Proverbs of Alfred, 91–4.
búte if he béo | in bóke iléred.
ibid. 65–6.

Eleventh Century, End:

þat he nám be wíhte | and mid mýcelan únrìhte.
Chron. an. 1087.

Eleventh Century, First Half:

súme hi man bénde, | súme hi man blénde.
Chron. an. 1037.
ne wearð dreṓrlìcre dǣ́d | gedṓn on þisan éarde.
ibid.

Eleventh Century, Beginning:

se of ǽðelre wǽs | vírginis pártū
clǣ́ne acénned, | Chrístus in órbem.
Oratio Poetica, ed. Lumby.
hwæt! ic ā́na sǽt | ínnan béarwe,
mid hélme beþéaht, | hólte tō-míddes,
þǣr þā wǽterbúrnan | swḗgdon and úrnon,
on míddan gehǽge, | éal swā ic sécge.
Be Dōmes Dæge.
þæt Sámson se stránge | swā ofslḗan míhte
ā́n þūsend mánna | mid þæs ássan cínbā́ne.
Ælfric, Judges, 282–3.

Tenth Century, End:

ǣ́fre embe stúnde | he séalde sume wúnde,
þā hwī́le þe hē wǣ́pna | wéaldan mṓste.
Byrhtnoth, 271–2.

Ninth Century:

wýrmum bewúnden, | wítum gebúnden,
héarde gehǣ́fted | in hélle brýne. Judith, 115–16.

Eighth Century:

hā́m and hḗahsètle | héofena rī́ces. Genesis, 33.
wúldre biwúnden | in þǣre wlítigan býrig.
háfað ūs ālȳ́fed | lū̀cis áuctor
þæt wē mṓtun hḗr | méruḗrī[122]
gṓddǣdum begíetan | gáudia in cǣ́lō. Phoenix, 666–9.
onfḗngon fúlwihte | and fréoðowǣ́re
wúldres wédde | wī́tum āspḗdde. Andreas, 1632–3.
þǣr wæs bórda gebréc | and béorna geþréc
héard hándgeswìng | and hérga gríng,
sýððan hēo éarhfære | ǣ́rest mḗtton. Elene, 114–16.
búgon Þā tō bénce | blǣ́d-ā́gènde
fýlle gefǣ́gon. | fǽgene geþǣ́gon
médofull mánig | mā́gas þā́ra. Beowulf, 1013–15.

Seventh Century:

nu scýlun hérgan | héfænrīcæs uárd,
métudæs mǽcti | end his mṓdgidanc. Cædmon’s Hymn

§ 75. The evidence contained in this chapter, with regard to the continuous survival, in its essential rhythmical features, of the Old English native verse down to modern times, may be briefly summed up as follows:—

1. In the oldest remains of English poetry (Beowulf, Elene, Andreas, Judith, Phoenix, &c.) we already find lines with combined alliteration and rhyme intermixed with, and rhythmically equivalent to, the purely alliterative lines, exactly as we do in late Old English and early Middle English poems such as Byrhtnoth, Be Dōmes Dæge, Oratio Poetica, Chronicle an. 1036, Proverbs of Alfred, and Layamon’s Brut.

2. In some of these poems, viz. the Phoenix and the Oratio Poetica, Latin two-beat hemistichs are combined with English hemistichs of similar rhythm to form regular long lines, just as is done in Bale’s play of Kinge Johan (sixteenth century).

3. The lines of this play agree in the general principle, and frequently in the details of their rhythmical structure, with alliterative-rhyming long lines which occur in lyric and epic poems of the same period, and which two contemporary metrists, Gascoigne and King James VI, recognized (independently of each other) as lines of four accents.

4. The rhythm of these sixteenth-century lines is indistinguishable from that of a four-accent metre which is popular in English and German poetry down to the present day.

These facts appear to leave no room for doubt that the Germanic metre has had a continuous history in English poetry from the earliest times down to the present, and that the long line, in Old and Middle English as in Modern English, had four accents (two in each hemistich). The proof acquires additional force from the fact, established by recent investigations, that the most important of the metrical types of the Old English hemistich are found again in Middle and Modern English poetry.


