Santiago

(75 tons)

Sobresalientes

The total number of men for the ships as above given is 235. Navarrete made his list from the list conserved in Archivo general de Indias, and notes of Juan Bautista Muñoz, and various other sources. The obstacles in the way of a correct register were the abbreviation of names and places, the custom prevalent of naming people from their native town or province, and the fact that the various registers were made between 1519 and 1525. From some of these registers, it appears that the following men were also in the fleet.

Sobresalientes

In addition there were probably others, this list being still three short of Guillemard’s figures, 268. Harrisse (Disc. of N. Amer., London and Paris, 1892, pp. 714 et seq.) gives a partial list.

²⁷ The Moorish name of Guadalquivir (from Arabic Wâd-al-Kebir, “the great river”), superseded the Roman name of Bætis. The Romans formed all Southern Spain into one province called Bætica after the name of the Bætis. By the town Gioan dal Farax is meant San Juan de Aznalfarache (from Moorish Hisn al-Faradj). Its Gothic name was Osset and its Roman name Julia Constantia. It is a favorite resort of the inhabitants of Sevilla. Coría was once a Roman potters’ town and is still celebrated for its jars. San Lúcar de Barrameda was named in honor of St. Luke. It was captured from the Moors in 1264 and granted to the father of Guzman el Bueno. It attained importance after the discovery of America because of its good harbor. The house of Medina-Sidonia was founded by Alfonso Pérez de Guzman, a famous captain.

²⁸ The original of this passage is obscure. The distance given (ten leagues; and both MS. 5,650 and Eden agree substantially with it) is far too short for the distance between San Lucar and Cape St. Vincent, which is over one hundred miles. Pigafetta may have forgotten the actual distance, or it may have been an error of his amanuensis. It is possible to translate as follows: “which lies in 37 degrees of latitude, [that parallel being] x leguas from the said port;” for “longui” may be taken as agreeing with “gradi.” In all rendering of distances, the Spanish form will be used in preference to the Italian; and the same will apply to the names of Spanish coins.

²⁹ MS. 5,650 reads: “And after passing many small villages along the said river, we at last reached a chateau belonging to the duke of Medinacidonia, and called Sainct Lucar, where there is a port with an entrance into the Ocean Sea. One enters that port by the east wind, and leaves by the west. Nearby is the cape of Sainct Vincent, which, according to cosmography, lies in a latitude of thirty-seven degrees at a distance of twenty miles from the said port. From the said city [of Sevilla] to the said port by the river abovesaid, the distance is thirty-five or forty miles.” This passage might be cited as a proof that Pigafetta did not translate or write the French version, but that the work was done by another, who takes various liberties with his original.

³⁰ MS. 5,650 reads: “furnish the fleet.”

³¹ Ninguna in original, a Spanish word.

³² MS. 5,650 adds: “otherwise called ‘labeiche.’” Labech (Italian libeccio) is simply a name for the southwest wind. This is another instance in which the French adapter adds an explanation to the Italian, thus explaining the Italian term garbino, “southwest.”

³³ MS. 5,650 reads wrongly: “sixteenth.” The so-called Genoese pilot (the author of the “Roteiro,” by which name his account will be hereafter designated, and concerning whom, see Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 145, and Mosto, p. 32, and note 4) gives the date of departure as September 21 (with which Barros agrees) and the arrival at Tenerife as the twenty-ninth (see Stanley, p. 1). Peter Martyr, Gomara, and Oviedo agree with Pigafetta, while Castanheda makes the departure in January, 1520. Hughes observes that if one keep in mind the circumstance that the day of the arrival coincided with the day dedicated by the Church to St. Michael, the date September 29 seems more admissible. However, one may reconcile the two dates of the arrival by observing that the ships stopped at Tenerife until October 2; while Herrera says that the ships fetched Montaña Roja (the Monte rosso of the text) on September 29. See Mosto, p. 53, notes 4 and 5. It should be noted that Gomara and Oviedo are not entirely trustworthy authorities, and that many times they have simply copied from authorities, such as Maximilianus Transylvanus, who is not always to be relied upon.

³⁴ The Canaries were known to the ancients under the names of Islands of the Blest, Fortunate Islands, and the Hesperides. The Moors knew of them under the name of Islands of Khaledat, but had no practical acquaintance with them. In the fourteenth century these islands began to be known to Europeans, especially through the Portuguese. In 1402, the Frenchman Jean de Bethencourt went there, and shortly after began their conquest under the auspices of the crown of Castile. In consequence of the settlements made by Bethencourt, the islands were definitely ceded to Spain in 1481 (see Birch’s Alboquerque, London, 1875–1884, Hakluyt Society Publications, ii, p. vi). The inhabitants of the islands were known as Guanches or Guanchinet, the latter meaning “men of Tenerife.” The inhabitants of this island, holding out longer than the others, were not subdued until 1496. See also Conquest of Canaries (London, 1877); and History and Description of Africa (London, 1896), i, pp. 99–101: both publications of the Hakluyt Society. The island of Tenerife was formerly called Nivana and by some the Island of Hell. Like all the other islands of the Canaries it is volcanic in formation, and its peak, the Teyde, is one of the largest volcanic cones known. Its latitude is 28° 15′.

³⁵ Guillemard conjectures that this is Punta Roxa, located at the south end of Tenerife.

³⁶ MS. 5,650 adds: “which is a substance needed by ships.” Herrera says that they waited three days at the port awaiting a caravel that was laden with pitch for the fleet (Mosto, p. 53, note 8).

