[438] D. B. i. 280 b.
[439] In several passages in D. B. the word seems to be manerius.
[440] D. B. ii. 96 b: ‘Huic manerio iacebant 3 liberi homines, unus tenuit dim. hidam et potuit abire sine licentia domini ipsius mansionis.’
[441] D. B. i. 149, Wicombe.
[442] D. B. ii. 38 b, Hersam.
[443] D. B. i. 174 b, Poiwic.
[444] D. B. i. 268, Gretford.
[445] D. B. ii. 350 b.
[446] D. B. ii. 263: ‘sed fuerunt in aula S. Edmundi.’
[447] D. B. i. 337 b.
[448] D. B. ii. 408 b: ‘cum soca et saca super dominium hallae tantum.’
[449] D. B. i. 45, Wicheham, Werste.
[450] D. B. i. 20, Waliland.
[451] D. B. i. 11 b, Acres.
[452] D. B. i. 26 b, Eldretune.
[453] D. B. i. 27, Percinges.
[454] D. B. i. 284 b, Ættune.
[455] D. B. ii. 29 b, 30 b.
[456] D. B. i. 307 b, Burghedurum; 308, Ternusc.
[457] D. B. i. 63: ‘Ipse quoque transportavit hallam et alias domos et pecuniam in alio manerio.’
[458] D. B. i. 338 b: ‘Ad huius manerii aulam pertinent Catenai et Usun 4 car. terrae ad geldum. Terra ad 8 carucas. Ibi in dominio 2 carucae et 20 villani et 15 sochemanni et 10 bordarii habentes 9 carucas. Ibi 360 acre prati. Ad eundem manerium iacet hec soca:—In Linberge 4 car. terrae etc.’
[459] Throughout Yorkshire the phrase is common, ‘Totum manerium x. leu. long. et y. leu. lat.’
[460] D. B. i. 128.
[461] D. B. i. 128 b.
[462] D. B. i. 127.
[463] D. B. i. 128 b.
[464] D. B. i. 180.
[465] Compare the cases in Seebohm, Village Community, 267.
[466] D. B. i. 163.
[467] If we mistake not, the Osleuuorde of the record is Ashleworth, which, though some miles to the north of Gloucester, either still is, or but lately was, a detached piece of the Berkeley hundred.
[468] D. B. i. 163.
[469] D. B. i. 163 b: ‘Hanc terram dedit regina Rogerio de Buslei et geldabat pro 4 hidis in Tedechesberie.’
[470] D. B. i. 87 b; iv. 161.
[471] Eyton, Somerset, ii. 34.
[472] D. B. i. 101 b; iv. 107.
[473] D. B. i. 41.
[474] D. B. i. 230.
[475] D. B. i. 338–9.
[476] D. B. i. 220, Tingdene.
[477] D. B. ii. 15 b, 17 b.
[478] D. B. ii. 385 b.
[479] The form bereuita is exceedingly common, but must, we think, be due to a mistake; c has been read as t.
[480] D. B. i. 38 b, Edlinges. Some of the ‘wicks’ seem to have been dairy farms. D. B. i. 58 b: ‘et wika de 10 pensis caseorum.’ On the Glastonbury estates we find persons called wikarii, each of whom has a wika. Glastonbury Rentalia, 39: ‘Thomas de Wika tenet 5 acras et 50 oves matrices et 12 vaccas ... Philippus de Wika tenet unum ferlingum et 50 oves matrices et 12 vaccas.’ Ibid. 44: ‘A. B. tenet unum ferlingum et 50 oves matrices et 12 vaccas pro 1 sol. pro wika.’ Ibid. 48: ‘Ricardus de Wika tenet 5 acras et 50 oves matrices et 12 vaccas. Alanus de Wika eodem modo.’ Ibid. p. 51
[481] D. B. i. 350: ‘In Osgotebi et Tauelebi 2 bo[vatae] inland et 1 bo[vata] soca huius manerii.’ D. B. i. 338 b: ‘Hiboldeston est bereuuita non soca et in Grangeham sunt 2 car[ucatae] inland et in Springetorp dim. car[ucata] est inland. Reliqua omnis est soca.’
[482] When therefore, as is often the case, we find that the occupants of ‘the soke’ are not sokemen but villeins, this seems to point to a recent depression of the peasantry.
[483] D. B. ii. 330 b: ‘In illo manerio ... sunt 35 liberi homines.... Tunc valuerunt liberi homines 4 libras. Manerium cum liberis hominibus valet modo 24 libras.’
