[130] See I Macc. 14:41.
[131] For details see Guy Le Strange, Palestine Under the Moslems, London, 1890.
[132] For details see C. R. Conder, The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, London, 1897.
[133] See Chapter XIV.
[135] On these walls, see Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, I, 236-256.
[136] Petrie, Tell el-Hesy, p. 17 and Plates 2 and 3.
[137] See his Tell Taanek, p. 13.
[140] Harvard Theological Review, III, 137.
[141] Palestine Exploration Fund’s Annual, II, 17, f.
[142] Sellin and Watzinger’s Jericho, p. 29, f. and Tafel I.
[143] Ibid., 54, ff.
[144] See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, I, 244.
[145] See Dickie, in Quarterly Statement of Palestine Exploration Fund, 1897, 61-67.
[146] These remarks about the house are based on the excavation at Gezer. The excavators of other sites have not given as much attention to the construction of houses as Mr. Macalister did.
[147] Sellin, Tell Taanek, p. 21.
[148] One of these is translated in Part II, p. 350.
[149] See the writer’s article, “Corners,” in Hastings’ Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. IV 119, ff.
[150] Sellin, Tell Taanek, p. 61.
[151] Schumacher, Tell el-Mulesellim, pp. 45, 54.
[152] See Macalister, The Excavation of Gezer, I, 240.
[153] In 2 Sam. 12:27 we should read “pool of waters” instead of “city of waters”; see Barton in Journal of Biblical Literature, XXVII, 147-152.
[154] See Polybius, V, 71.
[155] Josephus, Jewish Wars, I, xix, 5, ff.
[156] For the conflicting evidence and theories, see G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, I, 124-131.
[157] Josephus, Antiquities, XVIII, iii, 2.
[159] See Thomsen in Zeitschrift des deutschen Palästina-Vereins, XXVI, 170, ff.
[160] See Chapter XIV.
[161] See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, I, 199, f; II, 22, ff.
[162] See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, II, 22, f.
[163] The reader who cares to pursue the subject is referred to Macalister’s Excavation of Gezer, II, 48, ff., and Sellin’s Tell Taanek, 61, f., and Bliss and Macalister’s Excavations in Palestine, 1898-1900, pp. 193, 196, f., 208, 227, and 248.
[164] See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, II, 1-15.
[165] See Pumpelly, Excavations in Turkestan, Washington, 1908, p. 384, f.
[166] See Schumacher, Mutesellim, p. 89.
[167] Ward, Seal Cylinders of Western Asia, p. 422, and Nos. 554, 556, 1126, and 1254.
[168] See Dr. John P. Peters’ article “The Cock” in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 363-396.
[169] See Peters and Thiersch, The Painted Tombs of Marissa, London, 1905.
[170] See Sellin, Tell Taanek, 61, f.
[171] Especial mention may be made of the following: Petrie, Tell el-Hesy; Bliss and Macalister, Excavations in Palestine, 1898-1900, Part II; Vincent, Canaan d’après l’exploration récente, Paris, 1907, Chapter V, and Macalister, The Excavation of Gezer, II, 128-231.
[172] A “button” handle is a “ledge” handle made into a round knob.
[173] See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, II, 158.
[174] See Chapter V, p. 115, f., and Figs. 108, 109.
[175] For discussions of the subject, see Bliss and Macalister, Excavations in Palestine, 1898-1900, 106-123; Macalister in the Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, 1905, 243 and 328; also Excavation of Gezer, II, 209, ff., and Vincent, Canaan d’après l’exploration récente, pp. 357-360.
[176] See Sellin, Jericho, p. 156.
[177] For a fuller discussion of children’s toys, see Rice, Orientalisms in Bible Lands, pp. 49-58.
[178] An early Christian writer, born in 315, died in 403 A. D., who was bishop of Salamis in Cyprus.
[179] From this equivalence the reader can easily compute the value which the intermediate measures would have according to this theory. The multiples of the Log which formed the Cab, etc., are given above.
[180] See Père Germer-Durand, “Mesures de capacité des Hebreux au temps de l’évangile” in Conferences de Saint-Étienne, Paris, 1910, pp. 89-105, and Fig. 185.