³⁷ MS. 5,650 reads: “water coming from spring or river.”

³⁸ Eden (p. 250) adds to this account which he greatly abridges: “The lyke thynge is alſo ſcene in the Iland of ſaynt Thomas, lyinge directly vnder the Equinoctiall lyne.” Of this island of Hierro, Pory (History and description of Africa, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 100) says: “Hierro hath neither spring nor well, but is miraculously furnished with water by a cloud which over-spreadeth a tree, from whence distilleth so much moisture, as sufficeth both for men and cattel. This cloud ariseth an hower or two before the sunne, and is dissolued two howers after sunne rising.” This is an old story and is related by Pliny and founded upon fact “for both in Madeira and the Canaries the laurel and other heavy-foliaged evergreens condense abundant water from the daily mists” (Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 149). Gregorio Chil y Naranio (Estudios históricos ... de las islas Canarias, 1879) believes Pigafetta means here the island of Palma, and that the first navigators visited only the coast and so did not see the lake in the interior (Mosto, p. 53, note 9).

³⁹ MS. 5,650 adds: “which the sailors of the east call ‘Cyroc’” This is the Italian sirocco, which is the name for the southeast wind instead of the south. Herrera says they left the port October 2 (Mosto, p. 54, note 2).

⁴⁰ Eden (p. 250) reads incorrectly: “In this coaſt they had no maner of contrary wynds but a great calme and fayre wether for the ſpace of three ſcore and tenne dayes, in the which they came vnder the Equinoctiall lyne.”

⁴¹ MS. 5,650 adds: “and of those persons who have sailed there often.”

⁴² MS. 5,650 reads: “And in order that our ships might not be wrecked or broach to (which often happens when the squalls come together).”

⁴³ This last phrase, as well as the two following sentences are missing in MS. 5,650. The third sentence following begins: “During the calm weather, large fish called tiburoni,” etc. The word tiburoni, “sharks” is from the Spanish tiburon, which comes from the French tibéron (tiburin, tiburon).—Echagaray’s Diccionario Etimológico (Madrid, 1889).

⁴⁴ MS. 5,650 reads: “The said fish are caught by means of a contrivance which sailors call ‘hame’ which is an iron fishhook.” Hame (ain) is the French form of the Italian Amo, meaning “fishhook.”

⁴⁵ MS. 5,650 adds: “because of the bad weather.”

⁴⁶ MS. 5,650 reads “a quarter of an hour,” and the same duration of time is given by Eden (p. 250).

⁴⁷ MS. 5,650 adds: “It is to be noted that whenever that fire that represents the said Saint Anselme ascends and descends the mast of a ship while in a storm at sea, that the said ship is never wrecked.” Herrera (cited by Mosto, p. 54, note 5) says that St. Elmo appeared on the masthead with a lighted candle and sometimes two during the storms encountered along the coasts of Guinea, and that the sailors were greatly comforted thereby, and saluted the saint as is the custom of seamen. When he appeared, he remained a quarter of an hour; and at his departure a great flash of light occurred which blinded all the men. Eden (p. 250) calls it the fire of St. Helen. Continuing, Eden injects into his abridgment of the first circumnavigation a description of St. Elmo’s fire by Hieronimus Cardanus in the second book of De Subtilitate. He says: “Of the kynde of trewe fyer, is the fyer baule or ſtarre commonly cauled ſaynt Helen which is ſumtyme ſeene abowt the maſtes of ſhyppes, beinge of ſuche fyery nature that it ſumetyme melteth braſen veſſels, and is a token of drownyng, foraſmuch as this chaunceth only in great tempeſtes. For the vapoure or exhalation whereof this fyre is engendered, can not bee dryven togyther or compacte in forme of fyre, but of a groſe vapoure and by a great poure of wynde, and is therfore a token of imminent perell.” The fires called after St. Peter and St. Nicholas are on the contrary, he says, good omens, and are generally to be seen on the cables, after a storm. Being little and swift moving they can do no damage as they could do if massed and of slow movement. St. Elmo’s fire is the popular name for the atmospheric electricity that gathers in the form of a star or brush about the masthead of ships and on the rigging. It was sometimes accompanied by a hissing noise and was considered as a good omen by sailors. The Greeks who observed this phenomenon wove it into the Castor and Pollux myth; and the French edition of Pigafetta’s relation published by Simon de Colines has the passage (see Mosto, p. 54): “They saw the fires called Sainct Eline and Sainct Nicolas like blazing torches (whom the ancients called Castor and Pollux).” “Elmo” is said by some to be a corruption of “Helena,” the sister of Castor and Pollux, and the name “Hellene” or “Helen” was often given to the fire when only one light was visible. It is, however, more probably derived from St. Elmo, bishop of Formine who died about 304, and who is invoked by sailors on the Mediterranean. The phenomenon is also called fire of “St. Elias,” “St. Clara,” “St. Nicolas,” and “composite,” “composant,” and “corposant (i.e., corpus sanctum).”

⁴⁸ The second bird mentioned is the stormy petrel (of the family Laridæ and genus Thalassidroma), which is found along all the Atlantic coasts and on some of the Pacific. The tale of the text was current among sailors (see Wilkes, U. S. Exploring Expedition, viii, pp. 402, 403). The cagassela (“cagaselo” in MS. 5,650) is the Stercorarius parasiticus, called also the jaeger, and by sailors “boatswain,” “teaser,” and “dung-hunter.” The last name arose from the belief, long held even by scientists, that this bird fed on the dung of gulls and terns. In reality it pursues the latter birds and compels them to disgorge the fish that they have swallowed. The flying-fish is either a species of Exocœtus, or the Scomberesox saurus of Europe and America, both of which feed in large schools and jump from the water to escape their enemies. See Riverside Natural History (Boston and New York).