PART II. FOREIGN METRES

DIVISION I. The Foreign Metres in General
CHAPTER V. INTRODUCTION

§ 76. It was not till about 150 years after the Norman Conquest that foreign metres were introduced in English literature under the influence of French and Low Latin versification. For these, too, the general law observed in all accentual poetry holds good, viz. that the word-accent and the syntactical accent must coincide with the rhythmical accent. This rule, however, was easier to observe in the old native four-beat alliterative metre, in which the proportion and order of accented and unaccented syllables admit of many variations, than in metres consisting of equal measures, which follow stricter rules in that respect. In the older native verse accordingly we seldom find deviations from this fundamental rule, whereas in the newer foreign metres they are more frequent and striking.

The ordinary native alliterative metre was founded, as we have seen, on the principle that four accented syllables had to occur in each long line, together with an undefined number of unaccented ones, the position and order of those different syllables admitting many variations. The new metres constructed on foreign models during the Middle English period differ from the earlier rhythmic forms by the regularity of the alternation of unaccented and accented syllables and by the uniformity of their feet or measures; they are accordingly styled even-measured or even-beat verses.

Four different kinds are to be distinguished, viz. ascending and descending disyllabic measures, and ascending and descending trisyllabic measures, commonly called iambic, trochaic, anapaestic, and dactylic measures. In Middle English poetry, however, only iambic rhythms were used. The three other kinds of rhythms did not come in till the beginning of the Modern English period.

With regard to the development of various even-measured rhythms from these four different kinds of feet, it will suffice to consider the iambic and trochaic metres only, as these are the most important, and the formation of the anapaestic and the dactylic metres is to be explained in the same way.

§ 77. According to the number of feet we may classify the different kinds of line—retaining the classical nomenclature—as dimeters, trimeters, tetrameters, &c.; (one meter always consisting of two iambic or trochaic, or anapaestic feet), so that, for instance, an iambic tetrameter contains eight iambic feet. Lines or rhythmical sections consisting of complete feet, i.e. of an equal number of accented and unaccented syllables, are called acatalectic or complete lines (dimeters, trimeters, &c.). If, however, the last foot of a line or of a rhythmical section be characterized by the omission of the last syllable, i.e. by a pause, the line is called catalectic or incomplete. The following examples will serve to illustrate the meaning of these terms:

Acatalectic iambic tetrameter:

Y spéke óf Ihésu, Márie sóne, | of álle Kínges hé is flóur,
Þat súffred déþ for ál man-kín, | he ís our álder créatóur.
Seynt Katerine, i. ll. 89–92.[123]
Come lísten tó my móurnful tále, | ye ténder héarts and lovers déar;
Nor wíll you scórn to héave a sígh, | nor wíll you blúsh to shéd a téar.
Shenstone, Jenny Dawson.

Catalectic iambic tetrameter:

Ne sólde nó man dón a fírst | ne sléuhþen wél to dónne;
For mány man behóteð wél, | þet hít forȝét wel sóne.
Moral Ode, ll. 36–7.
They cáught their spéares, their hórses rán, | as thóugh there hád been thúnder,
And strúck them éach amídst their shíelds, | wherewíth they bróke in súnder.
Sir Lancelot du Lake, ll. 65–8.[124]

Acatalectic trochaic tetrameter (not represented in Middle English):

Wérther hád a lóve for Chárlotte, | súch as wórds could néver útter;
Wóuld you knów how fírst he mét her? | shé was cútting bréad and bútter.
Thackeray, Sorrows of Werther, ll. 1, 2.

Catalectic trochaic tetrameter:

Áh! what pléasant vísions háunt me, | ás I gáze upón the séa:
Áll the óld romántic légends, | áll my dréams come báck to mé!
Longfellow, Secret of the Sea, ll. 1, 2.

A line in which the whole last foot is supplied by a pause is called brachycatalectic.