[181] The Jewish name for an offering to God. (See Mark 7:11.)
[182] “Mana” is both the Babylonian and the Hebrew term. In English it has usually been corrupted to “Mina.”
[183] Some scholars understand MENE to be such a reference.
[184] The weight is now in the library of Haverford College, near Philadelphia.
[185] The words rendered “the price was a pim” are translated in the Authorized Version, “they had a file,” margin, “a file with mouths”; in the Revised Version, “they had a file,” margin, or “when the edges ... were blunt.” The Revisers add, “The Hebrew text is obscure.” The Hebrew word rendered “file” and “blunt” comes from a root that means “to prescribe” or “appoint.” It could easily mean the “established price,” but can mean neither “file” nor “blunt.” Pim means “mouths” and is employed figuratively for “edges,” but neither of those meanings fits the passage. The discovery of these weights has cleared up the whole obscurity. This interpretation was suggested by Pilcher in the Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement, 1914, p. 99.
[186] See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, II, 279.
[187] See Macalister, ibid., pp. 278-293.
[188] See Bliss and Macalister, Excavations in Palestine, 1898-1900, p. 61.
[189] See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, II, 291.
[190] See Breasted, Ancient Records, Egypt, II, §§ 436, 489, 490, 518, and History of Egypt, 2d ed., pp. 277, 307.
[191] See Schrader’s Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, I, 105 (cl. III, 62).
[192] See C. H. W. Johns, Assyrian Deeds and Documents, I, Nos. 38, 39, 40, 41, 44, 45, 46, 50, and 108; cf. also III, 8.
[193] See Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Palestine, London, 1914, p. xciii, ff.
[194] Cf. Luke 21:2.
[195] The temples of Solomon, Zerubbabel, and Herod are treated in Chapter XIII, on Jerusalem.
[196] See Macalister, The Excavation of Gezer, I, 102; II, 378, ff.
[197] See Schumacher, Tell el-Mutesellim, 156, ff.
[198] In Gen. 22:9 Abraham, we are told, built the altar. He did not, therefore, intend to use the rock-altar. The analogy of this altar with the other two is not quite complete. It appears to have no cup-marks on its surface.
[199] See Bliss and Macalister, Excavations in Palestine, 1898-1900, p. 31, ff.
[200] See Macalister, The Excavation of Gezer, I, 51, 105-107; II, 381-404.
[202] See C. H. Toy, Introduction to the History of Religions, Boston, 1913, §§ 250, 257.
[203] Tell Taanek, p. 68, ff.
[205] For descriptions of this high place, see the article by its discoverer, George L. Robinson, in the Biblical World, XVII, 6-16; by S. I. Curtis in the Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, October, 1900, pp. 350-355; Savignac in Révue biblique, 1903, 280-284; Libby and Hoskins, The Jordan Valley and Petra, New York, 1905, II, 172, ff.; Brünnow and Domaszewski, Provincia Arabia, Vol. I, Strassburg, 1904, 239-245; Dalman, Petra, Leipzig, 1908, 56-58.
[206] See the writer’s A Year’s Wandering in Bible Lands, Philadelphia, 1904, pp. 193, 194.
[207] Those interested in them will find them described in Brünnow and Domaszewski’s Provincia Arabia, I, 246, ff., and in Dalman’s Petra, 142, 225, 272, etc.
[208] See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, II, 405, ff.
[209] Schumacher, Tell el-Mutesellim, 110-124.
[210] Schumacher, Tell el-Mutesellim, 105-110.
[211] Ibid., 125-130.
[212] See Harvard Theological Review, II, 102-113; III, 248-263.
[213] See Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XV, viii, 5, and Wars of the Jews, I, xxi, 2.
[214] See especially Fig. 269.
[216] See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, I, 286.
[217] Ibid., p. 122, f.
[218] Palestine Exploration Fund’s Annual, II, 42, ff.
[219] For a Babylonian parallel, see Part II, p. 423, ff.
[220] See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, II, 429, f.
[221] See Biblical World, Vol. XXIV, p. 177.