[484] D. B. ii. 358 b: ‘Hoc manerium exceptis liberis tunc valuit 30 solidos.’
[485] D. B. ii. 289 b.
[486] D. B. ii. 285 b.
[487] D. B. iv. 397; i. 93 b, Ichetoca.
[488] D. B. iv. 411; i. 94 b, Tocheswilla.
[489] D. B. iv. 398; i. 93 b, Pilloc.
[490] D. B. iv. 341; i. 96, Sordemanneford.
[491] D. B. iv. 355; i. 116 b, Labera.
[492] D. B. iv. 367; i. 112 b, Oplomia.
[493] D. B. iv. 338; i. 95 b, Aisseforda.
[494] D. B. iv. 395; i. 93, Terra Colgrini.
[495] D. B. iv. 394; i. 93, Rima.
[496] D. B. iv. 338; i. 95 b, Aisseforda.
[497] As the term manerium is often represented by the mere letter M or m, we will refer to some cases in which it is written in full. D. B. ii. 295 b: ‘40 acras pro uno manerio’; Ibid. 311 b: ‘In eadem villa est 1 liber homo de 40 acris et tenet pro manerio.’
[498] The question whether the acreage stated in the Suffolk survey is real or rateable can not be briefly debated. We hope to return to it.
[499] D. B. ii. 322 b, 323.
[500] D. B. ii. 323.
[501] D. B. ii. 288.
[502] D. B. ii. 309.
[503] D. B. ii. 297 b.
[504] D. B. ii. 377.
[505] D. B. ii. 333.
[506] D. B. ii. 423.
[507] D. B. ii. 316: ‘In Aldeburc tenuit Uluricus sochemannus Edrici T. R. E. 80 acras pro manerio.’ Ibid. 353: ‘Nordberiam tenuit Eduinus presbyter sochemannus Abbatis 30 acras pro manerio.’
[508] We have taken our examples of small manors from the east and the south-west because Little Domesday and the Exeter Domesday give details which are not to be had elsewhere. But instances may be found in many other parts of England. Thus in Sussex, i. 24, two free men held as two manors land rated at a hide and sufficient for one team; it is now tilled by four villeins. In the Isle of Wight, D. B. i. 39 b, five free men held as five manors land sufficient for two teams; it is now tilled by four villeins. In Gloucestershire, D. B. i. 170, is a manor worth ten shillings with two serfs upon it; also a manor rated at one virgate. In Derbyshire, D. B. i. 274 b, land sufficient for four teams and rated as four carucates had formed eight manors. In Nottinghamshire, D. B. i. 285 b, land sufficient for a team and a half and valued at ten shillings had formed five manors for five thegns, each of whom had his hall.
[509] D. B. ii. 380: ‘In Thistledona tenet 1 liber homo Ulmarus commendatus S. Eldrede 60 acras pro manerio et 5 liberi homines sub se.’
[510] D. B. i. 127 b: ‘Wellesdone tenent canonici S. Pauli.... Hoc manerium tenent villani ad firmam canonicorum. In dominio nil habetur.’
[511] D. B. i. 235 b: Billesdone, ‘In dominio nil fuit nec est.’ Ibid. 166 b, Glouc.: ‘Isdem Willelmus [de Ow] tenet Alvredestone. Bondi tenuit T. R. E. Ibi 3 hidae geldantes. Nil ibi est in dominio, sed 5 villani et 3 bordarii habent 3 carucas.’... ‘Isdem Willelmus tenet Odelavestone. Brictri filius Algari tenuit. Ibi nil in dominio nisi 5 villani cum 5 carucis.’ D. B. iv. 396: ‘Rogerius habet 1 mansionem quae vocatur P...et reddit gildum pro dimidia virgata; hanc potest arare 1 carruca. Hanc tenet Anschetillus de Rogerio. Ibi habet Anschetillus 4 bordarios qui tenent totam illam terram et habent ibi 1 carrucam et 1 agrum prati, et reddit 10 solidos.’
[512] D. B. ii. 31.
[513] D. B. ii. 59 b.
[514] I leave this sentence as it stood before Mr Round had published in his Feudal England the results of his brilliant researches. Of the ‘five hide unit’ I already knew a good deal; of the ‘six carucate unit’ I knew nothing.
[515] Round, Domesday Studies, i. 109.
