[1] Siedelung und Agrarwesen der Westgermanen und Ostgermanen, der Kelten, Römer, Finnen und Slawen, von August Meitzen, Berlin, 1895.
[2] Inquisitio Comitatus Cantabrigiae, ed. N. E. Hamilton. When, as sometimes happens, the figures in this record differ from those given in Domesday Book, the latter seem to be in general the more correct, for the arithmetic is better. Also it seems plain that the compilers of Domesday had, even for districts comprised in the Inquisitio, other materials besides those that the Inquisitio contains. For example, that document says nothing of some of the royal manors. [Since this note was written, Mr Round, Feudal England, pp. 10 ff. has published the same result after an elaborate investigation.]
[3] This is printed in D. B. vol. iv. and given by Hamilton at the end of his Inq. Com. Cantab. As to the manner in which it was compiled see Round, Feudal England, 133 ff.
[4] The Exon Domesday is printed in D. B. vol. iv.
[5] Round, Domesday Studies, i. 91: ‘I am tempted to believe that these geld rolls in the form in which we now have them were compiled at Winchester after the close of Easter 1084, by the body which was the germ of the future Exchequer.’
[6] Printed by Ellis, Introduction to Domesday, i. 184.
[7] Round, Feudal England, 147.
[8] Earle, Two Chronicles, 130–1.
[9] Ibid. 132–3.
[10] Ibid. 137.
[11] Ibid. 141.
[12] Ibid. 142.
[13] Ibid. 151.
[14] Ibid. 160–1.
[15] Ibid. 167.
[16] There is a valuable paper on this subject, A Short Account of Danegeld [by P. C. Webb published in 1756.]
[17] D. B. iv. 26, 489.
[18] In 1194 the tax for Richard’s ransom seems, at least in Wiltshire, to have been distributed in the main according to the assessment that prevailed in 1084; Rolls of the King’s Court (Pipe Roll Soc.) i. Introduction, p. xxiv.
[19] The statement in Æthelred, II. 7 (Schmid, p. 209) as to a payment of £22,000 is in a general way corroborative of the chronicler’s large figures.
[20] The figures will be given more accurately on a later page.
[21] Cheshire pays no geld to the king. This loss is compensated by a sum which is sometimes exacted from Northumberland.
[22] D. B. ii. 109 b: ‘Hundret de Grenehou 14 letis.’ Ib. 212 b: ‘Hundret et Dim. de Clakelosa de 10 leitis.’ Round, Feudal England, 101.
[23] Some of them are mentioned by Ellis, Introduction, i. 34–9.
[24] D. B. i. 184 b: ‘Haec terra non geldat nec consuetudinem dat nec in aliquo hundredo iacet’; i. 157 ‘Haec terra nunquam geldavit nec alicui hundredo pertinet nec pertinuit’; i. 357 b ‘Hae duae carucatae non sunt in numero alicuius hundredi neque habent pares in Lincolescyra.’
[25] D. B. i. 207 b: ‘Jacet in Bedefordscira set geldum dat in Huntedonscire’; i. 61 b ‘Jacet et appreciata est in Gratentun quod est in Oxenefordscire et tamen dat scotum in Berchescire’; i. 132 b, the manor of Weston ‘lies in’ Hitchin which is in Hertfordshire, but its wara ‘lies in’ Bedfordshire, i.e. it pays geld, it ‘defends itself’ in the latter county; i. 189 b, the wara of a certain hide ‘lies in’ Hinxton which is in Cambridgeshire, but the land belongs to the manor of Chesterford and therefore is valued in Essex. D. B. i. 178; five hides ‘geld and plead’ in Worcestershire, but pay their farm in Herefordshire.
[26] D. B. i. 157 b: ‘Has [terras in Oxenefordscire] coniunxit terrae suae in Glowecestrescire’; i. 209 b ‘foris misit de hundredo ubi se defendebat T. R. E.’; i. 50 ‘et misit foras comitatum et misit in Wiltesire.’ See also Ellis, i. 36.
[27] See Round, Feudal England, p. 118. Mr Round seems to think that the commissioners made a circuit through the hundreds. I doubt they did more than their successors the justices in eyre were wont to do, that is, they held in the shire-town a moot which was attended by (1) the magnates of the shire who spoke for the shire, (2) a jury from every hundred, (3) a deputation of villani from every township. See the Yorkshire and Lincolnshire Clamores (i. 375) where we may find successive entries beginning with (a) Scyra testatur, (b) Westreding testatur, (c) Testatur wapentac. Strikingly similar entries are found on the eyre rolls. As Sir F. Pollock (Eng. Hist. Rev. xi. 213) remarks, it is misleading to speak of the Domesday ‘survey’; Domesday Inquest would be better.
[28] See Round, Feudal England, p. 44.
[29] Inquis. Com. Cantab. 60.