[222] See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, I, 288, f.
[223] Ibid., 289, ff.
[224] See Bliss and Macalister, Excavations in Palestine, 1898-1900, p. 9, ff.
[225] So called because of a tradition that the members of the Sanhedrin were buried there. The tradition probably arose because the kôkim and shelves make provision for seventy bodies.
[226] See Journal of Biblical Literature, XXII, 1903, p. 164, ff.
[227] See Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XX, ii, 1; iv, 3.
[228] See Peters and Thiersch, Painted Tombs at Marissa, London, 1905.
[229] All who can do so should read George Adam Smith’s Jerusalem from the Earliest Times to A. D. 70, New York, 1908, and Hughes Vincent’s Jerusalem, Paris, 1912. Or, if this is not possible, L. B. Paton’s Jerusalem in Bible Times, Chicago, 1905.
[230] See Dr. Masterman in the Biblical World, Vol. XXXIX, p. 295, f.
[231] See Part II, Chapter XV, Letter V, and the writer’s note in the Biblical World, XXII, p. 11, n. 5.
[232] See Biblical World, XXXIX, 306.
[233] See Part II, Chapter XV.
[234] See Chapter VI, § 8.
[235] Some scholars think the words are a distorted repetition of “in Millo,” which was accidentally repeated by a scribe.
[236] Bliss and Dickie, Excavations at Jerusalem, 1894-1897, passim, and p. 319, ff.
[237] For “Bethso,” see Josephus, Wars of the Jews, V, iv, 2.
[238] See J. E. Hanauer, Walks about Jerusalem, London, 1910, 88, 89.
[239] The writer is well aware that the name Moriah for this part of the hill rests on slender evidence, but he employs it nevertheless as a convenient term, since it is well understood by readers of the Bible.
[240] Warren and Conder, Jerusalem, pp. 148-158.
[242] Wars of the Jews, V, v, 1.
[243] So Stade, Geschichte des Volkes Israels, Berlin, 1889, I, 314, and G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, 60.
[244] In giving the dimensions of the various temples, the writer has followed the calculations of George Adam Smith in his Jerusalem. W. Shaw Caldecott has published four volumes, one on the Tabernacle, one on Solomon’s Temple, one on the Second Temple, and one on Herod’s Temple, in which he claims to have discovered a key that harmonizes all the Biblical statements as to the measurements of these structures. His supposed key is his belief that the Babylonians had three different cubits which they used side by side, that these cubits were known to Moses, and that their use was perpetuated in the temple. Should these pages be read by one who has accepted that claim as true, it is but fair that he be informed that Caldecott’s whole system is based upon a misinterpretation of a Babylonian tablet that was published in Rawlinson’s Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Vol. IV, p. 37. (See Tabernacle, pp. 107-139, and Solomon’s Temple, pp. 215, 216.) This tablet contains a table of time and of distances. The unit of time in Babylonia was a kaskal-gid. An astronomical tablet published thirty years ago in the book most widely used by beginners in Assyrian says that at the equinox “six kaskal-gid was the day, six kaskal-gid the night.” The kaskal-gid was, then, a period of two hours’ duration. Just as in many countries the word for “hour” is used for distance, and a place is said to be so many “hours” away, so in Babylonia and Assyria kaskal-gid was used as a measure of distance. The tablet referred to gives a table of the ways of writing fractions of kaskal-gid and its other divisions in the simplest of the two Babylonian numerical systems. The Assyriologist learns from this tablet that 1 kaskal-gid (the distance of two hours) equalled 30 ush, that 1 ush equalled 60 gar, that 1 gar equalled 12 u or cubits, and that 1 u equalled 60 shu or “fingers.” Caldecott, however, mistook the sign gid for a numeral five, the sign kaskal for a word meaning “ell,” and the word u meaning “cubit” for a sign signifying “plus”! He accordingly makes gar a “palm”; shu, a “three-palm ell”; ush, a “four-palm ell,” and kaskal-gid, a “five-palm ell”! His whole system is without foundation.