Brachycatalectic iambic tetrameter:

The Brítons thús depárted hénce, | seven Kíngdoms hére begóne,
Where díverselý in dívers bróils | the Sáxons lóst and wón.
Warner, Albion’s England.[125]

Brachycatalectic trochaic tetrameter:

Hásten, Lórd, to réscue mé | and sét me sáue from tróuble;
Sháme thou thóse who séek my sóul, | rewárd their míschief dóuble.
Translation of Psalm lxix.

If both rhythmical sections of a tetrameter are brachycatalectic we get one of the four varieties of the Middle English Alexandrine—the only one that has continued in use in Modern English poetry.

Alexandrine:

Mid ývernésse and prúde | and ýssing wés that ón;
He núste nouht þát he wés | bóþe gód and món.
The Passion of our Lord, ll. 35, 36.
Of Álbion’s glórious ísle | the wónders whílst I wríte,
The súndry várying sóils, | the pléasures ínfiníte.
Drayton, Polyolbion, ll. 1, 2.

These are the principal forms of rhythmical sections made up of disyllabic feet that occur in Middle English and Modern English Poetry.

§ 78. The breaking up of these long lines (consisting of two rhythmical sections) into shorter lines is usually effected by rhyme. Thus, if both rhythmical sections of the acatalectic tetrameter are divided by what is called leonine rhyme we get the short four-foot couplet imitated from the French vers octosyllabe, as in the following verses taken from the Middle English A lutel soth sermon (ll. 17–20):

He máde him ínto hélle fálle,
And éfter hím his chíldren álle;
Þér he wás fortó ure dríhte
Hine bóhte míd his míhte.

A Modern English example is—

Amóngst the mýrtles ás I wálk’d,
Lóve and my síghs thus íntertálk’d:
‘Téll me,’ said Í in déep distréss,
‘Where I may fínd my shépherdéss.’
Carew, Poets, iii, p. 703.

Another stanza of four lines is formed when the first rhythmical sections of two tetrameters rhyming together are also connected in the corresponding place (viz. before the caesura) by another species of rhyme, called interlaced or crossed rhyme (rime entrelacée):

I spéke of Ihésu of hévene withín;
Off álle kýngys he is flóur;
Þat súffryd déþ for álle mankýn,
He ís our alle créatóur.
Saynt Katerine, ii, ll. 89–92.

Cf. these verses with an earlier version of the same legend (quoted p. 127), where only the second sections are connected by rhyme.

A Modern English example is—

When yóuth had léd me hálf the ráce
That Cúpid’s scóurge had máde me rún;
I lóoked báck to méte the pláce
From whénce my wéary cóurse begún.
Surrey, Restless Lover, p. 4, ll. 1–4.

Corresponding short trochaic lines result from the acatalectic trochaic tetrameter broken by leonine or inserted rhyme. In Middle English poetry, however, they occur but very seldom in their pure form, i.e. with disyllabic rhymes; in most cases they have monosyllabic or alternate monosyllabic and disyllabic rhymes.

In like manner the catalectic iambic tetrameter is broken up by inserted rhyme into two short verses, viz. one of four feet with a monosyllabic ending, and one of three feet with a disyllabic ending, as in the following examples:

Bytwéne mérsh and áverýl,
When spráy bigínneþ to sprínge,
Þe lútel fóul haþ híre wýl
On hýre lúd to sínge.
Wright’s Spec. of Lyric Poetry, p. 27.
A chíeftain tó the híghlands bóund
Cries: ‘Bóatman, dó not tárry,
And Í’ll give thée a sílver póund
To rów us ó’er the férry.’
Campbell, Lord Ullin’s Daughter, ll. 1–4.

A tetrameter brachycatalectic in both sections may also be broken up either by leonine or by inserted rhyme. The following examples illustrate respectively these two methods:

Wiþ lónging ý am lád,
On mólde y wáxe mád,
Y gréde, y gróne, vnglád
For sélden ý am sád.
Wright’s Spec. of Lyric Poetry, p. 29.
Lo, Ióseph, ít is Í,
An ángelle sénd to thé;
We, léyf, I práy the, whý?
What ís thy wýlle with mé?
Towneley Mysteries, p. 135.