[30] See the table in Round, Feudal England, p. 50. I had already selected this beautiful specimen before Mr Round’s book appeared. He has given several others that are quite as neat.
[31] Of course we take no account of urban parishes.
[32] Eyton’s laborious studies have made this plain as regards some counties widely removed from each other; still, e.g. in his book on Somerset, he has now and again to note that names which appear in D. B. are obsolete.
[33] Inq. Com. Cant. 60–1.
[34] D. B. i. 31.
[35] D. B. i. 41. We shall return to this matter hereafter.
[36] A good many cases will be found in Essex and Suffolk.
[37] Inq. Com. Cantab. 51, 53.
[38] Ibid. 47.
[39] Ibid. 29.
[40] Maitland, Surnames of English Villages, Archaeological Review, iv. 233.
[41] We do not mean to imply that there were not wide stretches of waste land which were regarded as being ‘extra-villar,’ or common to several vills.
[42] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 547.
[43] This of course would not be true of cases in which the lands of various villages were intermixed in one large tract of common field. As to these ‘discrete vills,’ see Hist. Eng. Law, i. 549.
[44] This name-giving cluster will usually contain the parish church and so will enjoy a certain preeminence. But we are to speak of a time when parish churches were novelties.
[45] See Meitzen, Siedelung und Agrarwesen der Germanen, especially ii. 119 ff.
[46] When the hamlets bear names with such ancient suffixes as -ton, -ham, -by, -worth, -wick, -thorpe, this of course is in favour of their antiquity. On the other hand, if they are known merely by family names such as Styles’s, Nokes’s, Johnson’s or the like, this, though not conclusive evidence of, is compatible with their modernity. Meitzen thinks that in Kent and along the southern shore the German invaders founded but few villages. The map does not convince me that this inference is correct.
[47] When more than five-and-twenty team-lands or thereabouts are ascribed to a single place, we shall generally find reason to believe that what is being described is not a single vill. See above, p. 13.
[48] Inq. Com. Cant. 51 fol. In a few cases our figures will involve a small element of conjecture.
[49] D. B. i. 248. We have tried to avoid vills in which it is certain or probable that some other tenant in chief had an estate.
[50] D. B. i. 88. We have tried to make sure that no tenant in chief save the bishop had land in any of these vills, and this we think fairly certain, except as regards Harptree and Norton. There are now two Harptrees, East and West, and four or more Nortons.
[51] We take the figures from Ellis, Introduction, ii. 417 ff.
[52] Very possibly this figure is too low. There is reason to think that some of the free men and sokemen of these counties get counted twice or thrice over because they hold land under several different lords. On the other hand Ellis (Introduction, ii. 491) would argue that the figure is too high. But the words Alii ibi tenent which occur at the end of numerous entries mean, we believe, not that there are in this vill other unenumerated tillers of the soil, but that the vill is divided between several tenants in chief.
[53] D. B. i. 162 b.
[54] Ellis’s figures are: England 283,242: the three counties 72,883.
[55] We take these figures from Ellis.
[56] Lay Subsidy, 25 Edw. I. (Yorkshire Archaeological Society), pp. xxxi-xxxv. Fractions of a pound are neglected.
[57] Powell, The Rising in East Anglia, 120–3. The great decrease between 1377 and 1381 in the number of persons taxed, we must not try to explain.
[58] See the serviceable maps in Seebohm, Village Community, 86. But they seem to treat Yorkshire unfairly. It has 5·5 per cent. of sokemen.
[59] This is found at the beginning of the Inquisitio Eliensis; D. B. iv. 497; Hamilton, Inquisitio, 97. See Round, Feudal England, 133 ff.
[60] We must not hastily draw the inference that every party of commissioners received the same set of instructions. Perhaps, for example, carucates, not hides, were mentioned in the instructions given to those commissioners who were to visit the carucated counties. Perhaps the non-appearance of servi in Yorkshire and Lincolnshire may be due to no deeper cause.
[61] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 398.
[62] D. B. i. 34, Limenesfeld.
[63] D. B. i. 132 b, Hiz.
[64] D. B. i. 132 b, Waldenei.
[65] D. B. i. 136, Sandone.
[66] Æthelb. 26.
[67] Tacitus, Germ. c. 25: ‘Caeteris servis non in nostrum morem, descriptis per familiam ministeriis, utuntur. Suam quisque sedem, suos penates regit. Frumenti modum dominus aut pecoris aut vestis ut colono iniungit, et servus hactenus paret.’
[68] Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, iii. 202.