Tables similar to the one published by Rawlinson were compiled in the scribal school at Nippur. One was published without translation by Hilprecht in 1906 in the Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania, Vol. XX, and interpreted by the present writer in 1909 in The Haverford Library Collection of Cuneiform Tablets, Part II, pp. 13-18. The writer has examined other similar tablets in the University Museum, Philadelphia.
[245] See Chapter IX, p. 151. According to I Kings 7:48, there was a “golden altar” here also, but as this is not mentioned in chapter 6 many scholars think that it is a post-exilic gloss, introducing a feature from the second temple.
[246] Antiquities of the Jews, VIII, v, 2.
[247] See translation, Part II, p. 377.
[248] See Bliss, Excavations at Jerusalem, pp. 96-109.
[249] See G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, I, 226. For another view, see Paton, Journal of Biblical Literature, XXV, 1-13.
[250] See G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, Chapters X and XI.
[251] See Chapter II, p. 66; also Part II, p. 385, f.
[252] Ezra 5:16 states that Sheshbazzar laid the foundations of the house in the reign of Cyrus, but as Haggai and Zechariah give no hint of this, many scholars think there must be some error in the text.
[253] Antiquities of the Jews, XIII, xiii, 5.
[254] See the Mishnah, Middoth 3:6.
[255] Excavations at Jerusalem, 16, ff.
[256] See Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XI, vii, 1; cf. also G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, 358-361.
[257] See Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XII, i.
[258] See Ecclesiasticus iii-v, vii, ix, xxiii, xxv, ff., and xxviii.
[259] See Eccles. 50:1-4.
[260] Cf. Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XII, v, 1.
[261] See Selah Merrill, Ancient Jerusalem, New York, 1908, pp. 83-88.
[262] See G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, 447-452.
[263] Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XII, v, 1.
[264] Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XIII, vi, 7.
[266] Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XV, xi, 4; XVIII, iv, 3.
[267] Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XX, viii, 11; Wars of the Jews, II, xvi, 3.
[268] Merrill, Ancient Jerusalem, p. 88.
[269] Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XIV, iv, 2, and Fig. 255.
[270] Because its identity as a part of this bridge was first perceived by Prof. Edward Robinson, of Union Seminary, New York.
[271] Josephus, Wars of the Jews, I, vii, 2.
[272] Warren and Conder, Jerusalem, 178, f.
[274] Quoted by Alexander Polyhistor and Eusebius; see G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, 462.
[275] Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XIII, xiii, 5.
[276] Ibid., XIV, ii, 1.
[277] Ibid., XIV, iv, 2.
[278] Ibid., XIV, xiii, 3, 4, 5.
[279] Ibid., XIV, xv, 2; xvi.
[280] Ibid., XV, viii, 5.
[281] Josephus, Wars of the Jews, V, iv, 3.
[282] Ibid., V, iv, 4. (See Fig. 256.)
[283] Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XVII, ix, 3; Wars of the Jews, II, ii, 2; xiv, 8.
[284] Colonel Conder, the late Dr. Merrill, Georg Gatt, Dr. Rückert, and Dr. Mommert.
[285] Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XV, viii, 1.
[286] See Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, 1887, p. 161, ff. Dr. Schick calls it an amphitheater, but it is simply a theater of the Greek type.
[287] Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XV, xi, 2.
[288] Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XX, ix, 7.
[289] Ibid., XV, xi, 3.
[290] Above it was a chamber 30 cubits high.
[291] Josephus, Wars of the Jews, V, v, 6.
[292] See Josephus, Wars of the Jews, V, v, and the Mishna tract Middoth for the authority for this description. For a fuller description, see G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, Chapter XVIII.
[294] That is, the “Pool of Israel.”
[295] Wars of the Jews, V, iv, 2.
[296] The city, restored under the heathen name of Ælia Capitolina by the Emperor Hadrian in 135 A. D., made Christian by Constantine in 325, sacked by the Persian Chosroes in 614, taken by the Arabs in 636, captured after many vicissitudes in 1072 by the Seljuk Turks, made by the First Crusade the seat of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem from 1099 to 1187, when Saladin took it, was once more after many other vicissitudes captured by the Ottoman Turks in 1517.
[297] Historia Naturalis, V, xviii, 74.