⁴⁹ MS. 5,650 adds: “which is the collateral wind between the south and the west;” and below reads: “twenty-four and one-half degrees;” while Eden (p. 250) reads: “xxii degrees and a halfe.”

⁵⁰ Verzino, the etymology of which is unknown (see Varthema’s Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. lxxviii, note, and 205 note), is the Italian name for brazil-wood, from which Brazil, which was first visited by Vicente Pinzon, Diego Lope, Pedro Alvares Cabral, and Amerigo Vespucci, was named. The first names of the country were Vera Cruz and Santa Cruz. Cape Santo Agostinho, mentioned below, lies in 8° 21´ south latitude, and is the most eastern headland of South America. It was the first land of that continent to be discovered, being sighted at least as early as 1500 by Pinzon. Before sighting the above cape, Magalhães arrested Juan de Cartagena for insubordination and gave the command of the “San Antonio” to Antonio de Coca (see Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 153). Albo’s log begins slightly before the sighting of the point, his first entry being November 29. See Burton’s “Introduction” in his Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1874).

⁵¹ MS. 5,650 reads: “veal.” The anta is the tapir, once very plentiful in South America, but now rare in the well civilized districts. See Burton’s Captivity of Hans Stade, p. viii. Albo, however, seems to designate the llama by this name, for he says when speaking of the stay at Bay St. Julian: “and many Indians came there, who are clad in certain skins of antas, which resemble camels without the hump.” (Navarrete, Col. de viages, iv, p. 214).

⁵² Stanley mistranslates the French phrase of MS. 5,650 et est de la longueur dun naveau, “and is of the length of a shuttle,” confusing naveau with navette, “shuttle.” Naveau here is equivalent to navet, “turnip” or navette, “rape,” a plant of the turnip class, as is proved by the Italian.

⁵³ MS. 5,650 reads: “And for a king of cards, of the kind which are used to play with in Italy, they gave me five fowls.” The four suits of Italian playing cards are called spade (“swords”), bastoni (“clubs”), danari (literally: “money;” “diamonds”), and coppe (“cups”).

⁵⁴ MS. 5,650 reads: “five.”

⁵⁵ MS. 5,650 adds: “which is an astrological term. That zenith is a point in the sky, according to astrologers, but only in the imagination, and is in a straight line over our head, as can be seen by the treatise of the sphere, and in Aristotle, in the first book De caelo et mondo.” By the treatise of the sphere is evidently meant the treatise of Pigafetta which follows his relation, and which is not reproduced here as being outside the scope of the present work. In the flyleaf of the Italian original is the following: “Notices concerning the new world, with the charts of the countries discovered, written by Antonio Pigafeta, Venetian and knight of Rodi. At the end are added some rules for finding the longitude and latitude of places east and west.” In the Italian MS. this treatise occupies the last twelve folios. Stanley translates Amoretti’s version of the Treatise, which is greatly abridged. Mosto (p. 35) conjectures that the treatise is the fruits of his three-years’ experience during the expedition.

⁵⁶ Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 210) says that the fleet continued to coast southwest from November 29 until arriving at St. Lucy’s bay on December 13 (St. Lucy’s day). Of the coast he says: “The mountains are peaked and have many reefs about them. There are many rivers and ports in the said Brasil and San Tomé, and some six leguas down the coast there are many bays running two leguas into the land. But the coast runs northeast and southwest to Cape Frio, and has many islands and rivers. Cape Frio is a very large river.... At the entrance of the said bay is a very large bay, and at the mouth a very low island, and inside it spreads out extensively and has many ports ... and is called the bay of Santa Lucía.... In the said bay, one finds a well-disposed and numerous race, who go naked and trade for fishhooks, mirrors, and hawk’s bells with food.... We entered that place on the very day of St. Lucy, and stayed there until the day of St. John, namely, the twenty-seventh of the said month of December. On that day we went and took our course west southwest, and found seven islands. To the right of them is a bay called the bay of Los Reyes [i.e., the Kings] which has a good entrance.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 1) says: “as soon as they sighted the other coast of Brazil, he steered to the south-east [sic] along the coast as far as Cabo-frio, which is in twenty-three degrees south latitude; and from this cape he steered to the west, a matter of thirty leagues, to make the Rio de Janeiro, which is in the same latitude as Cabo-frio, and they entered the said river on the day of St. Lucy, which was the 13th December, in which place they took in wood, and they remained there until the first octave of Christmas, which was the 26th of December of the same year.” Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 306) says: “Setting sail thence [i.e., from Tenerife], the first land sighted was the cape of the shoals of Ambas. They descended the coast as far as the river called Janeiro, where they stayed 15 or 16 days.”

⁵⁷ Eden (p. 251) says: “bygger then all Spayne, Portugale, Fraunce, and Italie.”

⁵⁸ MS. 5,650 adds: “more like beasts than anything else.”

⁵⁹ MS. 5,650 reads: “And some of those people live to the age of one hundred, one hundred and twenty, one hundred and forty, or more.” Eden (p. 251) says: “C.xx. and C.xl. yeares.” For description of the Brazil Indians, and their manners and customs, see Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 117–169.

⁶⁰ Wrongly transcribed by Stanley as “boy.”