[69] See on the one hand Maurer, K. U. i. 410, on the other a learned essay by Jastrow, Zur strafrechtlichen Stellung der Sklaven, in Gierke’s Untersuchungen zur Deutsche Geschichte, vol. i. Maurer holds that the Anglo-Saxon slave is in the main a chattel, that e.g. the master must answer for the delicts of his slave in the same way that the owner answers for damage done by his beasts, and that this liability can be clearly marked off from the duty of the lord of free retainers who is merely bound to produce them in court. Jastrow, on the contrary, thinks that even at a quite early time the Anglo-Saxon slave is treated as a person by criminal law; he has a wergild; he can be fined; his trespasses are never compared to the trespasses of beasts; the lord’s duty, if one of his men is charged with crime, is much the same whether that man be free or bond. Any theory involves an explanation of several passages that are obscure and perhaps corrupt.
[70] Cnut, II. 45–6.
[71] Schmid, Appendix V. (Of Ranks); Pseudoleges Canuti, 60 (Schmid, p. 431).
[72] Leg. Hen. 76 § 7: ‘Differentia tamen weregildi multa est in Cantia villanorum et baronum.’
[73] Leg. Hen. 76 § 2.
[74] Leg. Hen. 76 § 3.
[75] Ibid. 76 § 3.
[76] Ibid. 77; see Hist. Eng. Law, i. 405.
[77] Ibid. 78 § 2. The difficult strublum we leave untouched.
[78] Ibid. 78 § 2 from Cnut, II. 20. On this see Jastrow’s comment, op. cit. p. 80.
[79] Ibid. 70 § 5.
[80] Ibid. 70 § 1; 76 § 4.
[81] Ibid. 69 § 2.
[82] Ibid. 70 § 4: ‘Si liber servum occidat similiter reddat parentibus 40 den. et duas mufflas et unum pullum [al. billum] mutilatum.’ The mufflae are thick gloves. Compare Ancient Laws of Wales, i. 239, 511; the bondman has no galanas (wergild) but if injured he receives a saraad; ‘the saraad of a bondman is twelve pence, six for a coat for him, three for trousers, one for buskins, one for a hook and one for a rope, and if he be a woodman let the hook-penny be for an axe.’ If we read billum instead of pullum the English rule may remind us of the Welsh. His hedger’s gloves and bill-hook are the arms appropriate to the serf, ‘servitutis arma’; cf. Leg. Hen. 78 § 2. As to the man-bót see Liebermann, Leg. Edwardi, p. 71.
[83] In Leg. Hen. 81 § 3 (a passage which seems to show that by his master’s favour even the servus may sometimes sue for a wrong done to him) we have this sum:—villanus : cothsetus : servus :: 30 : 15 : 6.
[84] Ibid. 75 § 4: ‘suum peccatum est et dampnum.’ See also 70 § 10, an exceedingly obscure passage.
[85] Ibid. 59 § 23.
[86] Ibid. 70 § 5; but for this our author has to go back as far as Ine.
[87] Ibid. 59 § 25.
[88] Ibid. 59 § 24; 85 § 4: ‘solus furatur qui cum servo furatur.’
[89] Ibid. 78 § 3; 59 § 25.
[90] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 398, 402.
[91] Hist. Eng. Law, ii. 457.
[92] See the Bath manumissions, Kemble, Saxons, i. 507 ff. Sometimes a pound or a half-pound is paid.
[93] D. B. i. 26.
[94] Chron. Petrob. 163.
[95] D. B. i. 105 b, Devon: ‘Rolf tenet de B[alduino Boslie ... Terra est 8 carucis. In dominio est 1 caruca et dimidia et 7 servi cum 1 caruca.’ D. B. iv. 265: ‘Balduinus habet 1 mansionem quae vocatur Bosleia ... hanc possunt arare 8 carrucae et modo tenet eam Roffus de Balduino. Inde habet R. 1 ferdinum et 1 carrucam et dimidiam in dominio et villani tenent aliam terram et habent ibi 1 carrucam. Ibi habet R. 7 servos.’ In the Exeter record these seven serfs seem to get reckoned as being both servi and villani. So in the account of Rentis, D. B. iv. 204–5, the lord is said to have one quarter of the arable in demesne and two oxen, while the villani are said to have the rest of the arable and one team; but the only villani are 8 coliberti and 4 servi.
[96] See last note.
[97] Ellis, Introduction, ii. 504–6.
[98] See, for example, the following Herefordshire entry, D. B. i. 180 b: ‘In dominio sunt 2 carucae et 4 villani et 8 bordarii et prepositus et bedellus. Inter omnes habent 4 carucas. Ibi 8 inter servos et ancillas et vaccarius et daia.’
[99] Mr Round has drawn attention to the great increase of bordarii: Antiquary (1882) vi. 9. In the second of our two experiments the cases were taken from the royal demesne and the lands of the churches. The surveys of Norfolk and Suffolk profess to enumerate the various classes of peasants T. R. E.; but commonly each entry reports that there has been no change. Without saying that we disbelieve these reports, we nevertheless may say that a verdict which asserts that things have always (semper) been as they now are may easily be the outcome of nescience.