[298] Josephus, Wars of the Jews, I, vii, 7.
[300] See Schürer, Geschichte des Jüdischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi, Leipzig, 1907, II, 172, and note 321.
[301] See Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XII, iv, 5.
[302] See Barton, A Year’s Wandering in Bible Lands, Philadelphia, 1904, p. 176.
[303] See Neubauer, Géographie du Talmud, Paris, 1868, 238-240.
[304] Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XII, viii, 4.
[305] Brünnow and Domaszewski, Provincia Arabia, III, 107-144, and Fig. 267.
[306] See Polybius, V, 71.
[307] Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XIII, xiii, 3.
[308] Schürer, Geschichte des Jüdischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi, 4th ed., II, 1907, p. 175.
[309] Neubauer, Géographie du Talmud, 274.
[310] See Merrill, East of the Jordan, New York, 1883, 184, ff. and 442, f.; also Schumacher, Across the Jordan, London, 1886, p. 272, f.
[311] Merrill, ibid., 298, and G. A. Smith, Historical Geography of the Holy Land, map.
[312] So Brünnow and Domaszewski, Provincia Arabia, III, 264.
[313] Josephus, Wars of the Jews, I, iv, 8.
[314] See Merrill, East of the Jordan, 281-284; Schumacher in Zeitschrift des deutschen Palästina-Vereins, XXV, 1912, 111-177; Brünnow and Domaszewski, Provincia Arabia, II, 234-139; Barton, A Year’s Wandering in Bible Lands, 158, f.
[315] See Polybius, V, 71.
[316] See 2 Sam. 12:27 and Barton in the Journal of Biblical Literature, XXVII, 147-152.
[317] See Josephus, Wars of the Jews, I, xix, 5.
[318] See Merrill, East of the Jordan, 399, ff.; Schumacher, Across the Jordan, 308; Brünnow and Domaszewski, Provincia Arabia, II, 216-220, and Barton, A Year’s Wandering in Bible Lands, 155, f.
[319] Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and Roman Citizen, New York, 1896, 243, ff.
[320] See Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, II, Oxford, 1896, 618-699.
[321] See American Journal of Archæology, 2d series, II, 133, f.; III, 204, f.; IV, 306, f.; VI, 306, f, 439, f.; X, 17, f., and XIV, 19, f.
[322] See Benjamin Powell in American Journal of Archæology, 2d series, VII, 60, f., and Fig. 275.
[323] See Ramsay’s article “Ephesus” in Hastings’ Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. II, p. 721, f., for further details.
[324] Book II, 1. 868.
[325] See Hogarth’s Ionia and the East, Oxford, 1909, p. 45, f.
[326] See De Neocoria, p. 38.
[327] See Ramsay in Hastings’ Dictionary of the Bible, III, 750.
[328] Wood, Discoveries at Ephesus, London, 1877. See Fig. 279.
[329] Hogarth, Excavations at Ephesus, London, 1908.
[330] See Couze (and others), Ausgrabungen zu Pergamos, Berlin, 1880, and Thrämer, Pergamos, Leipzig, 1888; also F. E. Clark, The Holy Land of Asia Minor, New York, 1914, p. 67, f.
[331] See Bousset, Die Offenbarung des Johannes, Göttingen, 1896, p. 245, ff.; Ramsay, The Letters to the Seven Churches, New York, 1905, 283, ff., and Moffat in The Expositor’s Greek Testament, Vol. V, New York, 1910, p. 355, f.
[332] See Ramsay, The Church and the Roman Empire, New York, 1893, p. 252, f.
[333] Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XII, iii, 1.
[334] See Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches, p. 325, ff.
[335] See Butler in American Journal of Archæology, 2d series, Vol. XVIII, 1914, p. 428.
[336] Book, I, 7.
[337] See Herbig’s article, “Etruscan Religion,” in Hastings’ Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. V, New York, 1912, p. 532, ff.
[338] American Journal of Archæology, Vol. XVII, 1912, p. 474.
[339] Barton, A Year’s Wandering in Bible Lands, 76-79.
[340] See American Journal of Archæology, Vols. XIV-XVIII, and Fig. 285.