[516] D. B. i. 35: ‘In Driteham tenet Ricardus [filius Gisleberti] 1 hidam et dimidiam. Ælmar tenuit de Rege E. pro uno manerio.... In eadem Driteham est 1 hida et dimidia quam tenuit Aluric de Rege E. pro uno manerio, et postea dedit illam terram uxori suae et filiae ad aecclesiam de Certesy, sicuti homines de hundredo testantur. Ricardus [filius Gisleberti] calumniatur. Non iacet ulli manerio, nec pro manerio tenet, set liberata fuit ei et modo 3 hidae geldant pro una hida et dimidia.’ To say of the second of these two plots that it neither is a manor nor yet belongs to a manor, is to say that it is shirking the geld. D. B. i. 48: ‘Walerannus tenet Dene.... Ista tera non adiacet ulli suo manerio.’ Here suo = Waleranni. Waleran seems to be holding land without good title.
[517] D. B. i. 163 b, Clifort. D. B. i. 58 b: ‘In Winteham tenet Hubertus de Abbate 5 hidas, de terra villanorum fuerunt 4, et geldaverunt cum hidis manerii.’
[518] The word wara means defence; it comes from a root which has given us, wary, warrant, warn, guarantee, weir, etc. See Vinogradoff, Villainage, 243.
[519] D. B. i. 212.
[520] D. B. i. 340, 366, 368. Is not the last part of the word A.-S. notu, (business, office)?
[521] D. B. i. 132 b: ‘Hoc manerium tenuit Heraldus Comes et iacuit et iacet in Hiz [Hitchin, Herts] sed wara hujus manerii iacuit in Bedefordscire T. R. E. in hundredo de Maneheue.’ D. B. i. 190, ‘Haec terra est bereuuicha in Neuport [Essex] set wara ejus iacet in Grantebrige.’ When in the survey of Oxfordshire, i. 160, it is said, ‘Ibi 1 hida de warland in dominio,’ the taxed land is contrasted with the inland, which in this county has gone untaxed.
[522] D. B. i. 28.
[523] See the cases of the monks of Bury and the canons of S. Petroc, above, p. 55.
[524] D. B. i. 4 b: ‘De terra huius manerii ten[uit] unus homo archiepiscopi dimid. solin et cum his 6 solins geldabat T. R. E. quamvis non pertineret manerio nisi de scoto quia libera terra erat.’ The scotum in this context seems to be or to include the geld. Compare D. B. i. 61 b: ‘Haec terra iacet et appreciata est in Gratentun quod est in Oxenefordscire et tamen dat scotum in Berchescire.’ D. B. ii. 11: ‘In Colecestra habet episcopus 14 domos et 4 acras non reddentes consuetudinem praeter scotum nisi episcopo.’
[526] Hamilton, Inquisitio, 60.
[527] Above, p. 110.
[528] D. B. i. 35 b.
[529] Northumbrian Priests’ Law, 58, 59, (Schmid, p. 369.)
[530] An Act of 1869 (32–3 Vic. c. 41) allowed the owners of certain small houses to agree to pay the rates which under the ordinary law would become due from the occupiers, and authorized the vestries to allow such owners a commission of 25 per cent. See also the instructive recital in 59 Geo. III. c. 12, sec. 19:—The small occupiers are evading the poors’ rate, and the owners exact higher rents than they would otherwise get, on the ground that the occupiers can not be effectually assessed.
[532] E.g. D. B. ii. 389 b, ‘Clarum tenuit Aluricus pro manerio 24 car. terrae T. R. E. Tunc 40 villani.... Tunc 12 carucae in dominio.... Tunc 36 carucae hominum.... Huic manerio semper adiacent 5 sochemani cum omni consuetudine 1 car. terrae et dim. Semper 1 caruca et dimidia.’
[533] E.g. D. B. ii. 339: ‘In eadem villa 14 liberi homines commendati, Godricus faber et Edricus et Ulnotus et Osulfus et Uluricus et Stanmarus et Leuietus et Wihtricus et Blachemanus et Mansuna et Leuinus et Ulmarus et Ulfah et alter Ulfah et Leofstanus de 40 acris et habent 2 carucas et valent 10 solidos.’
[534] Above, p. 115.
[535] Rolls of the King’s Court, Ric. I. (Pipe Roll. Soc.), p. xxiv. But apparently there had been considerable rearrangements in some of the counties.
[536] Hoveden, iv. 46. The important words are these: ‘Statutum etiam fuit quod quilibet baro cum vicecomite faceret districtiones super homines suos; et si per defectum baronum districtiones factae non fuissent, caperetur de dominico baronum quod super homines suos restaret reddendum, et ipsi barones ad homines suos inde caperent.’ The baron’s homines we take to be freeholders; he would be absolutely liable for the tax cast upon his villeinage. As to the tax of 1198 see Eng. Hist. Rev. iii. 501, 701; iv. 105, 108.
[537] In Dial. de Scac. ii. 14, the author tells us that until recently if a baron who owed money to the crown was insolvent, the goods of his knights could be seized. The idea of subsidiary liability is not too subtle for the time.
[538] Above, p. 108.
[539] D. B. ii. 9: ‘set Comes Eustachius 1 ex illis [hidis] tenet que non est de suis c. [100] mansionibus.’
[540] D. B. ii. 233 b.
[541] D. B. ii. 242 b.
[542] D. B. ii. 258.
[543] D. B. ii. 258.
[544] D. B. ii. 447.
[545] D. B. i. 45 b.
[546] Two objections to our theory may be met by a note. (1) Some manors are free of geld, and therefore to make our definition correct we ought to say that a manor is a tenement which either pays its geld at a single place or which would do so were it not freed from the tax by some special privilege. A manerium does not cease to be a manerium by being freed from geld. (2) In later days we may well find a manor holden of another manor, so that a plot of land may be within two manors. If this usage of the term can be traced back into Domesday Book as a common phenomenon, then our doctrine is in great jeopardy. But we have noticed no passage which clearly and unambiguously says that a tract of land was at one and the same time both a manerium and also a part of another manerium. To this we must add that of the distribution of maneria T. R. E. we only obtain casual and very imperfect tidings. If T. R. W. a free man has been ‘added to’ a manerium, the commissioners have no deep interest in the inquiry whether T. R. E. his tenement was itself an independent manerium. A great simplification has been effected and the number of maneria has been largely reduced.
[547] D. B. ii. 174: ‘Hec villa fuit in duobus maneriis T. R. E.’ Ibid. i. 164: ‘De his 2 villis fecit Comes W. unum manerium.’
[548] Inquisitio, 77–9.
[549] This result comes out correctly if 1 H=4V=120A. For the state of this vill T. R. W. see Round, Feudal England, 40.
[550] His plot at Orwell is said to belong to Harlton. Then at Harlton we find an Achil with sokemen under him, and though in D. B. he is described as a king’s thegn, this is not incompatible with his being the man of Harold for some of his lands. At Barrington Achillus Danaus homo Haroldi has a holding of 40 acres.
[551] Inquisitio, 86.
[552] Ibid. 68.
[553] Ibid. 43, 44, 45, 73, 76.
[554] D. B. i. 195.
[555] D. B. i. 139: ‘De consuetudine 1 averam inveniebat cum Rex in scyra veniebat, si non 5 den. reddebat.’ D. B. i. 190, ‘[Sochemanni in Fuleberne] reddunt per annum 8 libras arsas et pensatas et unoquoque anno 12 equos et 12 inguardos si Rex in vicecomitatu veniret, si non veniret 12 sol. et 8 den.; T. R. E. non reddebant vicecomiti nisi averas et inguardos vel 12 sol. et 8 den. et superplus invasit Picot [vicecomes] super Regem.’
[556] Wratworth has completely disappeared from the modern map; its territory seems to be included in that of the present Orwell. See Rot. Hund. ii. 559 and Lysons, Magna Britannia, ii. 243. A small hamlet called Malton seems to represent it. Whitwell also is no longer the name of a village, while the modern Coton is not mentioned in D. B. There is now a Whitwell Farm near the village of Coton, but in the parish of Barton. The modern Coton does not seem to be the ancient Whitwell, for on Subsidy Rolls we may find Whitwell annexed to Barton and Coton to Grantchester.
[557] The figures in our first column represent the division of the vill among the Norman lords. H. V. A. stand for Hides, Virgates, Acres. By C. and B. we signify the Carucae and Boves for which ‘there was land.’
[558] There is some small error in this case.
[559] A small conjectural emendation.
[560] The Inq. Com. Cant. says 6 hides.
[561] An error of one hide in the particulars. The two records do not fully agree.
[562] A small emendation justified by Inq. Eliensis (Hamilton, p. 110).
[563] Ælfgar died before King Edward; Freeman, Norman Conquest, ed. 3, iii. 469, places his death in or about 1062.