[100] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 53–4.
[101] D. B. i. 38, Coseham: ‘8 burs i. coliberti.’ Ib. 38 b Dene: ‘et coliberti [vel bures interlined
.’][102] D. B. i. 65, Wintreburne.
[103] D. B. i. 75, Bridetone et Bere.
[104] D. B. i. 239 b, Etone.
[105] Guérard, Cartulaire de L’Abbaye de S. Père de Chartres, vol. i. p. xlii.
[106] The position of the coliberti is discussed by Guérard, loc. cit.., and by Lamprecht, Geschichte des Französischen Wirthschaftslebens (in Schmoller’s Forschungen, Bd i.), p. 81. Guérard says, ‘Les coliberts peuvent se placer à peu près indifferemment ou au dernier des hommes libres, ou à la tête des hommes engagés dans les liens de la servitude.’
[107] Schmid, App. III. C. 4.
[108] Rectitudines, c. 3.
[109] Occasionally the coliberti of D. B. are put before us as paying rents in money or in kind. Thus D. B. i. 38, Hants: ‘In Coseham sunt 4 hidae quae pertinent huic manerio ubi T. R. E. erant 8 burs i. coliberti cum 4 carucis reddentes 50 sol. 8 den. minus.’ D. B. i. 179 b, Heref.: ‘Villani dant de consuetudine 13 sol. et 4 den. et [sex coliberti reddunt 3 sextarios frumenti et ordei et 2 oves et dimidiam cum agnis et 2 den. et unum obolum.’ D. B. i. 165: ‘et in Glouucestre 1 burgensis reddens 5 den. et 2 coliberti reddentes 34 den.’ In a charter coming from Bishop Denewulf (K. 1079) we read of three wite-theówmen who were boor-born and three who were theów-born.
[110] Ellis, Introduction, ii. 511–14.
[111] For examples see D. B. iv. 211 and the following pages.
[112] Leg. Hen. 81, § 3: ‘Quidam villani qui sunt eiusmodi leierwitam et blodwitam et huiusmodi minora forisfacta emerunt a dominis suis, vel quomodo meruerunt de suis et in suos, quorum fletgefoth vel overseunessa est 30 den.; cothseti 15 den.; servi 6 den.’
[113] D. B. i. 71, Haseberie: ‘5 villani et 13 coscez et 2 cotarii.’ Ibid. 80 b: Chinestanestone: ‘18 villani et 14 coscez et 4 cotarii.’
[114] Worcester Register, 59 b (Sedgebarrow): four cotmanni, each of whom pays 20d. or works one day a week and two in autumn; two cottarii, each of whom pays 12d. or works one day a week. Ibid. 69 b (Shipston): two cotmanni, each of whom pays 3s. or works like a virgater; two cottarii, each of whom pays 13d. Ibid. 76 a (Cropthorn): two cotmanni, each of whom pays 2s. or works like a cottarius; two cottarii, each of whom pays 18d. or works one day a week.
[115] Vinogradoff, Villainage, 149, gives a few instances of its occurrence; but it seems to be very rare.
[116] D. B. i. 127 b, Fuleham: ‘Ibi 5 villani quisque 1 hidam.’ There are a good many other instances.
[117] D. B. i. 130, Hamntone; ‘et 4 bordarii quisque de dimidia virga.’
[118] D. B. i. 127, Herges: ‘et 2 cotarii de 13 acris.’
[119] D. B. i. 127 b, Fuleham: ‘et 22 cotarii de dimidia hida et 8 cotarii de suis hortis.’
[120] D. B. ii. 75 b: ‘et 5 bordarii super aquam qui non tenent terram.’
[121] D. B. i. 163 b, Turneberie: ‘et 42 villani et 18 radchenistre cum 21 carucis et 23 bordarii et 15 servi et 4 coliberti.’ Ibid. 164, Hechanestede: ‘et 5 villani et 8 bordarii cum 6 carucis; ibi 6 servi.’
[122] D. B. iv. 215–223; on p. 223 there are two villani with one ox.
[123] D. B. i. 164, Tedeneham: ‘Ibi erant 38 villani habentes 38 carucas.’ Ibid. 164 b, Nortune, ‘15 villani cum 15 carucis; Stanwelle, 5 villani cum 5 carucis.’
[124] Malden, Domesday Survey of Surrey (Domesday Studies, ii.) 469, says that in Surrey ‘bordarii and cotarii only occur once together upon the same manor, and very seldom in the same hundred.... There are three hundreds, Godalming, Wallington and Elmbridge, where the cotarii are nearly universal to the exclusion of bordarii. In the others the bordarii are nearly or quite universal, to the exclusion of the cotarii.’
[125] Thorpe, Diplomatarium, 623. King Eadwig declares that a certain church-ward of Exeter is ‘free and fare-worthy.’