[341] Ibid., XV, 452.
[342] Ibid., XV, 457.
[343] Ibid., XVI, 475, ff., and Fig. 286.
[344] See “Altar (Christian)” in Hastings’ Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. I, p. 338, f.
[345] Ecclesiastical History, X, 4.
[346] See Barton, A Year’s Wandering in Bible Lands, p. 71.
[347] See Chapter XIV, p. 217, f.
[348] Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches, 407, ff.
[349] Ibid., 410, ff.
[350] See Curtius, Philadelphia, Berlin, 1873, and Barton, A Year’s Wandering in Bible Lands, 79, ff.
[351] Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches, 25, 1.
[352] See Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches, 257 and 274, ff.
[353] See Barton, A Year’s Wandering in Bible Lands, p. 82.
[354] See Ramsay, The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, Oxford, 1895, p. 32, f.
[355] See Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches, 424, ff.
[356] See F. E. Clark, The Holy Land of Asia Minor, New York, 1914, p. 145, f.
[357] Other translations of this epic have been made. The most important are as follows: Zimmern, in Gunkel’s Schöpfung und Chaos, pp. 401, ff.; Delitzsch, Das Babylonische Weltschöpfungsepos (Abhandlungen der sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Bd. XVII, 1896); Muss-Arnolt, in Assyrian and Babylonian Literature, Aldine ed., edited by R. F. Harper; Jensen in Schrader’s Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, Bd. VI; L. W. King, The Seven Tablets of Creation; Dhorme, Choix de textes religieux assyrobabyloniens; Ungnad, in Gressman’s Altorientalische Texte und Bilder zum Alten Testament; Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament. A fragment of this tablet is shown in Fig. 290.
[358] That is, Sea and Abyss, mentioned in lines 3 and 4. Apsu was the waters underneath the dry land and Tiâmat the salt sea.
[359] I. e., the spirits of earth.
[360] Another name for Tiâmat.
[361] Marduk’s temple in Babylonia.
[362] I. e., the captive gods of line 27.
[363] The name which the Babylonians gave themselves.
[364] Translated from Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum, Part XIII, p. 35, ff.
[365] Translated from Rawlinson’s Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, IV, 2d. ed., pl. 32, lines 28-38.
[366] See Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology, Vol. XXVI, pp. 51-56.
[367] Miscellaneous Inscriptions in the Yale Babylonian Collection, New Haven, 1916, Nos. 46-51.
[368] Translated from Recueil de Traveaux. XX, 127, ff.; Winckler and Abel’s Thontafelnfund von El-Amarna, No. 240, Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, VI, p. xvii, f., and Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology, XVI, 294, f.
[369] The lines 14a, etc., are supplied from a parallel tablet.
[370] Translated from Poebel, Historical and Grammatical Texts, Philadelphia, 1914, No. 2. From the beginning of each column 16 to 18 lines are broken away.
[371] The sun-god.
[372] Perhaps “palm-tree-fertilizer” instead of hunter. It is not the usual ideogram for hunter, but one element stands for “hand” and the other for “female flower of the date palm.” (See Barton, The Origin and Development of Babylonian Writing, Nos. 311(12) and 303(6).)
[373] Seven lines are broken away from the end of the column.
[374] The subject-matter shows that several columns are entirely broken away. Dr. Poebel estimates that Column IV was originally Column X. If this is true, six columns are entirely lost. Of Column IV, only a few lines out of the middle remain.
[375] A number of lines are lost at the end of the column.
[376] Numbers 3, 4, and 5.
[377] Poebel reads the name Arpi, apparently because in another fragmentary tablet he thinks the name is Arbum, but both Poebel’s copy and the photograph of the tablet indicate that the reading was A-ri-pi. The writer has endeavored to settle the matter by collating both tablets, but both have unfortunately crumbled too much to make collation decisive.