In the same manner the verse of four feet mentioned above is broken up into two lines of two feet, and the two-feet line into two lines of one foot, as in the following examples:

Moost góod, most fáir,
Or thíngs as ráre,
To cáll you’s lóst;
For áll the cóst ... &c.
Drayton, An Amouret Anacreontic (Poets, iii. 582).
What shóuld I sáy
Since fáith is déad,
And trúth awáy
From mé is fléd?
Wyatt, p. 130.

For míght is ríht,
Líht is níght,
And fíht is flíht.
Wright’s Political Songs,
p. 254
I ám the kníght,
I cóme by níght
The Nutbrowne Mayd,
line 33.

§ 79. In the fourteenth century the heroic verse was added to these Middle English metres; a rhyming iambic line of five feet, formed after the model of the French line of ten syllables, e.g.:

A kníght ther wás, | and thát a wórthy mán.
Chaucer, Prol. 43.

Finally, the verse used in the tail-rhyme staves (rime couée) must be mentioned. As this verse, however, usually appears only in that form in which it is broken up into three short ones which compose one half of the stave, its origin will be more properly discussed in the second Book, treating of the origin and form of the different stanzas. To begin with, however, it was simply a long line of three rhythmical sections. Indications of this are here and there found in the way in which it is arranged in MSS. and early printed books, e.g. in the first version of the Legend of Alexius,[126] where it is written in triple columns on the large folio pages of the Vernon MS. in the Bodleian Library:

Sítteþ stílle withóuten stríf, | And Í will télle yóu the líf | Óf an hóly mán.
Álex wás his ríght náme, | To sérve gód thought hím no sháme, | Therof néver hé ne blán.

§ 80. These are the simplest forms of verse used in Middle English poetry; they can be varied, however, in many ways. First, they are not restricted to monosyllabic or masculine endings or rhymes, but like their French models, admit also of disyllabic or feminine rhymes. Further, the caesura, where it occurs at all, may be masculine as well as feminine. The septenary line, however, in its strict form admits only of monosyllabic caesura and disyllabic ending.

Caesura and rhyme are in this respect closely analogous. For the difference between the two kinds of caesura and between the two kinds of rhyme is, that in the case of a masculine caesura or rhyme the pause occurs immediately after the last accented syllable of the rhythmical section, whereas in the case of a feminine caesura or rhyme an unaccented syllable (sometimes even two or more unaccented syllables[127]) follows upon the last accented one before the pause takes place. Combinations of masculine caesura with masculine or with feminine line-endings or rhymes, or the reverse, are, of course, allowed and of frequent occurrence.

We quote in the first place some Middle English and Modern English examples of masculine caesura in the Septenary, in the Alexandrine, in lines of five and of four measures and—for the sake of comparison—in the four-beat verse:

They cáught their spéares, their hórses rán, | as thóugh there hád been thúnder. Percy’s Rel. (cf. p. 127).
The lífe so shórt, so fráil, | that mórtal mén live hére.
Wyatt, p. 155.
A kníght there wás, | and thát a wórthy mán.
Chaucer, Prol. l. 43.
For wánt of wíll | in wóe I pláin. Wyatt, p. 44.
For wómen are shréws, | both shórt and táll.
Shakesp. 2 Hen. IV, v. iii. 36.

Of the feminine caesura there are two different kinds, viz. the so-called Epic and Lyric caesura.[128] In the Epic caesura in Iambic metre the pause occurs, as in the feminine rhyme, after a supernumerary syllable which follows upon the last accented one of the section the next iambic foot following upon it in the usual manner. In the Lyric caesura in Iambic metre, on the other hand, the pause occurs within a foot, i.e. after the regular unaccented syllable of an iambic foot.

These three different kinds of caesura may be more simply defined as follows: In the ordinary iambic line the caesura occurring after a regular unaccented syllable is a feminine Lyric one (thus: ...⏑–́⏑|–́⏑–́...); the caesura occurring after an accented syllable is a masculine one (thus: ...⏑–́|⏑–́⏑–́...); and that which occurs after a supernumerary unaccented syllable immediately following upon an accented one is a feminine Epic caesura (thus: ...⏑–́⏑|⏑–́⏑–́...).