[126] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 341 ff.
[127] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 354–8.
[128] Liebermann, Instituta Cnuti, Transact. Roy. Hist. Soc. vii. 93.
[129] Leg. Will. Conq. I. 8: ‘La were del thein 20 lib. in Merchenelahe, 25 lib. in Westsexenelahe. La were del vilain 100 sol. en Merchenelahe e ensement en Westsexene.’ Leg. Henr. 70, § 1: ‘In Westsexa quae caput regni est et legum, twyhindi, i.e. villani, wera est 4 lib.; twelfhindi, i.e. thaini, 25 lib.’ Ibid. 76, § 2: ‘Omnis autem wera liberorum est aut servorum ... liberi alii twyhindi, alii syxhindi, alii twelfhindi’; § 6, twihindus = cyrliscus = villanus. As to the 100 shillings in the first of these passages, see Schmid, p. 676. There is some other evidence that the equation, 1 Norman shilling = 2 English shillings, was occasionally treated as correct enough. As to the six-hynde man, see Schmid, p. 653; we may doubt whether he existed in the eleventh century, but according to the Instituta Cnuti the radchenistres of the west may have been six-hynde. We must not draw from Alfred’s treaty with the Danes (Schmid, p. 107) the inference that the normal ceorl was seated on gafol-land. This international instrument is settling an exceptionally high tariff for the maintenance of the peace. Every man, whatever his rank, is to enjoy the handsome wergild of 8 half-marks of pure gold, except the Danish lysing and the English ceorl who is seated on gafol-land; these are to have but the common wer of 200 shillings. The parallel passage in Æthelred’s treaty (Schmid, p. 207) sets £30 on every free man if he is killed by a man of the other race. See Schmid, p. 676.
[130] Ine, 55: a sheep with a lamb until a fortnight after Easter is worth 1 shilling. Æthelstan, VI. 6: a horse 120 pence, an ox 30 pence, a cow 20, a sheep 1 shilling (5 pence). Ibid. 8, § 5: an ox 30 pence. Schmid, App. I. c. 7: a horse 30 shillings, a mare 20 shillings, an ox 30 pence, a cow 24 pence, a swine 8 pence, a sheep 1 shilling, a goat 2 pence, a man (i.e. a slave) 1 pound. Schmid, App. iii. c. 9: a sheep or 3 pence. D. B. i. 117 b: an ox or 30 pence. D. B. i. 26: Tolls at Lewes; for a man 4 pence, an ox a halfpenny. This preserves the equation that we have already seen, namely, 1 slave = 8 oxen. Thus the full team is worth one pound. On the twelfth century Pipe Rolls the ox often costs 3 shillings (= 36 pence) or even more.
[131] In Leg. Will. Conq. I. 16, we hear of the forisfacturae (probably the ‘insult fines’) due to archbishops, bishops, counts, barons and sokemen; the baron has 10 shillings, the sokeman 40 pence. In the same document, c. 20, § 2, we read of the reliefs of counts, barons, vavassors and villeins. Leg. Edw. Conf. 12, § 4, speaks of the manbót due in the Danelaw; on the death of a villanus or a socheman 12 ores are paid, on the death of a liber homo 3 marks.
[132] D. B. i. 167 b, Heile: ‘ibi erant 12 servi quos Willelmus liberos fecit.’
[133] D. B. i. 263: ‘Si quis liber homo facit opera in die feriato inde episcopus habet 8 solidos. De servo autem vel ancilla feriatum diem infringente, habet episcopus 4 solidos.’ Compare Cnut, II. 45.
[134] D. B. i. 86: ‘Huic manerio reddebatur T. R. E. de Cruche per annum consuetudo, hoc est 6 oves cum agnis totidem, et quisque liber homo i. blomam ferri.’ South Perrott had belonged to the Confessor, Crewkerne to Edith, probably ‘the rich and fair.’ For the description of Cruche see D. B. i. 86 b. As to the ‘bloom’ of iron see Ellis, Introduction, i. 136.
[135] D. B. i. 92. See also p. 87 b, the account of Seveberge.
[136] D. B. ii. 145.
[137] D. B. ii. 1: ‘In hoc manerio erat tunc temporis quidam liber homo de dimidia hida qui modo effectus est unus de villanis.’
[138] Thus D. B. i. 127, Mid.: ‘inter francos et villanos 45 carucae’; Ibid. 70, Wilts: ‘4 villani et 3 bordarii et unus francus cum 2 carucis’; Ibid. 241, Warw.: ‘Ibi sunt 3 francones homines cum 4 villanis et 3 bordariis.’ Sometimes francus may be an equivalent for francigena; e.g. i. 254 b, where in one entry we have unus francigena and in the next unus francus homo. But an Englishman may be francus; ii. 54 b ‘accepit 15 acras de uno franco teigno et misit cum terra sua.’ However, it is not an insignificant fact that the very name of Frenchman (francigena) must have suggested free birth.
[139] For examples see the surveys of Warwick, Stafford and Shropshire.
[140] D. B. ii. 260: ‘et 7 homines qui possent vendere terram suam si eam prius obtulissent domino suo.’
[141] D. B. ii. 278 b: ‘si vellent recedere daret quisque 2 solidos.’ Ibid. 207: ‘et possent recedere si darent 2 solidos.’
[142] D. B. ii. 435: ‘Et super Vlnoht habuit commendationem antecessor R. Malet, teste hundredo, et non potuit vendere nec dare de eo terram suam.’ Ibid. 397: ‘viderunt eum iurare quod non poterat dare [vel] vendere terram suam ab antecessore Ricardi.’
[143] D. B. i. 145: ‘Hoc manerium tenuit Aluuinus homo Estan, non potuit dare nec vendere extra Brichelle manerium Estani.’
[144] D. B. i. 133: ‘Hanc terram tenuit Aluric Blac 2 hidas de Abbate Westmonasterii T. R. E.: non poterat separare ab aecclesia.’
[145] D. B. ii. 216 b: ‘Ita est in monasterio quod nec vendere nec forisfacere potest extra ecclesia.’
[146] For example, D. B. i. 201: ‘terram suam vendere potuerunt, soca vero remansit Abbati.’ D. B. ii. 78: ‘et poterant vendere terram set soca et saca remanebat antecessori Alberici.’ Ibid. ii. 92 b: ‘unus sochemannus fuit in hac terra de 15 acris quas poterat vendere, set soca iacebat in Warleia terra S. Pauli.’
[147] But the consuetudo, rent or the like, may ‘remain’: D. B. ii. 181 b: ‘et possent vendere terram suam set consuetudo remanebat in manerio.’ And so the commendatio may ‘remain’; ii. 357 b: ‘Hi poterant dare et vendere terram, set saca et soca et commendatio remanebant Sancto [Eadmundo.’]
[148] For example, D. B. i. 201: ‘Homines Abbatis de Ely fuerunt et 4 terram suam vendere potuerunt, soca vero remansit Abbati, et quartus 1 virgam et dimidiam habuit et recedere non potuit.’ See the important evidence produced by Round, Feudal England, 24, as to the equivalence of these phrases.
[149] One of the commonest terms is recedere—‘potuit recedere’—‘non potuit recedere’; i. 41, ‘non potuit cum terra recedere ad alium dominum’; i. 56 b, ‘10 liberi homines T. R. E. tenebant 12 hidas et dimidiam de terra eiusdem manerii sed inde recedere non poterant’; ii. 19 b, ‘non poterant recedere a terra sine licentia Abbatis’; ii. 57 b, ‘non poterant recedere ab illo manerio’; ii. 66, ‘non poterant removere ab illo manerio’; ii. 41, ‘non poterant recedere a soca Wisgari’; ii. 41 b, ‘nec poterant abire sine iussu domini’; i. 66 b, ‘qui tenuit T. R. E. non poterat ab aecclesia diverti [separari’; ii. 116, ‘unus [burgensis] erat ita dominicus ut non posset recedere nec homagium facere sine licentia [Stigandi]’; ii. 119, ‘de istis hominibus erant 36 ita dominice Regis Edwardi ut non possent esse homines cuiuslibet sed semper tamen consuetudo regis remanebat preter herigete.’ A remarkable form is, ii. 57 b, ‘non potuit istam terram mittere in aliquo loco nisi in abbatia.’ Then ‘potuit ire quo voluit,’ ‘non potuit ire quolibet’ are common enough.
[150] Ine, c. 39: He who leaves his lord without permission pays sixty shillings to his lord.
[151] For example, D. B. i. 41: ‘Tres taini tenuerunt de episcopo et non potuerunt ire quolibet.’
[152] D. B. i. 35 b, Tornecrosta.
[153] D. B. i. 212 b, Stanford.
[154] D. B. i. 249 b: ‘Tres taini tenuerunt et liberi homines fuerunt’; 256, ‘Ipsi taini liberi erant’; 259 b, ‘Quatuor taini tenuerunt ante eum et liberi fuerunt.’
[155] Chron. Abingd. i. 490: ‘Nam quidam dives, Turkillus nomine, sub Haroldi comitis testimonio et consultu, de se cum sua terra quae Kingestun dicitur, ecclesiae Abbendonensi et abbati Ordrico homagium fecit; licitum quippe libero cuique, illo in tempore, sic agere erat.’
[156] D. B. i. 180 b: ‘et poterant ire cum terra quo volebant, et habebant sub se 4 milites, ita liberos ut ipsi erant.’
[157] D. B. ii. 59.
[158] D. B. i. 172: ‘si ita liber homo est ut habeat socam suam et sacam et cum terra sua possit ire quo voluerit.’
[159] D. B. i. 84 b.
[160] D. B. ii. 213: ‘Hanc terram calumpniatur esse liberam Vlchitel homo Hermeri, quocunque modo iudicetur, vel bello vel iudicio, et alius est praesto probare eo modo quod iacuit ad ecclesiam [S. Adeldredae die quo rex Edwardus obiit. Set totus hundretus testatur eam fuisse T. R. E. ad S. Adeldredam.’
[161] See in particular the survey of Gloucestershire; D. B. i. 165 b: ‘Hoc manerium quietum est a geldo et ab omni forensi servitio praeter aecclesiae’; Ibid. ‘Haec terra libera fuit et quieta ab omni geldo et regali servitio’; 170, ‘Una hida et dimidia libera a geldo.’ When after reading these passages we come upon the following (167 b), ‘Isdem W. tenet Tatinton: Ulgar tenuit de rege Edwardo: haec terra libera est,’ and when we observe that the land is not hidated, we shall probably infer that ‘This land is free’ means ‘This land is exempt from geld, and (perhaps) from all other royal service.’
[162] Dialogus, i. c. 11; ii. c. 14.
[163] Dialogus, i. c. 10.
[164] Will. Conq. I. 30, 31: ‘Si les seignurages ne facent altri gainurs venir a lour terre, la justise le facet.’ The Latin version is ridiculous: ‘Si domini terrarum non procurent idoneos cultores ad terras suas colendas, iustitiarii hoc faciant.’ The translator seems to have been puzzled by the word altri or autrui.
[165] Ibid. 29.
[166] Schmid, App. v.; vii., 2, §§ 9–11; Pseudoleges Canuti, 60–1 (Schmid, p. 431).
[167] D. B. iv. 497.
[168] D. B. i. 44 b: ‘Istam terram calumpniatur Willelmus de Chernet, dicens pertinere ad manerium de Cerneford feudum Hugonis de Port per hereditatem sui antecessoris et de hoc suum testimonium adduxit de melioribus et antiquis hominibus totius comitatus et hundredi; et Picot contraduxit suum testimonium de villanis et vili plebe et de prepositis, qui volunt defendere per sacramentum vel dei iudicium, quod ille qui tenuit terram liber homo fuit et potuit ire cum terra sua quo voluit. Sed testes Willelmi nolunt accipere legem nisi regis Edwardi usque dum diffiniatur per regem.’ It seems possible that William’s witnesses wished to insist on the ancient rule that the oath of one thegn would countervail the oaths of six ceorls. This was the old English law (lex Edwardi) on which they relied.
[169] D. B. ii. 393: ‘et 5 villani de eodem manerio testantur ei et offerunt legem qualem quis iudicaverit; set dimidium hundret de Gepeswiz testantur quod hoc iacebat ad ecclesiam T. R. E. et Wisgarus tenebat et offert derationari.’
[170] Schmid, App. vi.; Leg. Hen. 61 § 2: ‘thaini iusiurandum contravalet iusiurandum sex villanorum.’
[171] Leg. Hen. 29, § 1.
[172] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 344.
[173] Dialogus, i. c. 11.
[174] D. B. i. 67 b: ‘De terra villanorum dedit abbatissa uni militi 3 hidas et dimidiam.’ Ibid. 89: ‘tenet Johannes de episcopo 2 hidas de terra villanorum.’ Ibid. i. 169: ‘unus francigena tenet terram unius villani.’ Ibid. 164: ‘In Sauerna 11 piscariae in dominio et 42 piscariae villanorum.’ Ibid. 230: ‘Silva dominica 1 leu. long. et dim. leu. lat. Silva villanorum 4 quarent. long. et 3 quarent. lat.’ Ibid. 7 b: ‘5 molini villanorum.’ We have not seen dominicum used as a substantive; but in the Exon. D. B. iv. 75 we have dominicatus Regis, for the king’s demesne. There is already a slight ambiguity about the term dominium. We may say that a church has a manor in dominio, meaning thereby that the manor as a whole is held by the church itself and is not held of it by any tenant; and then we may go on to say that only one half of the land comprised in this manor is held by the church in dominio. Cf. Hist. Eng. Law, ii. 126.
[175] For example, D. B. i. 159: ‘Nunc in dominio 3 carucae et 6 servi, et 26 villani cum 3 bordariis et 15 liberi homines habent 30 carucas.’ Ibid. 165: ‘In dominio 2 carucae et 9 villani et 6 bordarii et presbyter et unus rachenistre cum 10 carucis.’ Ibid. 258 b: ‘et 3 villani et 2 bordarii et 2 francigenae cum 2 carucis.’ But such entries are common enough.
[176] Round, Domesday Studies, i. 97.