⁶¹ MS. 5,650 reads: “You must know that a family of one hundred persons, who make a great racket, lives in each of those houses called boii.” One of these houses (called Oca, in Tupi) is described by Wilson (Transactions of Ethnological Society, new series, vol. i) as being “60 or 70 feet long, divided into rooms for several families by rush mats, and provided with a central fire whose smoke passed through the roof. Some of them contained 200 head.” See Burton’s Captivity of Hans Stade, pp. 59, 60, note. The Indians described by Pigafetta are probably the Tamoyos of the Tupi or Guarani stock (Mosto, p. 56, note 1; see also Burton, ut supra, pp. lxi-lxxvi).

⁶² Amoretti makes this passage read: “Their boats, called canoes, are hollowed out from the single trunk of a huge tree;” understanding maschize as massiccio “huge.” Mosto prefers to read maschize as two words ma schize (notwithstanding that it is one word in the original), for ma schiacciate, “but flattened.” Accepting this, the translation would be: “They have boats made from one single tree, only flattened.” Amoretti’s interpretation is to be preferred.

⁶³ MS. 5,650 reads: “and one would believe them to be enemies from hell.”

⁶⁴ MS. 5,650 adds: “of the said country of Verzin.”

⁶⁵ MS. 5,650 reads: “daily.” Amerigo Vespucci says in a letter (Mosto, p. 55, note 6): “I saw human flesh salted and suspended from the beams, in the same way as we are wont to hang up bacon and swine’s flesh.” See Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue), for instances of cannibalism among the North American Indians. See also Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 151, 155–159; and Dominguez’s Conquest of the River Plate (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1891), pp. 129, 130.

⁶⁶ For Carvagio, as in MS. 5,650, and later in the Italian; an error of the amanuensis. This was João Carvalho (the Juan Lopez Caraballo of the register—see note 26, ante). Carvalho was a Portuguese, of none too scrupulous morals, even in his age, as appears later in Pigafetta’s narrative. After the fatal banquet in the island of Cebú, he became the leader of the remaining men of the fleet, but was later deposed (see post, note 441). He remained behind with the ill-fated “Trinidad,” and never returned to Europe. His son, borne to him by a native woman of Brazil, was left behind in Borneo. See Stanley, pp. 252–255, for Correa’s account of the actions of Carvalho after the death of Magalhães.

⁶⁷ The early French edition and the Italian edition of 1536 both include the women and children.—Stanley.

⁶⁸ It is a widespread (perhaps universal) characteristic of the American Indian to pull out the hair of the body. See Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue).

⁶⁹ Eden (p. 45), defines gatti mammoni as monkeys. Monkeys of the genus Cebus are probably meant (Mosto, p. 55, note 8).

⁷⁰ MS. 5,650 reads: “fresh cheese.” Pigafetta may here refer to the bread made from the casava or manioc root. See Burton’s Captivity of Hans Stade, pp. 130–132, for a description of the method of preparing this root.

⁷¹ The swine mentioned by Pigafetta is the Tayasu (Tagaçu), or peccari (Dicotyles torquatus), which has quills resembling those of the porcupine, and is generally of a whitish color. It is tailless and very fierce and difficult to domesticate. The flesh was eaten; and the teeth were worn by some of the chiefs as necklaces. Burton (ut supra), p. 160, note.

⁷² The Platalea ajaja or rosy spoonbill, belonging to the family of the Plataleidæ, whose habitat extends through all of tropical and subtropical America, including the West Indies, south to the Falkland Islands, Patagonia and Chile, and north to the southern part of the United States.

⁷³ Hans Stade (Burton, ut supra) testifies to the chastity of the people of Eastern Brazil among whom he lived as a prisoner.

⁷⁴ MS. 5,650 reads: “The women attend to the outside affairs, and carry everything necessary for their husband’s food in small panniers on the head or fastened to the head.”

⁷⁵ MS. 5,650 adds: “and compassion.”

⁷⁶ MS. 5,650 reads: “When we departed they gave us a very great quantity of verzin;” and adds: “That is a color which comes from trees which grow in the said country, and so abundantly, that the country is called Verzin from it.”

⁷⁷ MS. adds: “which was a piece of great simplicity.”

⁷⁸ This sentence is preceded by the following in MS. 5,650: “Besides the abovesaid which proclaims their simplicity, the people of the above place showed us another very simple thing.”

⁷⁹ This passage in Stanley reads as follows: “A beautiful young girl came one day inside the ship of our captain, where I was, and did not come except to seek for her luck: however, she directed her looks to the cabin of the master, and saw a nail, of a finger’s length, and went and took it as something valuable and new, and hid it in her hair, for otherwise she would not have been able to conceal it, because she was naked, and, bending forwards, she went away; and the captain and I saw this mystery.” The matter between the words “length” and “naked” is taken from MS. 24,224 (wrongly declared by Stanley to be the copy of his travels presented to the regent Louise by Pigafetta, the conclusion being based on the fact that some of the details are softened down), as Stanley considered the incident as told in MS. 5,650, the Italian MS. and the first French edition, as unfit for publication. Stanley cites the following (in the original) from the edition of 1536 which omits the above story: “At the first land at which we stopped, some female slaves whom we had brought in the ships from other countries and who were heavy with child, were taken with the pains of childbirth. Consequently, they went alone out of the ships, went ashore, and after having given birth, returned immediately to the ships with their infants in their arms.” He also cites the following passage from the first French printed edition, which also narrates the above story of the girl: “At the first coast that we passed, some slave women gave birth. When they were in travail, they left the boat, after which they immediately returned, and nursed their children.” Stanley adds that this story of the slave women is improbable, as women were not allowed to come aboard ship.