[564] The history of the earldoms during Edward’s reign is exceedingly obscure. See Freeman’s elaborate note: Ibid., 555. In particular Cambridgeshire seems to have lain now in one and now in another earldom. Thus it comes about that Cambridgeshire sokemen are commended some to Ælfgar, some to Waltheof, some to Harold, some to Gyrth. Ælfgar, for example, had at one time been earl in East Anglia. Men who had commended themselves to an earl would, unless they ‘withdrew themselves,’ still be his men though he had ceased to be earl of their county.
[565] See above, p. 105. Observe how frequently our record speaks of ‘sochemanni homines Algari’ and the like. These sokemen are Ælfgar’s men; but are not properly his sokemen.
[566] Inq. Com. Cant. 110. This is from the Inquisitio Eliensis. Compare p. 83.
[567] Inq. Com. Cant. 77–8.
[568] Rot. Hund. ii. 558.
[569] One instance may suffice. In Sawston (Rot. Hund. ii. 575–80) are three manors, A, B, C; A has a sub-manor. One Thomas Dovenel holds in villeinage of the lord of A; in villeinage of the lord of B; in freehold of the lord of B; in freehold of a tenant of the lord of B; in freehold of a tenant of a tenant of the lord of B.
[570] Rot. Hund. ii. 580.
[571] On four out of the five manors the rent is 2s. 3d.; on the fifth 3s. 0d.
[572] Inq. Com. Cant. 41.
[573] D. B. i. 137 b.
[574] D. B. i. 141 b.
[575] Inq. Com. Cant., pp. 108–110. As names of the Abbot of Ely’s sokemen in Meldreth and neighbouring villages we have Grimmus, Alsi Cild, Wenesi, Alsi, Leofwinus, Ædricus, Godwinus, Almarus, Aluricus frater Goduuini, Ædriz, Alsi Berd, Alricus Godingessune, Wenestan, Alwin Blondus, Alfuuinus, Aluredus, Alricus Brunesune, Alware, Hunuð, Hunwinus, Brizstanus. This does not point to a preponderance of Norse or Danish blood.
[576] Owing to the wasted condition of Yorkshire, the information that we obtain of the T. R. E. is meagre and perfunctory. But what seems characteristic of this county is a holding of two or three ploughlands which we might fairly call an embryo manor.
[577] See the early extents in Cart. Rams. iii. Thus (242) at Hemingford: ‘R. V. tenet tres virgatas et dimidiam et sequitur hundredum et comitatum.... R. H. tenet duas virgatas et sequitur hundredum et comitatum.’ Elsworth (249): ‘R. filius T. duas virgatas. Pro altera sequitur comitatum et hundredum; pro altera solvit quinque solidos.’ Brancaster (261): ‘Cnutus avus Petri tenebat terram suam libere in tempore Regis Henrici et sequebatur comitatum et hundredum, et fuit quietus ab omni servitio.’ See also Vinogradoff, Villainage, 411 ff.
[578] Some thirty years ago the whole political world of England was agitated by controversy about ‘the compound householder.’ Was he to have a vote? The historian of the nineteenth century will not treat the compound householders as forming one homogeneous class of men whose general status could be marked off from that of other classes. Nor, it is to be hoped, will etymological guesses lead him to believe that the compound householder held a compound house. He will say that a landlord ‘compounded for’ the rates of the aforesaid householder. Mutatis mutandis may not the villein have been the compound householder of the eleventh century?
[579] D. B. ii. 204: ‘3 liberi homines ... semper arant cum 3 bobus.’
[580] D. B. ii. 184 b.
[581] D. B. ii. 192 b.
[582] D. B. i. 211.
[583] D. B. i. 218 b. Compare the ‘dimidius porcus’ of ii. 287.
[584] D. B. i. 213 b: ‘Hanc terram tenuerunt homines villae communiter et vendere potuerunt.’
[585] D. B. i. 210, 212 b, 213 b.
[586] D. B. i. 214: ‘In Meldone Johannes de Roches occupavit iniuste 25 acras super homines qui villam tenent.’ This is a vague phrase.
[587] e.g. D. B. i. 112 b: ‘Colsuen homo Episcopi Constantiensis aufert ab hoc manerio communem pasturam quae ibi adiacebat T. R. E. et etiam T. R. W. quinque annis.’
[588] D. B. ii. 339 b.
[589] D. B. i. 140 b.
[590] D. B. i. 75: ‘tercia vero pars vel tercia quercus erat Comitis Eduini.’
[591] D. B. ii. 404 b: ‘et in tercio anno quarta pars mol[endini].’