These different kinds of caesura strictly correspond to their French models. The Epic caesura, which to some extent disturbs the regular rhythmic flow of a verse, is by far the least frequent in metres of equal feet.

In the alliterative line, on the other hand, as this metre does not consist of equal feet, the feminine caesura, which is, from a rhythmical point of view, identical with the Epic, is commonly used both in the Old English and in the Middle English period, being produced by the natural quality of the types A, C, D, and by the resolution of the last accented syllable in the types B and D (of the Old English verse). For this reason it also occurs more frequently than the other kinds of caesura in the Modern English four-beat line.

This may be illustrated by the following examples:

Epic caesura:

To Cáunterbúry | with fúl devóut couráge.
Chaucer, Prol. line 22.
He knóweth how gréat Atrídës | that made Troy frét.
Wyatt, p. 152.
And yét there ís anóther | between those héavens twó.
Wyatt, p. 161.
Witóuten grúndwall | to bé lastánd: stand.
Cursor Mundi, line 125.

Lyric caesura:

Þer hé was fóurty dáwes | ál withúte méte.
Passion, line 29.
Se séttled hé his kíngdom | ánd confírmd his ríght.
Spenser. Faerie Queene, II, x. 60.
And wél we wéren ésed | átte béste.
Chaucer, Prol. 29.
Þat álre wúrste | þát hi wúste.
Owl and Night., line 10.
And Í should háve it | ás me líst.
Wyatt, p. 30.

All three kinds of caesura will have to be treated systematically later on in connexion with the iambic rhyming verse of five measures, the character of which they affect very much.

§ 81. The variety caused by the different kinds of caesura in the structure of the metres of equal measures, formed on the principle of a regular alternation of unaccented and accented syllables, is much increased by other causes arising from the different nature of Romanic and Germanic versification. These variations came into existence, partly because the poets, in the early days of the employment of equal-measured rhythms, found it difficult, owing to want of practice, to secure the exact coincidence of the word-accent and the metrical accent, partly because for linguistic or (in the case of the later poets) for artistic reasons they considered it unnecessary to do so. They therefore either simply suffered the discord between the two kinds of accentuation to remain, or, in order to avoid it, permitted themselves licences that did violence either to the rhythmic laws of the verse itself, or to the customary pronunciation of the words as regards the value of syllables (i.e. their being elided or fully sounded) or word-accent.

The changes which the equal-measured rhythms have undergone and still undergo from the causes mentioned thus have relation partly to the rhythmic structure of the verse itself, partly to the value of syllables, and partly to the word-accent. From these three points of view we shall first consider the iambic equal-measured rhythm in general (this being the only species used in Middle English, and the one which in Modern English is of most frequent occurrence and influences all the rest), before we proceed to examine its individual varieties.


CHAPTER VI
VERSE-RHYTHM

§ 82. As in Greek and Latin metre, so also in the equal-measured rhythms of Middle and Modern English, it is a general law that the beginning or end of a metrical foot should, so far as possible, not coincide with the beginning or end of a word, but should occur in the middle, so that the individual feet may be more closely connected with each other. When this law is not observed, there arises what is technically called diaeresis, that is to say, the breaking up of the line into separate portions, which as a rule renders the verse inharmonious. On this account lines composed entirely of monosyllables are to be avoided. This law is more frequently neglected in Modern English poetry than in that of earlier times, because the rarity of inflexional endings makes its constant observance difficult.

Even in Middle English poems, however, we often find lines, especially if they are short, which are composed of monosyllabic words only.

These observations may be illustrated by the following examples:

(a) Lines with diaeresis:

Ne ís no quéne so stárk ne stóur.
Wright’s Spec. of Lyr. Poetry, p. 87, l. 4.
And hé was clád in cóote and hóod of gréne.
Chaucer, Prol. line 103.
Had cást him óut from Héaven with áll his hóst.
Milton, Parad. L. i. 37.
Had shóok his thróne. What thóugh the fíeld be lóst?
ib. 105.