⁸⁰ MS. 5,650 gives the words of the Brazil as follows: “maiz, huy, pinda, taesse, chignap, pirame, itenmaraca, tum maraghatom.” Amoretti (see Stanley’s edition, p. 48) reads tacse as tarse and itanmaraca as Hanmaraca. Stanley mistranslates the French forcette (“scissors”) as “fork.”

⁸¹ Eden says (p. 251): “xxxiiii. degree and a halfe toward the pole Antartike.”

⁸² MS. 5,650 reads: “and to ask whether the others might come.”

⁸³ MS. 5,650 reads: “That place was formerly called Cape Saincte Marye and it was thought that one could pass thence to the sea of Sur, that is to say the South Sea, but it has not been ascertained that any ships have ever discovered anything farther on.” Eden (p. 251) reads: “Abowt the mouth of this ryuer are ſeven ilandes, in the byggeſt whereof, they founde certeyne precious ſtones, and cauled it the cape of Saynt Marie. The Spanyardes thought that by this ryuer they might haue paſſed into the ſouth ſea. But they were deceaued in theyr opinion. For there was none other paſſage than by the ryuer which is xvii. leagues large in the mouth.” This river was the Rio de la Plata. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 2) says that Magalhães left Rio de Janeiro December 26, proceeding to the cape Santa María and the river which was called St. Christopher. There they remained until February 2, 1520. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 211) also mentions the river which he calls the “river of Solís.” The ships sent to look for a strait through the river were gone two days, and a careful exploration of the mouth of the river was made. Brito (Navarrete, iv, pp. 306, 307) says: “They left that place [i.e., Rio de Janeiro] and coasted along shore until they reached the river called Solís, where Fernando Magallanes thought that he could find a strait. They stayed there forty days. Magallanes ordered the ship ‘Santiago’ to sail forward for about 50 leguas to see whether there was any passage. Not finding a passage, he crossed the river which is about 25 leguas wide and found the [opposite] coast which runs northeast and southwest.” For early history of this region, see Dominguez’s Conquest of the River Plata.

⁸⁴ Juan Diaz de Solis, a famous Spanish navigator, was born at Lebrixa, in 1470. He is said, although without sufficient authority, to have discovered Yucatan with Pinzon in 1506. He was appointed chief pilot of Spain after the death of Amerigo Vespucci in 1512. In October, 1515, he sailed in command of an expedition in search of a southwest passage to India. He discovered Rio de la Plata which he explored as far as the region of the Charrua tribe, by whom he and some of his men were killed and eaten before September, 1516. The remnant of the expedition was conducted back to Spain by his brother-in-law.

⁸⁵ Eden adds (p. 251): “which ſum thynke to bee thoſe fyſſhes that wee caule pikes.” Below, the sea-wolf is described as having a head “of golden coloure.” They were probably some species of the Otariidæ or fur-seals (Giullemard, p. 160, note). The “geese” were penguins. Albo, Herrera, and others, also mention the “sea-wolves and ducks.” Kohl (Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde, xi, 362) says that this bay where the ships were laden with the seals and penguins is probably Desvelos Bay, but it is more probably Puerto Deseado (“Port Desire;” see Mosto, p. 57, note 2). Drake also secured fresh provisions from these “sea-wolves,” calling the bay where he secured them “Seale Bay.” See World Encompassed (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 54, 55.

⁸⁶ Port St. Julian. The “Roteiro” pilot (Stanley, p. 3) says that they reached it on March 31, 1520, and places it in 49° 20´ south latitude. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 214) says: “We went to a port called San Julian, where we entered the last day of March, and where we stayed until the day of St. Bartholomew. The said port lies in a latitude of 49 and two-thirds degrees. We pitched the ships in that port.” Other writers give slightly different locations (see Mosto, p. 57, note 5). Antonio Brito, the Portuguese, whose MS. is preserved in the Torre do Tombo at Lisbon, writes in 1523 to the king of Portugal certain news obtained from some of the men of the “Trinidad.” His information as might be expected, is at times faulty. Of Port St. Julian, he says: “They coasted along shore until they reached a river called San Juan where they wintered for four months.”

⁸⁷ MS. 5,650 adds: “jumping up and down.” The only reference made to the Patagonians by Albo is as follows: “Many Indians came there, who dress in certain skins of the anta, which resemble camels without the hump. They have certain bows made from cane, which are very small and resemble turkish bows. The arrows also resemble Turkish arrows, and are tipped with flint instead of iron. Those Indians are very prudent, swift runners, and very well-built and well-appearing men.” (Navarrete, iv, pp. 214, 215). Cf. with Pigafetta’s account that given by Maximilianus Transylvanus, in Vol. I, pp. 303–337.

⁸⁸ MS. 5,650 reads: “he began to marvel and to be afraid.”

⁸⁹ Guillemard, who follows the Amoretti edition, translates (p. 180) this passage: “His hair was short and colored white,” but this translation is borne out by neither the Italian MS. nor MS. 5,650. Guillemard presents a picture of a Patagonian, as does also Wilkes (Narrative of U. S. Exploring Expedition, 1838–1842), i, facing p. 95. The latter describes Indians, whom the officers of the expedition thought to be Patagonians, and who were taller than average Europeans, as follows: “They had good figures and pleasant looking countenances, low foreheads, and high cheekbones, with broad faces, the lower part projecting; their hair was course and cut short on the crown leaving a narrow border of hair hanging down; over this they wore a kind of cap or band of skin or woolen yarn. The front teeth of all of them were very much worn, more apparent, however, in the old than in the young. On one foot they wore a rude skin sandal. Many of them had their faces painted in red and black stripes, with clay, soot, and ashes. Their whole appearance, together with their inflamed and sore eyes, was filthy and disgusting.” They showed that they had had previous communication with white men. Their food was fish and shellfish, and they carried bows and arrows and had dogs. Brinton (American Race, New York, 1891) says that “The Patagonians call themselves Chonek or Tzoneca, or Inaken (men, people), and by their Pampean neighbors are referred to as Tehuel-Che, southerners.” Many of them are “from six to six feet four inches in height, and built in proportion. In color they are a reddish brown, and have aquiline noses and good foreheads.” Ramon Lista (Viage al pais de los Tehuel-Ches) gives the average height of the Patagonians as 1.854 m., hence the early accounts of their great stature are greatly exaggerated (Mosto, p. 57, note 6). See also the description of the Patagonians in the “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 5); and World encompassed by Sir Francis Drake (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 40, 56–61 (where the origin of the name “Patagonian” is wrongly given).

⁹⁰ The guanaco, a species of llama. See also Vol. II, p. 34, note 5*.

⁹¹ Hence arose the name “Patagonians” or “men with big feet,” given by Magalhães, because of the awkward appearance of the feet in such coverings, which were stuffed with straw for greater warmth.

⁹² The words “somewhat thicker than those of a lute” are lacking in MS. 5,650.

⁹³ This sentence is omitted by MS. 5,650.

⁹⁴ Eden (p. 251) says “two,” and following says that Magalhaes gave the giant “certeyne haukes belles and other great belles, with alſo a lookynge glaſſe, a combe, and a payre of beades of glaſſe.”

⁹⁵ MS. 5,650 adds: “on the face.”

⁹⁶ MS. 5,650 omits “face.”

⁹⁷ “For the smiths” is omitted by MS. 5,650.

⁹⁸ Maximilianus Transylvanus says that only one Patagonian was captured, but that he died shortly from self-starvation (Vol. I, pp. 314, 315). The “Roteiro” says (Stanley, p. 5) that three or four were captured, but all died except one, who went to Spain in the “San Antonio.” Pigafetta’s account, as given by an eyewitness, is to be preferred.

⁹⁹ MS. 5,650 reads: “for otherwise they could have caused some of our men trouble.” Below Stanley (p. 53) again mistranslates the French “forces” as “forks.”

¹⁰⁰ MS. 5,650 adds: “of malefactors,” and reads farther: “and their faces lighted up at seeing those manacles.”

¹⁰¹ MS. 5,650 reads: “and they were grieved that they could not take the irons with their hands, for they were hindered by the other things that they were holding.” Eden (p. 252) says at the end of his account of the capture: “Being thus taken, they were immediately ſeperate and put in ſundry ſhyppes.”

¹⁰² MS. 5,650 adds: “that is, the big devil.”

Arber in his introduction to The first three English books on America says that Shakespeare had access to The decades of the newe worlde of Eden, and created the character of Caliban (who invokes Setebos) in the Tempest from the description of the Patagonian giants. See also World encompassed by Sir Francis Drake (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 48, for mention of the god Settaboth.

¹⁰³ MS. 5,650 reads: “the wife of one of the giants who had remained behind in irons.”

¹⁰⁴ MS. 5,650 makes this plural.

¹⁰⁵ See ante, note 103.

¹⁰⁶ This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.

¹⁰⁷ MS. 5,650 adds: “in their language.”

¹⁰⁸ MS. 5,650 omits this sentence.

¹⁰⁹ MS. 5,650 reads “instead of taking medicine.” See Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue) for examples of medicine and surgery as practiced by the North American Indians.

¹¹⁰ MS. 5,650 reads “two feet or so.”

¹¹¹ MS. 5,650 reads “cut short and shaven like religious.” Hans Stade also notices the tonsure among the Indians who captured him (see Captivity of Hans Stade, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 136–138, and note, from which it appears that this manner of wearing the hair, was practiced among many Tupi tribes).

¹¹² Stanley (p. 55) does not translate this sentence, but gives the original from MS. 5,650.

¹¹³ In MS. 5,650 this sentence reads as follows: “They seem to be painted, and one of those enemies is taller than the others, and makes a greater noise and gives expression to greater joy than the others.”

¹¹⁴ Mosto (p. 59) mistranscribes or misprints “Setebas.” Roncagli (Da punta arenas a Santo Cruz, in “Bollettino della Società geografica italiana,” 1884, p. 775) says that the Patagonians sacrificed to an evil spirit called “Wallichu.” Brinton, ut supra, p. 328, says: “They are not without some religious rites, and are accustomed to salute the new moon, and at the beginning of any solemn undertaking to puff the smoke of their pipes to the four cardinal points, just as did the Algonquins and Iroquois.”

¹¹⁵ See ante, note 91. Stanley mistranscribes “Pataghoni” of MS. 5,650 as “Palaghom.”

¹¹⁶ A reference to the gypsies who had made their appearance in Italy as early as 1422, where they practiced various deceptions upon the credulous people. The name “Cingani” or Zingari, as they are generally called in Italy, comes from the Greek word τἀσιγχανοι, by which they were called by Byzantine writers of the ix–xii centuries; the same name appearing also in slightly different forms in Turkey, Bulgaria, Roumania, Hungary, Bohemia, and Germany. Their ancestral home was probably in northwestern India, whence they emigrated in successive waves. In many countries extreme and harsh measures were taken against them, especially in Germany, where they had appeared as early as 1417. They were never allowed a foothold in France, but have become a significant part of the population in Russia, Hungary, and Spain. In the latter country, where they are called Gitános (Egyptians), in spite of many severe laws passed against them until the reign of Cárlos III, they continued, more fortunate than the Jews, to thrive. They are mentioned by Cervantes in his Don Quixote (pt. i, chap, xxx), but the name Gitáno had first appeared in a Spanish document of 1499, where their customs are described. The few in Italy have been allowed to remain, and those in the Slavic countries and England were generally treated kindly. Their language is Aryan and was highly inflected; and while they have been given many names by the nations among whom they have lived, their own appellation is “Rom” “the man.” See New International Encyclopedia (New York, 1903).

¹¹⁷ MS. 5,650 reads: “capae;” but Stanley has mistranscribed “capac.”

¹¹⁸ “Albo (Navarrete iv, p. 215), the “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4), Transylvanus and Oviedo (Mosto, p. 59, note 3) give the date of departure from Port San Julian August 24, 1520; but the second errs in giving 5½ instead of 4½ months for the period for which the fleet remained there. Peter Martyr places the date of departure as August 21. Castanheda, who gives the same date says that the name “St. Julian” or “of the ducks” was given to that bay which he calls a river. Barros gives the date of arrival as April 2, and says that the place was called “river of Saõ Julião.” See Mosto, ut supra.

¹¹⁹ A portion of the passage relating to the attempted mutiny reads as follows in MS. 5,650: “However the treason was discovered, and as a consequence the treasurer was killed by a dagger and then quartered. Gaspar de Casada was beheaded and then quartered. The overseer trying shortly after to lead another mutiny, was banished together with a priest and set ashore on that land of Pathagonia.” The Italian MS. is badly confused, while the above is more in accordance with the facts, and shows the hand of the translator and adapter. Eden (p. 252) says of the attempted mutiny: “They remayned fyue monethes in this porte of Sainte Iulian, where certeyne of the vnder capitaynes conſpirynge the death of theyr general, were hanged and quartered: Amonge whom the treaſurer Luigo of Mendozza was one. Certeyne of the other conſpirators, he left in the ſayd land of Patogoni.” See the short account of the mutiny given by Transylvanus in Vol. I, p. 317, and the account given in the same volume, pp. 297, 299. The Roteiro (Stanley, p. 3) says that three of the ships revolted against Magalhães” saying that they intended to take him to Castile in arrest, as he was taking them all to destruction;” but Magalhães subdued the mutiny by the aid of the foreigners with him. Mendoza was killed by Espinosa the chief constable of the fleet, and Gaspar Quesada was beheaded and quartered. Alvaro de Mesquita, Magalhães’s cousin, is wrongly reported to have been given command of one of the ships of those killed, but the command of the “San Antonio” that had previously been given to Antonio de Coca, after Magalhães had deprived Cartagena of it, had been given him before the real outbreak of the mutiny.

The narrative of the mutiny as given by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, pp. 34–38) which was compiled mainly from documents presented in the same volume and from Herrera, is as follows:

“March 31, the eve of Palm Sunday, Magallanes entered the port of San Julian, where he intended to winter, and consequently ordered the rations to be served by measure. In view of that and of the barrenness and cold of the country, the men asked Magallanes by various arguments to increase the rations or turn back, since there was no hope of finding the end of that country or any strait. But Magallanes replied that he would either die or accomplish what he had promised; that the king had ordered the voyage which he was to accomplish; and that he had to sail until he found that land or some strait which must surely exist; that in regard to the food, they had no reason to complain, since that bay had an abundance of good fish, good water, many game birds, and quantities of wood, and that bread and wine had not failed them, nor would fail them if they would abide by the rule regarding rations. Among other observations, he exhorted and begged them not to be found wanting in the valorous spirit which the Castilian nation had manifested and showed daily in greater affairs; and offering them corresponding rewards in the king’s name. By such means did he quiet the men.

“April 1, Palm Sunday, Magallanes summoned all his captains, officers, and pilots to go ashore to hear mass and afterward to dine in his ship. Alvaro de la Mezquita, Antonio de Coca, and all the men went to hear mass. Louis de Mendoza, Gaspar de Quesada, and Juan de Cartagena (the latter because he was a prisoner in Quesada’s keeping) did not go, however; and Alvaro de la Mezquita alone went to dine with Magallanes.

“During the night, Gaspar de Quesada and Juan de Cartagena with about thirty armed men of the ship ‘Concepcion’ went to the ‘San Antonio,’ where Quesada requested that the captain, Alvaro de la Mezquita, be surrendered to him, and told the crew of the ship to seize it, as they had already done with the ‘Concepcion’ and ‘Victoria.’ [He said] that they already knew how Magallanes had treated and was treating them, because they had asked him to fulfil the king’s orders; that they were lost men; and that they should help him make another request of Magallanes, and if necessary, seize him. Juan de Elorriaga, the master of the ‘San Antonio,’ spoke in favor of his captain, Alvaro de la Mezquita, saying to Gaspar de Quesada: ‘I summon you, in God’s name and that of the king, Don Cárlos, to go to your ship, for the present is no time to go through the ships with armed men; and I also summon you to release our captain.’ Thereupon Quesada replied: ‘Must our deed remain unaccomplished because of this madman?’ and drawing his dagger stabbed him four times in the arm, thus overawing the men. Mezquita was kept prisoner, Elorriaga was cared for, Cartagena went to the ship ‘Concepcion,’ while Quesada remained in the ‘San Antonio.’ Thus were Quesada, Cartagena, and Mendoza masters of the three ships, ‘San Antonio,’ ‘Concepcion,’ and ‘Victoria.’

“Thereupon, they sent a message to Magallanes to the effect that they held three ships and the small boats of all five at their disposal in order to require him to fulfil his Majesty’s provisions. They said that they had done that in order that he might no longer illtreat them as he had done thitherto. If he would agree to fulfil his Majesty’s orders, they would obey his commands, and [said] that if they had thitherto treated him as a superior, they would thenceforth treat him as a master, and would be most respectful to him.

“Magallanes sent word to them to come to his ship, where he would hear them and do what was proper. They answered that they did not dare come lest he illtreat them, but that he should go to the ship ‘San Antonio,’ where they would all assemble and decide definitely on what the king’s orders commanded.

“Magallanes believing that boldness was more useful than meekness in the face of such actions, determined to employ craft and force together. He kept the small boat of the ship ‘San Antonio’ which was used for those negotiations, at his ship; and sent the alguacil, Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, in the skiff belonging to his ship, to the ‘Victoria,’ with six men armed secretly and a letter for the treasurer, Luis de Mendoza, in which he told the latter to come to the flagship. While the treasurer was reading the letter and smiling as if to say ‘You don’t catch me that way,’ Espinosa stabbed him in the throat, while another sailor stabbed him at the same instant on the head so that he fell dead. Magallanes, being a man with foresight, sent a boat under command of Duarte Barbosa, sobresaliente of the ‘Trinidad’ with fifteen armed men, who entering the ‘Victoria’ flung the banner to the breeze without any resistance. That happened on April 2. Then the ‘Victoria’ approached the flagship, and they together immediately approached the ‘Santiago.’

“On the following day, the ‘San Antonio’ and the ‘Concepcion’ which were held by Quesada and Cartagena tried to put to sea, but it was necessary for them to pass close to the flagship which stood farthest out. The ‘San Antonio’ raised two anchors, and being in danger with one, Quesada determined to free Alvaro de la Mezquita, whom he held a prisoner in his ship, in order to send him to Magallanes to arrange peace between them. Mezquita, however, told him that nothing would be obtained. Finally, they arranged that when they set sail, Mezquita should station himself forward and ask Magallanes as they approached his ship, not to fire and that they would anchor provided affairs would be settled favorably.

“Before setting sail in the ‘San Antonio,’ where they were endangered, as it was night and the crew were asleep, the ship dragged and ran foul of the flagship. The latter discharged some large and small shots and men leaped aboard the ‘San Antonio’ crying, ‘For whom are you?’ they responding, ‘For the king, our sovereign, and your Grace,’ surrendered to Magallanes. The latter seized Quesada, the accountant, Antonio de Coca, and other sobresalientes who had gone to the ‘San Antonio’ with Quesada. Then he sent to the ‘Concepcion’ for Juan de Cartagena and imprisoned him with them.

“Next day Magallanes ordered the body of Mendoza taken ashore and had it quartered, and Mendoza cried as a traitor. On the seventh, he ordered Gaspar de Quesada beheaded and quartered with a like cry. That was done by Quesada’s own follower and sobresaliente, Luis de Molino, in order to save himself from hanging, for that sentence had been passed on him. Magallanes sentenced Juan de Cartagena and the lay priest, Pedro Sanchez de la Reina, who had been active in causing the men to mutiny, to be marooned in that country. He pardoned more than forty men who merited death, as they were needed to work the ships, and so that he might not excite hard feelings by the severity of the punishment.”

Brito’s account of the mutiny (Navarrete, iv, p. 307) is very brief and unsatisfactory: “In that port the captains began to ask him where he was taking them, especially one Juan de Cartagena, who said that he had a royal cedula naming him as associate with Magallanes, as Rui Falero would also have been, had he been there. Then they tried to rise against Magallanes and kill him, and go back to Castilla or to Rodas. From that point they went to the river of Santa Cruz, where they endeavored to put their plan in execution. But when Magallanes discovered their ill-considered attempt, for the captains said that they would kill him or take him prisoner, he ordered his ship armed and Juan de Cartagena arrested. As soon as the other captains saw their chief arrested they thought no longer of prosecuting their attempt. Magallanes, however, seized them all, for most of the crew were in his favor. He sent the merino or alguacil to kill Luis de Mendoza with his dagger, for the latter refused to be arrested; while he had another named Gaspar Quesada beheaded. When they set sail, he left Juan de Cartagena together with a secular priest ashore at a place where there were no inhabitants.”

Correa (Stanley, pp. 247–250) gives a different and imperfect account of the meeting.

Cf. with these accounts the one given by Guillemard (Magellan), pp. 162–174. When the “San Antonio” deserted, Esteban Gomez is said to have rescued Cartagena and the priest. João Serrão (after the loss of the “Santiago”) was given command of the “Concepcion,” Mesquita of the “San Antonio,” and Duarte Barbosa of the “Victoria,” all Portuguese (Guillemard, ut supra, p. 179). It is rather singular that Sir Francis Drake should also have faced a mutiny in this same port, where Thomas Doughty was executed. That the history of Magalhães’s expedition was generally known is evident from the following: “The next day after, being the twentieth of June, wee harboured ourselues againe in a very good harborough, called by Magellan Port S. Julian, where we found a gibbet standing upon the maine, which we supposed to be the place where Magellan did execution upon some of his disobedient and rebellious company.” World encompassed (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 234.