[177] D. B. i. 28: ‘Ipse Willelmus de Braiose tenet Wasingetune.... De hac terra tenet Gislebertus dim. hidam, Radulfus 1 hidam, Willelmus 3 virgas, Leuuinus dim. hidam qui potuit recedere cum terra sua et dedit geldum domino suo et dominus suus nichil dedit.’
[178] D. B. i. 163, 163 b.
[179] D. B. i. 121: ‘Omnes superius descriptas terras tenebant T. R. E. S. Petrocus; huius sancti terrae nunquam reddiderunt geldum nisi ipsi aecclesiae.’ D. B. iv. 187: ‘Terrae S. Petrochi nunquam reddiderunt gildum nisi sancto.’
[180] D. B. ii. 372: ‘Et quando in hundreto solvitur ad geldum 1 libra tunc inde exeunt 60 denarii ad victum monachorum.’
[181] Cnut, II. 79: ‘And se þe land gewerod hæbbe be scire gewitnisse....’ The A.-S. werian is just the Latin defendere.
[182] Heming, Cartulary, i. 278; Round, Domesday Studies, i. 89. Compare the story in D. B. i. 216 b: Osbern or Osbert the fisherman claims certain land as having belonged to his ‘antecessor’; ‘sed postquam rex Willelmus in Angliam venit, ille gablum de hac terra dare noluit et Radulfus Taillgebosc gablum dedit et pro forisfacto ipsam terram sumpsit et cuidam suo militi tribuit.’
[183] D. B. iv. 245, Cruca.
[184] See above p. 54, note 175.
[185] D. B. i. 163: ‘Ibi erant villani 21 et 9 rachenistres habentes 26 carucas et 5 coliberti et unus bordarius cum 5 carucis. Hi rachenistres arabant et herciabant ad curiam domini.’ Ibid. ‘Ibi 19 liberi homines rachenistres habentes 48 carucas cum suis hominibus.’ Ibid. 166: ‘De terra huius manerii tenebant radchenistres, id est liberi homines, T. R. E., qui tamen omnes ad opus domini arabant et herciabant et falcabant et metebant.’
[186] D. B. i. 186, Ewias.
[187] D. B. i. 180.
[188] D. B. i. 179 b.
[189] D. B. i. 179 b.
[190] D. B. i. 174 b.
[191] D. B. i. 246 b. So the burgesses of Steyning (i. 17) ‘ad curiam operabantur sicut villani T. R. E.’
[192] D. B. i. 219.
[193] D. B. i. 174 b: ‘Ipsi radmans secabant una die in anno et omne servitium quod eis iubebatur faciebant.’ The position of these tenants will be discussed hereafter in connexion with St. Oswald’s charters.
[194] D. B. i. 16 b: ‘De herbagio, unus porcus de unoquoque villano qui habet septem porcos.’ In the margin stands ‘Similiter per totum Sussex.’
[195] D. B. i. 12 b: ‘Ibi tantum silvae unde exeunt de pasnagio 40 porci aut 54 denarii et unus obolus.’ Ibid. 191 b: ‘De presentacione piscium 12 solidi et 9 denarii.’ Ibid. 117 b: ‘aut unum bovem aut 30 denarios.’
[197] D. B. i. 12 b.
[198] D. B. i. 11 b, Hamestede.
[199] D. B. i. 117 b, Colun.
[200] D. B. i. 127, Stibenhede.
[201] D. B. i. 179 b, Lene.
[202] D. B. i. 12 b, Norborne.
[203] D. B. i. 127 b: ‘Wellesdone tenent canonici S. Pauli.... Hoc manerium tenent villani ad firmam canonicorum. In dominio nil habetur.’
[205] This matter will be discussed when we deal with St. Oswald’s charters.
[206] Schmid, p. 263 (note). This document is Dr Liebermann’s Instituta Cnuti (Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc. vii. 77).
[207] Schmid, App. II. 57–9.
[208] For the rest, the word túnesman appears in Edgar IV. 8, 13, in connexion with provisions against the theft of cattle.
[209] D. B. i. 259, 259 b.
[210] Leg. Will. I. 29.
[211] D. B. ii. 360 b: ‘Hanc terram habet Abbas in vadimonio pro duabus marcis auri concessu Engelrici quando redimebant Anglici terras suas.’ Sometimes the Englishman gets back his land as a bedesman: i. 218, ‘Hanc terram tenuit pater huius hominis et vendere poterit T. R. E. Hanc rex Willelmus in elemosina eidem concessit’; i. 211, ‘Hanc terram tenuit Avigi et potuit dare cui voluit T. R. E. Hanc ei postea rex Willelmus concessit et per breve R. Tallebosc commendavit ut eum servaret’; i. 218 b, a similar case.
[212] Dialogus, i. c. 10; Bracton, f. 7. On both passages see Vinogradoff, Villainage, p. 121.