistress!” But Florence had another Crimean spoil, unknown, perhaps, to her sister, which she accounted one of the most sacred of her possessions. It was a bunch of grass which she had “picked out of the ground watered by our men's blood at Inkerman.”

IV

“If ever I live to see England again,” she had written in November 1855, “the western breezes of my hill-top home will be my first longing, though Olympus with its snowy cap looks fair over our blue Eastern sea.” It was to Lea Hurst, then, that she went on her return. It was there, ten years before, that she had found a fortnight's happiness in the humble work of parish nursing and visiting, and had thought to herself that with a continuation of such life she would be content.[219] The aspirations of her youth were to receive, as this second Part of the volume has shown, a larger, a fuller, and a more conspicuous attainment. Yet it would be a mistake to regard Miss Nightingale's mission in the Crimean War either as the summit of her attainment or the fulfilment of her life. Rather was it a starting-point.

Her work in the East did, it is true, attain some great ends, and satisfy in some measure the aspiration of her mind and heart. “She has done a great deed,” wrote a friend in December 1854, “not less than that of those who stood at Inkerman or advanced at the Alma; and she has made the first move towards wiping away a reproach from this country—that our women could not do what others do, irreproachably, and with advantage to their fellow-creatures.” She had proved that there was room for nurses in British military hospitals. She had shown the way to a new and high calling for women. “What Florence has done,” wrote Lady Verney to a friend (April 1856), “towards raising the standard of women's capabilities and work is most important. It is quite curious every day how questions arise regarding them which are answered quite differently, even when she is not alluded to, from what they would have been 18 months ago.” Lord Stanley, in the speech at Manchester already mentioned, had made the same point. “Mark,” he said, “what, by breaking through customs and prejudices, Miss Nightingale has effected for her sex. She has opened to them a new profession, a new sphere of usefulness. I do not suppose that, in undertaking her mission, she thought much of the effect which it might have on the social position of women. Yet probably no one of those who made that question a special study has done half as much as she towards its settlement. A claim for more extended freedom of action, based on proved public usefulness in the highest sense of the word, with the whole nation to look on and bear witness, is one which must be listened to, and cannot be easily refused.” Lord Stanley was mistaken in supposing that Miss Nightingale thought little of the effect of her mission upon the position of women; for, though she had misgivings about “woman's missionaries,” yet to make “a better life for woman”[220] was an object very near her heart. When she was in the Crimea, working as hard as any of the men, confronting disease and death with the bravest of them, administering, reforming, counselling as energetically as the best of them, this resolute woman felt that she and her companions had raised their sex to the height of a great occasion. “War,” she wrote to her friend, Mr. Bracebridge (Nov. 4, 1855), “makes Deborahs and Absaloms and Achitophels; and when, if ever the Magnificat has been true, has it been more true than now, every word of it? My soul doth magnify the Lord, and my spirit hath rejoiced in God my Saviour. For He hath regarded the lowliness of His handmaiden.” The words, which had often been in her mouth in moments of despondency and thwarted yearning,[221] came to her with the sense of happy fulfilment when she had been able to act as the handmaiden of God in the service of the sick and wounded soldiers. Her sister, understanding her better in the years of attainment than in those of aspiration, wrote to her (Nov. 15, 1855): “What anxious work you have upon you, my Greatheart, and yet in spite of it all have you not found your true home—the home of your spirit?”

All this was true. Yet Miss Nightingale's Crimean mission was, in the scheme of her life as she had planned it, and in the facts of her life so far as failing health permitted, not so much a climax, as an episode. It was an episode remarkable in itself, and it had given her a world-wide reputation; but in reputation she saw nothing except an opportunity for further work. “The abilities which she has displayed,” said Mr. Sidney Herbert in Willis's Rooms, “cannot be allowed to slumber. So long as she lives, her labours are marked out for her. The diamond has shown itself, and it must not be allowed to return to the mine.” Her friend well knew that he was only expressing the feelings of her own mind. What she sought on her return to England was to utilize her reputation and her experience for the furtherance of her ideals. Her experiences during the Crimean War had enlarged the scope of her work. She had gained an insight into military administration, and had shown a grasp of the subject, which had caused the Queen and Prince to “wish we had her at the War Office.” Her first duty, then, was to use her experience, so far as opportunity offered, to improve the medical administration of the Army. But the main desire of her life had been to raise nursing to the rank of a trained calling. Her mission to the East had not accomplished this object. It had only advertised it, and for the rest had shown how urgently the thing needed to be done. The world praised her achievement. She was rather conscious of its shortcoming, and of the obstacles and difficulties with which it had been attended. She came back from the East more resolved than ever to be a pioneer in the reform of nursing.

But first she needed rest and seclusion. Rest, in which to recuperate from the long strain of labours, hardships, and anxieties. Seclusion, in which to hide herself from publicity and applause. The world praised her self-sacrifice. She felt that she had made none. Rather had she been privileged to attain that harmony between the soul of a human being and its appointed work, in which, according to her philosophy, lay the union of man with the Divine Spirit. She shrank from glory in dread of vain-glory. “‘Paid by the world, what dost thou owe Me?’ God might question.” “I believe,” she had written to her father in 1854, shortly before her Call to the Crimea came, “that there is, within and without human nature, a revelation of eternal existence, eternal progress for human nature. At the same time I believe that to do that part of this world's work which harmonizes, accords with the idiosyncrasy of each of us, is the means by which we may at once render this world the habitation of the Divine Spirit in Man, and prepare for other such work in other of the worlds which surround us. The Kingdom of Heaven is within us. Those words seem to me the most of a revelation, of a New Testament, of a Gospel—of any that are recorded to have been spoken by our Saviour.” Her period of rest was to be very short, as we shall learn; but let us leave her communing silently in her chamber with such thoughts, till another Part opens a new chapter of activity in her life.

Footnotes:

[69] For the actual number, see below, p. 149.

[70] Life of Lord Houghton, vol. i. p. 521.

[71] This famous letter—obviously private at the time—was printed in extenso, for a controversial purpose (see below, p. 245), in the Daily News of October 28, 1854. Miss Nightingale was much distressed when she heard of the publication, and her family could not think how it had “got into the papers”; but they had shown it, and copies of it, too widely.

[72] The text of the instructions may be found in the Journal of the Royal Army Medical Corps, October 1910.

[73] Stanmore, vol. i. p. 342.

[74] Miss Jones resigned her appointment at St. John's House in 1868, owing to differences of opinion with the Council, and set up a private nursing establishment. She died in 1887.

[75] Stanmore, vol. i. p. 342.

[76] From the Life and Death of Athena, an Owlet from the Parthenon, a manuscript book charmingly written and illustrated by Lady Verney. She wrote it in 1855, and sent it to Scutari “to try and make Flo and Mrs. Bracebridge laugh when F. was recovering from her fever.”

[77] Letter to Captain Galton, May 5, 1863.

[78] The Statement (see Bibliography A, No. 5).

[79] Statement, pp. 3–4.

[80] Roebuck Committee, Q. 14625.

[81] Pincoffs, p. 79.

[82] See on this point the references given below, p. 210 n.

[83] Statement, p. 13 n.

[84] Notes (Bibliography A, No. 8), sec. iii. p. xxxiii.

[85] Grant, p. 174.

[86] For a lively description of like discomforts endured by her staff, see Eastern Hospitals, vol. i. pp. 91–94.

[87] J. B. Atkins, Life of Sir W. H. Russell, vol. i. p. 143.

[88] Notes, sec. i. p. xxii.

[89] This Commission is referred to on later pages as “The Duke of Newcastle's.”

[90] Notes, sec. iii. pp. iii., ix.

[91] If any reader desires to be sickened, I recommend to him the Report on the Hospitals by the Sanitary Commissioners of 1855. And if any one desires to find painful details under some of these heads detailed above, without recourse to Blue-books, he may be referred to the report in Hansard of the speech made by Mr. Augustus Stafford (an eye-witness of what he described) in the House of Commons, Jan. 29, 1855.

[92] Roebuck Committee, Fifth Report, pp. 17, 19.

[93] Dean Stanley, Memorials of Edward and Catherine Stanley, 2nd ed., p. 335. So, too, Mr. Sidney Herbert, in his speech at Willis's Rooms on Nov. 29, 1855, referred to her as “a woman of genius.”

[94] Statement to Subscribers, p. vii.

[95] See Pincoffs, p. 79.

[96] Eastern Hospitals, vol. i. p. 71.

[97] Notes, p. 152.

[98] Stanmore, vol. i. p. 349.

[99] St. John's House: a Record, p. 8.

[100] W. E. Henley, In Hospital.

[101] Memories of the Crimea, by Sister Mary Aloysius, p. 17. The “frightful scarf” was a plain band worn, I suppose, over one arm and under the other.

[102] Journal of the Royal Army Medical Corps (Bibliography B, No. 52), p. 393.

[103] The manuscript of this document is preserved among the archives of the War Office. The text of these, “the earliest rules defining the position and duties of a female nurse in any military hospital,” has been printed elsewhere (Bibliography B, No. 52).

[104] Especially by Lord Stanmore in his Memoir of Sidney Herbert. He handles it, I think, with some needless asperity, and he might have mentioned Mr. Herbert's letter which is here quoted.

[105] See below, p. 241.

[106] It was Mr. Bracebridge who took the notes of the interview.

[107] Miss Nightingale made some criticisms in an official letter to the War Office, May 1, 1855; printed at pp. 389, 390 of the pamphlet No. 52 in Bibliography B. And in another letter (March 5) she begged Lord Panmure to relieve her of responsibility for the hospitals at Koulali.

[108] In an appendix to the second edition (1880) of his Memorials of Edward and Catherine Stanley.

[109] Roebuck Committee, Q. 6140.

[110] This fact, reported by the Roebuck Committee, barbed one of Mr. Kinglake's sarcasms against the males (vi. 427 n.). It also greatly impressed John Bright. See Mr. G. M. Trevelyan's Life of him, 1913, p. 242.

[111] Statement, p. 26 n.

[112] Letter to Mr. Herbert, Feb. 5, 1855.

[113] Narrative of a Residence on the Bosphorus, p. 49. Any reader who wishes to be harrowed should read the following pages in Lady Alicia's Journal. She died in July 1913 in her 95th year.

[114] Roebuck Committee, Fifth Report, pp. 20, 21.

[115] Eastern Hospitals, vol. i. p. 68.

[116] Scutari and its Hospitals, by S. G. O., p. 24.

[117] Kinglake, p. 430. He cites an example of the complaints in a private letter from Sir John Burgoyne to Lord Raglan (March 27, 1855). The complaint of the “groove-going men” has been revived in our own day by Lord Stanmore, who complains of Miss Nightingale (Memoir of Sidney Herbert, vol. i. p. 381) that she got things (which the Purveyor had failed to get) instead of informing him where they could be got. She acted on what is a golden rule in cases of emergency. When she wanted a thing done without delay, she did it herself.

[118] Pincoffs, pp. 82–83; and see Hall, p. 378.

[119] La Guerre de Crimée, by M. L. Baudens, p. 104. Miss Nightingale paid a tribute to the “wise and enlightened sanitary views” of M. Baudens. See her Subsidiary Notes, p. 133 n.

[120] For a reference to this matter by Miss Nightingale, see below, p. 224.

[121] My statements are based on a letter from Miss Nightingale to Mr. Sidney Herbert of Dec. 5, 1854.

[122] Statement, pp. 19, 26. How greatly Miss Nightingale's strict rules were resented is shown by attacks upon her administration printed by certain of Miss Stanley's nurses. The most bitter of these is to be found in the text and appendix of The Autobiography of a Balaclava Nurse, 1857 (No. 13, Bibliography B). See also Eastern Hospitals, 3rd ed., pp. 44–5, 52–3.

[123] I take them from Pincoffs, pp. 58, 79.

[124] Memoir of Sidney Herbert, vol. i. pp. 357, 360. It will be noticed that he adopts some of Miss Nightingale's expressions.

[125] Life and Letters of Sir John Hall, p. 403, where “Bracebridge” is misprinted “Bainbridge.”

[126] Roebuck Committee, Second Report, p. 723.

[127] The classical passage in this sense is in the Life and Correspondence of the Rt. Hon. Hugh C. E. Childers, 1901, vol. ii. p. 104, where it is said, in relation to the Egyptian Expedition of 1882: “The Queen with her well-known solicitude for the welfare of her Army, wrote many letters at this time to Mr. Childers to satisfy herself that all precautions were being taken for the health and comfort of the troops: one day alone brought seventeen letters from Her Majesty, or her private secretary, Sir Henry Ponsonby.”

[128] The Letters of Queen Victoria, vol. iii. p. 79.

[129] See, on these two points, above, p. 206, and below, p. 242.

[130] In a letter to Colonel Lefroy, Aug. 25, 1856.

[131] Hodder's Life of Lord Shaftesbury, pp. 503 seq.

[132] Report of the Sanitary Commission, March 1857.

[133] For the figures, see below, pp. 254, 314.

[134] Statement to Subscribers, pp. 9–10, and letter to Sidney Herbert, January 22, 1855.

[135] See Panmure, vol. i. p. 356.

[136] In 1865 Miss Nightingale, after an energetic correspondence with the War Office, secured payment, long before promised, to an English custode.

[137] This is the “Palace Hospital.” See above, p. 174.

[138] See Pincoffs, p. 55.

[139] See the words cited at the head of this chapter, and below, pp. 324, 325.

[140] Scutari and its Hospitals, p. 25.

[141] Letter to Captain Galton, June 28, 1862. On the general question, see vol. ii. p. 64.

[142] It was a mot of Mr. Stafford's that he had only met two men in the East, Omar Pacha (the Turkish Commander) and Florence Nightingale.

[143] Scutari and its Hospitals, p. 27.

[144] See Kinglake, vol. vi. pp. 43, 436.

[145] Miss Nightingale's camp bedstead was at this time behind a screen in the kitchen, for she had given up her room to the widow of an officer.

[146] He had died in hospital from his wounds, and his body was to be sent to England.

[147] Stanmore, vol. i. p. 373.

[148] Scutari and its Hospitals, p. 26.

[149] Daily News, June 2, 1855.

[150] Wintle, p. 113.

[151] Pincoffs, p. 78, where a particular case in point is recorded.

[152] Eastern Hospitals, vol. i. pp. 69–70.

[153] The lamp of famous memory was a camp lamp, and was taken possession of by Mrs. Bracebridge.

[154] Below, p. 270.

[155] Below, p. 303.

[156] Wintle, pp. 106, 108.

[157] Invasion of the Crimea, vol. vi. p. 425.

[158] Life of Lord Houghton, vol. i. p. 505.

[159] Kinglake, p. 436.

[160] Notes, p. 94.

[161] See above, p. 154 n.

[162] Scutari and its Hospitals, p. 26.

[163] Blackwood, p. 232.

[164] See above, p. 192.

[165] Grant, p. 165.

[166] See the Autobiography of a Balaclava Nurse (a Welshwoman), vol. ii. p. 146.

[167] Life and Letters of Dean Stanley, vol. i. p. 492. There is a curious echo of “the Religious Difficulty” in Purcell's Life of Manning (vol. ii. p. 53, 1st ed.), where a letter of Feb. 13, 1856, will be found from Manning to Cardinal Wiseman, discussing whether Roman Catholic chaplains should or should not encourage collections for the Nightingale Fund. The solution suggested was “to let the collection be passively made without any ecclesiastical recognition of it.”

[168] Wilfred Ward's Life of Wiseman, vol. ii. p. 191. And see Miss Nightingale's own words given below, p. 299.

[169] See below, p. 292.

[170] See Bibliography B, No. 15.

[171] Robert Robinson, on his return to England, was sent to school and an agricultural college by Miss Nightingale, and obtained employment on Lord Berners's estate in Scotland. Miss Nightingale was constantly befriending him, e.g. in paying his expenses for a visit to London to see the Exhibition of 1862, and in sending him illustrated newspapers, and even the Times. There was another Crimean lad, besides Tommy, one William Jones, with a wooden leg. See below, p. 304, where account is also given of another protégé, Peter.

[172] See, e.g., below, pp. 317, 488, and Vol. II. p. 411.

[173] Found among the Prince Consort's papers, and printed in Sir Theodore Martin's Life of him, vol. iii. p. 214.

[174] Letter on the Volunteers, 1861. See Bibliography A, No. 25.

[175] Panmure Papers, vol. i. p. 215.

[176] Blackwood, p. 115.

[177] Memoirs of Lady Eastlake, vol. ii. p. 44.

[178] She was especially pleased when in March 1856 her name appeared for the first time in General Orders; see below, p. 293.

[179] Above, p. 173.

[180] The words in inverted commas were quotations from Miss Nightingale's letters. These had been shown to a friend, who thereupon wrote the lines, above quoted, and sent them to her.

[181] For the text see Bibliography B, No. 7. An article in the Quarterly Review of April 1867, entitled “The Nightingale in the East,” is “a study of the Poetry of Seven Dials.” The popular ditty about Miss Nightingale has been sung under many skies and to many audiences; never to greater effect than on Christmas Day 1870 in St. Thomas's Hospital (then in the Surrey Gardens). The nurses had arranged a Christmas treat; the children had sung hymns, and older patients had given popular songs of the day. A patient in the Accident Ward, a coal-heaver with a broken leg, then volunteered; when the words of the refrain caught the ears of the Nightingale nurses, “we dropped all work” (says one of them), “and listened intently till the song was over, all enthusiasm for our Chief.” The singer told them that he was an old soldier, and had been nursed by Miss Nightingale in the General Hospital at Balaclava.

[182] Report of the Nightingale Fund, “Addenda,” pp. 1–2.

[183] Reports of some of the meetings are collected in the Report of the Nightingale Fund. At Manchester (Jan. 17, 1856), in addition to Lord Stanley, Mr. Herbert and Mr. Milnes spoke; at Oxford (Jan. 23), Mr. Herbert again spoke; at Brighton (Jan. 14), Mr. Milnes.

[184] Speeches of the 15th Earl of Derby, 1894, vol. i. pp. 16, 18.

[185] Fitzmaurice, Life of the Second Earl Granville, vol. i. p. 136.

[186] Hall, p. 449.

[187] See below, p. 456.

[188] Wrongly dated “January 1856” in Letters of Queen Victoria, vol. iii. p. 215. The gift was announced in the Morning Post of December 20, 1855; the brooch reached Miss Nightingale in November, and her reply had been received by Dec. 21 (see below, p. 278). An illustrated account of the gift appeared in the Illustrated London News, Feb. 2, 1856. It may now be seen in the Museum of the United Service Institution.

[189] In continuation of the letter quoted above, p. 255.

[190] See above, p. 273.

[191] Lord Fitzmaurice's Life of the Second Earl Granville, vol. i. p. 133.

[192] Panmure, vol. ii. p. 28.

[193] Statement, p. v.

[194] I take these particulars from a Memorandum, found among Miss Nightingale's papers, by the Rev. J. E. Sabin, Senior Chaplain at Scutari.

[195] Sir William Montagu Scott McMurdo (1819–94); K.C.B. 1881. Miss Nightingale had a very high opinion of his services in the Crimea, and Sidney Herbert appointed him Inspector-General of the Volunteers (see Miss Nightingale's Letter on the Volunteers, 1861).

[196] A woodcut of it appeared in the Illustrated London News, August 30, 1856.

[197] See Vol. II. p. 409409.

[198] For another reference to the Crimean flowers, see below, p. 450.

[199] Hornby, pp. 306–7.

[200] There are applications of the kind among Miss Nightingale's papers.

[201] Stanmore, vol. i. p. 369.

[202] Notes, vol. i. sec. i. pp. xxiv.–v. In a private letter Miss Nightingale's irony was more bitter. “K.C.B.” meant, she supposed, “Knight of the Crimean Burial-grounds.”

[203] The Autobiography of a Balaclava Nurse, vol. ii. p. 163.

[204] Printed in extenso in Stanmore, vol. i. pp. 416–420.

[205] The letter is printed in Hall, p. 451.

[206] Vol. II. p. 195.

[207] See Hall, p. 438.

[208] Hall, p. 450. The text of the General Order as issued on March 16 was printed in the Times of April 1, 1856.

[209] See on this subject her Report to the Secretary of State, Subsidiary Notes, pp. 1, 2.

[210] See the letters printed in Hall, p. 457.

[211] Notes, p. 158.

[212] It has often been stated that the cross was erected by Miss Nightingale, but this is not the case. The inscription was suggested by Mrs. Shaw Stewart. In 1863 a Maternity Charity was established at Constantinople “in honour of Florence Nightingale.”

[213] Letter from Lady Hornby to her sister Mrs. Vaillant, Jan. 5, 1856; Hornby, pp. 150, 152. The enamelled brooch was the Queen's jewel.

[214] John Henry Lefroy (1817–90), Lieut. R.A., 1837; engaged in a magnetical survey, 1839–42; F.R.S., 1848; at the War Office, 1854–57; inspector-general of army schools, 1857; afterwards governor successively of the Bermudas and Tasmania; K.C.M.G., 1877.

[215] See a letter of Sidney Herbert printed in Stanmore, vol. i. p. 417.

[216] Stanmore, vol. i. pp. 404–5.

[217] Panmure, vol. i. p. 278.

[218] Peter Grillage afterwards became man-servant at Embley. See Vol. II. p. 302.

[219] Above, pp. 53, 64.

[220] See below, p. 385, and above, p. 102.

[221] Above, p. 94.