(b) Lines without diaeresis:

Nou shrínkeþ róse and lýlie flour.
Wright’s Spec. of Lyr. Poetry, p. 87, line 1.
And smále fówles máken mélodíe.
Chaucer, Prol. line 9.
And réassémbling óur afflícted pówers.
Milton, Parad. L. i. 186

§ 83. With regard to modulation, too, the lines with diaeresis differ from those without it. In lines with diaeresis all syllables or words with a rhythmic accent upon them are pronounced with nearly the same stress, while in lines without diaeresis the difference between the accented syllables is more noticeable. The two following examples taken from Milton’s Paradise Lost will serve to illustrate this, the difference of stress being indicated by different numbers under the accented syllables:

Had cást him óut from Héaven with áll his hóst
  0      1      0    2      0      2    0      2    0        2
And réassémbling óur afflícted pówers.
  0      1  0    2    0    1    0  3   0    2

As a general rule, the syllables which stand in an arsis are, just because they bear the metrical stress, of course more strongly accented than those which stand in a thesis.

Occasionally, however, a thesis-syllable may be more strongly accented than an arsis-syllable in the same line which only carries the rhythmical accent, but neither the word-accent nor the logical accent of the sentence.

Thus in the following line from Paradise Lost

Irreconcileable to our grand Foe,

the word grand, although it stands in a thesis, is certainly, because of the rhetorical stress which it has, more strongly accented than the preceding word our or the syllable -ble, both of which have the rhythmical accent. Milton’s blank verse abounds in such resolved discords, as they might be called. In not a few cases, however, they remain unresolved. This occurs chiefly in lines where the short unaccented syllables or unimportant monosyllabic words must be lengthened beyond their natural quantity in order to fit in with the rhythm of the verse, as in the following lines:

Of Thámuz yéarly wóunded: thé love-tále. Par. L. i. 452.
Únivérsal repróach far wórse to béar. Par. L. vi. 34.

On the other hand long syllables standing in a thesis may be shortened without harshness, e.g. the words brought and our in the following line:

Brought déath intó the wórld and áll our wóe.

§ 84. With regard to the treatment of the rhythm the Middle English even-beat metres in some respects are considerably different from the Modern English metres, the reason being that the earlier poets, as yet inexperienced in the art of composing in even-beat measures, found it more difficult than Modern English poets to make the rhythmic accent coincide with the word-accent and the syntactic-accent (cf. pp. 126–7, 134).

Certain deviations from the ordinary iambic rhythm which partly disturb the agreement of the number of accented and unaccented syllables in a line are more frequent in Middle English than in Modern English poetry. One of these licences is the suppression of the anacrusis or the absence of the first unaccented syllable of the line, or of the second rhythmical section, e.g.

Þán sche séyd: ȝe trówe on hím | þát is lórd of swíche pousté.
Horstmann’s Altengl. Legend. N. F., p. 250, ll. 333–4.
Gíf we léornið gódes láre,
Þénne ofþúncheþ hít him sáre. Pater Noster, 15–16.
Únnet líf ic hábbe iléd, | and ȝíet, me þíncð, ic léde.
Moral Ode, l. 5.
Sóme, that wátched | wíth the múrd’rer’s knífe. Surrey, p. 59.
Góod my Lórd, | give mé thy fávour stíll.
Shakesp. Temp. iv. i. 204.
Nórfolk sprúng thee, | Lámbeth hólds thee déad. Surrey, p. 62.
Vor mánies mánnes sóre iswínch | hábbeð ófte unhólde.
Moral Ode, Ms. D. l. 34.
Enhástyng hím, | tíl he wás at lárge.
Lydgate, Story of Thebes, 1075.
The tíme doth páss, | yét shall nót my lóve! Wyatt, p. 130.