[378] Sumerian words which begin with a vowel, when they are taken over into Hebrew, assume a guttural at the beginning. Thus the Sumerian AŠ-TAN, “one,” which became in Semitic Babylonian ištin, comes into Hebrew as ‘eštê with an Ayin at the beginning. (See Jer. 1:3 and elsewhere.) Ayin in Semitic phonetics frequently changes to Heth. (See Brockelmann’s Vergleichende Grammatik der Semitischen Sprachen, I, § 55, b, α.) In accordance with these facts AN-KU came into Hebrew as Ḫenok.
[379] He is mentioned in Zimmern’s Ritualtafeln für den Wahrsager, Leipzig, 1901, No. 24:1, ff., as the discoverer of the art of forecasting events by pouring oil on water.
[380] Poebel has shown, Historical Texts, 114, that EN-ME designates a hero or special kind of priest. Mutu in Semitic means both “man” and “a kind of priest”; cf. Muss-Arnolt, Assyrisch-Englisch-Deutsches Handwörterbuch, 619, 620, and Knudtzon, El-Amarna Tafeln, No. 55, 43. Mutu was a popular element in Semitic proper names about 2000 B. C., but later ceased to be employed.
[381] The sign kam Poebel failed to recognize. It is No. 364א of Barton’s Origin and Development of Babylonian Writing. It is sometimes employed in early texts instead of other signs which had the values ka or kam. Here it is used for sign No. 357 of the work referred to.
[382] Langdon makes the suggestion (Sumerian Epic of Paradise, the Flood, and the Fall of Man, Philadelphia, 1915, p. 56, note 7) that Lamech is the Sumerian LUMḪA, an epithet of the Babylonian god Ea as the patron of music. A more plausible theory would be that Lamech is a corruption of a king’s name, as suggested above, and after it was corrupted it was confused with the name of the Sumerian god LAMGA, the constructive god, whose emblem was the sign for carpenter. (See Barton, work cited, No. 503.)
[383] See Meissner, Seltene assyrische Ideogramme, No. 1139.
[384] See Barton, work cited, No. 275(5). IN is the Sumerian verb preformative.
[385] See Delitzsch, Sumerisches Glossar, p. 262, f.
[386] See Barton, work cited, No. 229(18).
[387] Jared might, of course, be a corruption of Irad (see p. 270). It could have arisen by the wearing away of the Hebrew letter Ayin.
[388] See his Unity of the Book of Genesis, New York, 1895, Chapter II.
[389] See Rawlinson’s Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, II, 59, rev. 9, and Zimmern’s Babylonischer Gott Tamūz, p. 13.
[390] Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology, XV, 243-246.
[391] Expository Times, X, 253.
[393] Historical Texts, p. 42.
[394] Rawlinson’s Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, V, 44, 17b. The Semitic name of this king is also said to have been Tabu-utul-bel. He is the one whose fortunes correspond so closely to those of Job. (See Chapter XX.)
[395] See Meissner, Seltene assyrische Ideogramme, No. 6945.
[396] Translated from Haupt’s Das Babylonische Nimrodepos, p. 134, f.
[397] The sun.
[398] The spirits of heaven.
[399] Or two accounts of the same event.
[400] Translated from A. Poebel’s Historical and Grammatical Texts in the University of Pennsylvania’s “University Museum’s publications of the Babylonian Section,” Vol. V, Philadelphia, 1914, No. 1.
[401] Often called Bel.
[403] A term by which the Semites of Babylonia designated themselves. The Sumerians shaved their heads.
[404] See Part II, Chapter VI, line 21, ff.
[405] I. e., the sun.
[407] Translated from Langdon, The Sumerian Epic of Paradise, the Flood, and the Fall of Man, Philadelphia, 1915, Plates I and II. Langdon, as his title shows, regards the text as a description of Paradise, the flood, and the fall of man,—a view that the present writer cannot share. Dilmun is the name of the Babylonian Paradise, but the signs rendered Dilmun are not the ones employed to express that name. For the rest the text seems to describe the coming of rains, the beginnings of irrigation and agriculture, and the revelation of the medicinal qualities of certain plants. See The Nation, New York, November 18, 1915, pp. 597, ff. (For the tablet, see Fig. 294.)
[408] Apparently another name of Ninshar.
[409] In Sumerian the goddess Nintulla.
[410] In Sumerian the goddess Ninkasi.