[592] D. B. ii. 291 b.
[593] D. B. ii. 24 b.
[594] D. B. ii. 438.
[595] D. B. i. 83: ‘sex taini in paragio,’ ‘quatuor taini in paragio.’ Ibid. 83 b: ‘novem taini in paragio.’ Ibid. 168 b: ‘quinque fratres tenuerunt pro 5 maneriis et poterant ire quo volebant et pares erant.’
[596] D. B. i. 96 b: ‘dim. hida quam tenebat T. R. E. unus tainus in paragio.’ Ibid. 40: ‘Brictric tenuit de episcopo in paragio.’
[597] But it was possible for several men to be holding in parage and yet for each of them to have a separate manerium. This seems to imply that their holdings were physically separate and that each holding was separately liable for geld, though as regards other matters, e.g. military service, the division was ignored.
[598] D. B. i. 291.
[599] D. B. i. 145 b.
[600] D. B. i. 341.
[601] D. B. i. 354.
[602] D. B. i. 375 b: ‘Siuuate et Alnod et Fenchel et Aschil equaliter et pariliter diviserunt inter se terram patris sui T. R. E. et ita tenuerunt ut si opus fuit expeditione Regis et Siuuate potuit ire, alii fratres iuverunt eum. Post istum, ivit alter et Siuuate cum reliquis iuvit eum; et sic de omnibus. Siuuate tamen fuit homo Regis.’
[603] D. B. i. 206: ‘sex sochemanni id est Aluuoldus et 5 fratres eius habuerunt 4 hid. et dim. ad geldum.’
[604] D. B. i. 233: ‘Hanc terram tenuerunt 2 fratres pro 2 maneriis, et postea emit alter ab altero partem suam et fecit unum manerium de duobus T. R. E.’
[605] D. B. i. 127 b: ‘Hoc manerium tenent villani ad firmam canonicorum.’
[606] D. B. i. 162 b.
[607] D. B. i. 69.
[608] D. B. ii. 118 b Yarmouth: ‘De gersuma has 4 libras dant burgenses gratis et amicitia.’
[609] Thus D. B. iv. 568: ‘Due ville reddunt 30 sol. de cornagio.’ Ib. 570: ‘Queryngdonshire reddit 76 sol. de cornagio.’
[610] Black Book of Peterborough, passim.
[611] Hist. Engl. Law, i. 550.
[612] Edgar IV. 8. 9.
[613] Ibid. 6.
[614] Leg. Edw. Conf. 24.
[615] Leg. Edw. Conf. 15. Compare Leg. Henr. 91; Leg. Will. Conq. I. 22; Leg. Will. Conq. III.. 3.
[616] Leg. Henr. 7 § 7.
[617] It is possible that the entry (i. 204) which tells how the sokemen of Broughton enjoyed the smaller wites points to a free village court; but we have put another interpretation upon this; see above, p. 99.
[618] D. B. i. 91: ‘Ecclesia Romana beati Petri Apostoli tenet de Rege Peritone.’ Ib. 157: ‘Ecclesia Sancti Dyonisii Parisii tenet de Rege Teigtone. Rex Edwardus ei dedit.’ Ib. 20 b: ‘Abbas de Grestain tenet de Comite 2 hidas in Bedingham.’
[619] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 220.
[620] D. B. i. 218 b: ‘Rex vero Willelmus sibi postea in elemosina concessit, unde pro anima Regis et Regine omni ebdomada 2 feria missam persolvit.’ D. B. ii. 133: ‘et cantat unaquaque ebdomada tres missas.’
[621] D. B. i. 3: ‘reddit unum militem in servitio Archiepiscopi.’ Ib. 10 b: ‘servitium unius militis.’ Ib. 32: ‘servitium unius militis.’ Ib. 151 b: ‘inveniebat 2 loricatos in custodiam de Windesores.’
[622] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 268.
[623] But D. B. i. 218 b gives us ‘tenet in ministerio Regis.’
[624] D. B. i. 4 b: ‘De terra huius manerii tenet Godefridus in feuo dimid. solin.’ Ib. 36 b: ‘Humfridus Camerarius tenet de feuo Reginae Cumbe.’ Ib. 336 b: ‘Ipsam [domum] clamat Normannus Crassus de feuo Regis.’
[625] D. B. i. 129 b: ‘Postea Willelmus Camerarius tenuit de Regina in feudo pro 3 lib. per annum de firma, et post mortem Reginae eodem modo tenuit de Rege.’
[626] But, as in general a farmer would have no heritable rights, holding in fee may be contrasted with holding in farm. D. B. i. 230 b: ‘Has terras habet Goduinus de Rege ad firmam, Dislea vero tenet de Rege in feudo.’ So again it may be contrasted with the husband’s rights in his wife’s marriage portion. D. B. i. 214 b: ‘De ista terra tenet Pirotus 3 hidas de maritagio suae feminae et unam hidam et terciam partem unius hidae tenet in feudum de Nigello.’
[627] D. B. i. 158: Robert de Ouilly holds forty-two houses in Oxford, some meadow-land and a mill ‘cum beneficio S. Petri,’ i.e. together with the benefice of S. Peter’s church. Elsewhere, i. 273, we read that King William gave a manor to the monks of Burton ‘pro beneficio suo’; but the meaning of this is by no means clear.
[628] D. B. i. 44 b: ‘Duo liberi homines tenuerunt de Alwino sed non fuit alod.’ The same phrase occurs on f. 46.
[629] D. B. i. 22: ‘Aluuard et Algar tenuerunt de Rege pro 2 maneriis in alodia ... Ælueua tenuit de Rege Edwardo sicut alodium.’ Ib. 26: ‘Godwinus Comes tenuit et de eo 7 aloarii.’
[630] D. B. i. 60 b: ‘Duo alodiarii tenuerunt T. R. E. ... unus servivit Reginae, alter Bundino.’
[631] D. B. i. 1: ‘Quando moritur alodiarius, Rex inde habet relevationem terrae.’
[632] D. B. i. 52 b: ‘Has hidas tenuerunt 7 alodiarii de Episcopo nec poterant recedere alio vel ab illo.’
[633] D. B. i. 63 b: ‘Ibi sunt 5 alodiarii.’
[634] See charter of John for St Augustin’s, Canterbury, Rot. Cart. p. 105: ‘omnes allodiarios quos eis habemus datos.’ This phrase seems to descend through a series of charters from two charters of the Conqueror in which the ‘swa fele þegna swa ic heom togeleton habbe’ of the one appears in the other as ‘omnes allodiarios.’ If so, we get from the Conqueror’s own chancery the equation þegn=alodiarius. Hist. Mon. S. August. 349–50.
[635] D. B. i. 23: in two successive entries we have ‘Offa tenuit de Episcopo in feudo.... Almar tenuit de Goduino Comite in alodium.’ So again, i. 59: ‘Blacheman tenuit de Heraldo Comite in alodio.... Blacheman tenuit in feudo T. R. E.’ The suggestion has been made that alodium represents book-land; see Pollock, Land Laws, ed. 3. p. 27; Eng. Hist. Rev. xi. 227; but we gravely doubt whether the humbler alodiarii had books. The author of the Quadripartitus renders bócland by terra hereditaria, terra testimentalis, terra libera, and even by feudum (Edg. II. 2); alodium occurs in the Instituta Cnuti. After this we can hardly say for certain that D. B. does not use alodium and feodum as equivalents, both representing a heritable estate, as absolute an ownership of land as is conceivable.
[636] Hist. Eng. Law, i. 46.
[637] D. B. i. 197.
[638] D. B. i. 238 b: ‘Reliquas autem 7 hidas et dimidiam tenuit [sic] Britnodus et Aluui T. R. E., sed comitatus nescit de quo tenuerint.’
[639] D. B. i. 23: ‘Offa tenuit de episcopo in feudo.’ Ib. i. 59 b: ‘Blacheman tenuit in feudo T. R. E.’
[640] D. B. i. 28 b: ‘Bricmar tenuit de Azor et Azor de Heraldo ... Terra est 2 carucis. In dominio est una et 2 villani et 2 bordarii cum dimidia caruca.’
[641] D. B. i. 75 b: ‘De eadem terra ten[ent] 3 taini 3 hidas et reddunt 3 libras excepto servicio.’ Ib. 86 b: ‘Huic manerio est addita dimidia hida. Tres taini tenebant T. R. E. et serviebant preposito manerii per consuetudinem absque omni firma donante.’
[642] D. B. i. 1: ‘Quando moritur alodiarius, Rex inde habet relevationem terrae.’
[643] D. B. i. 179: ‘Burgensis cum caballo serviens, cum moriebatur, habebat Rex equum et arma eius. De eo qui equum non habebat, si moreretur, habebat Rex aut 10 solidos aut terram eius cum domibus.’
[644] D. B. i. 50 b: ‘Alric tenet dimidiam hidam. Hanc tenuit pater eius de Rege E. Sed hic Regem non requisivit post mortem Godric sui avunculi qui eam custodiebat.’
[645] D. B. i. 238 b: ‘Huic aecclesiae dedit Aluuinus vicecomes Cliptone concessu Regis Edwardi et filiorum suorum pro anima sua.’ Ib. 59: ‘De hoc manerio scira attestatur, quod Edricus qui eum tenebat deliberavit illum filio suo qui erat in Abendone monachus ut ad firmam illud teneret et sibi donec viveret necessaria vitae donaret; post mortem vero eius manerium haberet. Et ideo nesciunt homines de scira quod abbatiae pertineat, neque enim inde viderunt brevem Regis vel sigillum. Abbas vero testatur quod in T. R. E. misit ille manerium ad aecclesiam unde erat et inde habet brevem et sigillum R. E.’
[646] D. B. i. 154: ‘Quando Rex ibat in expeditione, burgenses 20 ibant cum eo pro omnibus aliis, vel 20 libras dabant Regi ut omnes essent liberi.’
[647] D. B. i. 230: ‘Quando Rex ibat in exercitu per terram, de ipso burgo 12 burgenses ibant cum eo.’
[648] D. B. i. 238: ‘Consuetudo Waruuic fuit, ut eunte rege per terram in expeditionem, decem burgenses de Waruuic pro omnibus aliis irent.’
[649] D. B. i. 57 b.
[650] D. B. i. 64 b: ‘Quando Rex ibat in expeditione vel terra vel mari, habebat de hoc burgo aut 20 solidos ad pascendos suos buzecarlos, aut unum hominem ducebat secum pro honore 5 hidarum.’
[651] D. B. i. 100: ‘Quando expeditio ibat per terram aut per mare serviebat haec civitas quantum 5 hidae terrae.’
[652] Above, p. 156, note 650.
[653] Schmid, App. VII. c. 2. § 9–12; App. V; Pseudoleges Canuti (i.e. Instituta Cnuti) 60, 61 (Schmid, p. 431).
[654] Of this we shall speak in another Essay.
[655] D. B. i. 375 b; above, p. 145.
[656] D. B. i. 87 b: ‘Istae consuetudines pertinent ad Tantone ... profectio in exercitum cum hominibus episcopi.... Hae duae terrae non debent exercitum.’
[657] See above, p. 85, note 326.
[658] D. B. i. 172: ‘Quando Rex in hostem pergit, si quis edictum eius vocatus remanserit, si ita liber homo est ut habeat socam suam et sacam et cum terra sua possit ire quo voluerit, de omni terra sua est in misericordia Regis. Cuiuscumque vero alterius domini homo si de hoste remanserit et dominus eius pro eo alium hominem duxerit, 40 sol. domino suo qui vocatus fuit emendabit. Quod si ex toto nullus pro eo abierit, ipse quidem domino suo 40 sol. dabit, dominus autem eius totidem solidis Regi emendabit.’
[659] See above, p. 77, note 294.
[660] See Round, Feudal England, 249.
[661] D. B. i. 208: ‘Testantur homines de comitatu quod Rex Edwardus dedit Suineshefet Siuuardo Comiti soccam et sacam, et sic habuit Haroldus comes, praeter quod geldabant in hundredo et in hostem cum eis ibant.’ It is here noted that though Harold had sake and soke over Swineshead, it paid its geld and did its military duty in the hundred. Our record would hardly mention such a point unless very often the exaction of geld and military service was one of the rights and duties of the lord who had sake and soke.
[662] In the next chapter we shall speak of the bishop’s land-loans.
[663] See the capitularies of 807 and 808 (ed. Boretius, pp. 134, 137). Also, Fustel de Coulanges, Les transformations de la royauté, 515 ff. It may well be doubted whether the five-hide rule had not been borrowed by English kings from their Frankish neighbours. Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. 208 ff.
[664] D. B. i. 152 b: ‘duo teigni homines Alrici filii Goding.’ Ib. ‘Hoc manerium tenuit Azor filius Toti teignus Regis Edwardi et alter teignus homo eius tenuit unam hidam et vendere potuit.’
[665] D. B. i. 84 b: at the end of a list of royal thegns ‘Omnes qui has terras T. R. E. tenebant, poterant ire ad quem dominum volebant.’
[666] D. B. i. 41: ‘Tres taini tenuerunt de episcopo et non potuerunt ire quolibet.’