While this metrical licence may mostly be attributed to want of technical skill in Middle English poets, it is frequently employed in the Modern English period, as the last example shows, with distinct artistic intention of giving a special emphasis to a particular word. Several Middle English poets, however, make but scant use of this licence, e.g. the author of The Owl and the Nightingale and Gower, while some of them, as Orm, never use it at all.

§ 85. These latter poets, on the other hand, make very frequent use of another kind of rhythmical licence, viz. level stress or hovering accent, as Dr. Gummere calls it; i.e. they subordinate the word-accent or the syntactic accent to the rhythmic accent, and so far violate the principal law of all accentual metre, which demands that those three accents should fall on one and the same syllable.

This licence is found chiefly in metres of a certain length, e.g. in the Septenary or in the iambic five-foot line, but not so frequently in shorter metres, as the resulting interruption of the flow of the rhythm is not so perceptible in long as in short lines.

The least sensible irregularity of this kind occurs when the (syntactically) less emphatic of two consecutive monosyllabic words is placed in the arsis, as in the following lines:

For whý this ís more thén that cáuse is. Chaucer, H. of Fame, 20.
There ís a róck in thé salt flóod. Wyatt, p. 144.
Now seemeth féarful nó more thé dark cáve.ib. p. 210.

If the accented syllable of a word consisting of two or more syllables is placed in the thesis, and the unaccented one in the arsis, the licence is greater. This is a licence often met with in Middle English poetry, as e.g.:

I wílle not léyf you álle helpléss | as mén withóuten fréynd.
Towneley Myst. p. 182.
Of clóth-makýng | she hádde súch an háunt.Chaucer, Prol. 447.
With blóod likewíse | ye múst seek yóur retúrn.Surrey, p. 117.

The effect is still more harsh, if inflexional endings are used in this way, though this does not often occur. The following are examples:

Þa béodes hé beodéþ therínne. Pater Noster, 23.
Annd áȝȝ afftérr þe Góddspell stánnt.Orm. 33.
All þúss iss þátt hallghé goddspéll.ib. 73.

In most cases dissonant rhythmical accentuations of this sort are caused by the rhyme, especially in Middle English poetry, e.g.:

Sównynge alwáy th’ encrés of his wynnýnge.
He wólde the sée were képt for ény thínge.
Chaucer, Prol. 275.

Cf. also: thing: writýng ib. 325–6; bremstóon: non ib. 629–30; ale-stáke: cake ib. 667–8; goddésse: gesse Chaucer, Knightes Tale, 243–4; herde: answérde ib. 265–6; assemblýnge : thynge Barclay, Ship of Fools, p. 20; similar examples are even to be met with in early Modern English poetry, e.g.: nothíng: bring Sur. 15; bemoaníng: king Wyatt, 206; welfáre: snare ib. 92; goodnéss: accéss ib. 209; manére: chere Surrey, 124, &c.

Sometimes it may be doubtful how a line should be scanned. In some cases of this kind the usage of the poet will decide the question; we know, for instance, that Orm never allows the omission of the first unaccented syllable. Where decisive evidence of this kind is wanting, the verse must be scanned in such a manner as to cause the least rhythmical difficulty. If a compound, or a word containing a syllable with secondary accent, does not fit in with the rhythmical accent, it is to be read, as a rule, with level stress when it occurs in the middle of a line (and, of course, always when it is the rhyme-word). On the other hand, if according to the rhythmical scheme of the line an unaccented syllable would be the bearer of the rhythmical stress, we must in most cases assume suppression of the anacrusis.

It would not be admissible therefore to scan:

Love, thát livéth | and réigneth ín my thóught, Surrey, p. 12.

but:

Lóve that líveth | and réigneth ín my thóught.

The licence of displacement of accent is an offence against the fundamental law of accentual verse, and therefore becomes more and more rare as the technique of verse becomes more perfect.

§ 86. Another metrical licence, which is not inadmissible, is the absence of a thesis in the interior of a line. This licence is not of the same origin in Middle English as in Modern English poetry.

In Middle English it generally appears to be a relic of the ancient alliterative verse (Types C and D) and to be analogous to the similar usage of the contemporary Middle English alliterative line, as e.g.: