[47] This project resulted in a law promulgated by the Emperor July 22, 1913. It has been made the subject of considerable hostile comment in foreign countries, as it would seem under certain conditions, not definitely fixed, to permit a German subject to divide his allegiance.
Article 17 of this law asserts that (German) citizenship is lost through the acquiring of citizenship in a foreign country. It, however, refers to Article 25, which makes the following conditions:
Art. 25, Sec. 2. Citizenship [German] shall not be lost by him who, before acquiring citizenship in a foreign country, shall, on his request, have received the written permission to retain [German] citizenship from the proper authority in his home state. The German consul is to be consulted before granting this permission.
Art. 25, Sec. 3. The Imperial Chancellor, on a vote of the Bundesrat, can decree that the permission specified in Section 2, shall not be granted to persons who wish to acquire citizenship in a specified foreign state.
On the face of it, this decree would seem to be open to the interpretation that it lies within the power of the German Bundesrat to allow a man who has ostensibly acquired citizenship in a foreign country to be counted as a German citizen.
The success of our work of peace at home and overseas depends upon the empire’s remaining powerful enough to stand for and protect its national honor, its possessions, and its rightful interests in the world at all times. On this account it is my continual duty and care to maintain and strengthen by land and by sea the armies of the German people, which does not lack young men capable of bearing arms. Bills to this end are in preparation and will be laid before you together with proposals which will provide for the increased expenditure. If, Honored Sirs, you help to carry out this great project you will be doing the Fatherland a great service.
We have given a new proof of our willingness to settle international points of dispute amicably wherever this can be done in accordance with the dignity and the interests of Germany, through the conclusion of our agreements with France. In addition to strengthening our alliances with the Austro-Hungarian monarchy and the kingdom of Italy, my policy is directed toward the maintenance of friendly relationships with all powers on the basis of mutual respect and good-will.
I trust the healthy power of the German people, and, counting upon the support of a gracious God, I look out hopefully over the struggles of the day toward the future of the empire. Therefore, at the beginning of a new legislative session, I offer you, Honored Sirs, my greeting in the hope that your activities will be exerted for the benefit of the people and the country.
May 30, 1912
The indications of particular good-will which the Emperor had always exhibited for the Brandenburgers and the marks of special favor which he had seemed to accord to them have occasionally aroused a certain suspicion, not to say ill will, in the minds of some of his South German subjects. In his hereditary provinces, Brandenburg and Prussia, it will be noticed that the Emperor had always expressed himself most freely with regard to his personal pretensions that he ruled by divine right alone. The two speeches which have been most criticised in this respect are the ones delivered at Breslau (February 3, 1899) and Königsberg (August 25, 1910). They served, unfortunately, to accentuate the differences which existed between the subjects in various parts of the empire and to remind them that they had a Prussian Emperor. If certain portions of his audiences here acquiesced in these pretensions of their hereditary ruler and were somewhat proud of the particular confidence he vouchsafed to them, critics, and even conservative critics, referred to these ideas of “Gottesgnadentum,” grace-of-Godism, with touches of what was at least irony. After the unfortunate crisis following the Daily Telegraph interview Chancellor von Bülow had felt constrained to request the Emperor “henceforward to observe, even in private interviews, that reserve which is indispensable both to the interests of a consistent policy and to the authority of the crown.” As we have seen, in spite of the Emperor’s seeming acceptance of this necessity, it had not modified to any particular extent the tenor of his speech at Königsberg in 1910. It may be that by this time (1912) he had taken the admonition to heart, for it will be noticed that, though we have the customary reference to Frederick of Hohenzollern and the glorification of his ancestors, and also the marks of special favor and trust in the Brandenburgers, we miss any mention of the theory of divine right.
La Fontaine has said that it is difficult to please every one and his father. The Emperor must have felt this when he learned that certain of his subjects, nevertheless, resented that closing part of his speech which would seem to imply that the Franco-Prussian War was a sort of family affair through which the grateful Brandenburgers decided to present the imperial crown to their beloved overlord. Through such an interpretation the position and interests of Bavaria, for instance, became for Bavarians somewhat too incidental. If, then, foreign critics have drawn a distinction between Prussia and Germany, the distinction has, therefore, a certain warrant, since it seems to be made by the Emperor himself. The heir to the Bavarian crown took occasion to object in one of his speeches to the conception that the affiliated sovereigns are “vassals of the Emperor.” That he should have gone so far would indicate that, in his mind at least, there was a disposition to make them so. He was even more emphatic in a speech delivered in May, 1900, before the Association for the Furtherance of Inland Navigation in Bavaria. “I do not see,” he said, “why we, if we belong to the German Empire should not enjoy precisely the same rights and privileges as North Germany, for the German Empire was welded together just as much through Bavarian blood as through the blood of any other German stock; and for that reason we do not wish to be regarded as minor brothers, but as brothers with full rights and privileges.” So, too, it is said that the King of Würtemberg left the Emperor’s side in anger and withdrew from the army manœuvres in 1894. It will be plain to any one who reads the Emperor’s speeches that very few of them are made in South Germany. Münich, Leipzig, and Stuttgart have been visited by him less frequently than certain foreign capitals. This is due in part, no doubt, to the fact that the reigning sovereigns of these capitals do not wish to see a greater at their side. But it is likewise true that in most of these districts the Emperor’s reception at the hands of the populace would be far less warm than that accorded to him at Breslau and Berlin; for, if the Emperor is warranted in expecting a particular loyalty from his Prussians and Brandenburgers, so, too, are the hereditary rulers of Bavaria, Saxony, and Würtemberg warranted in expecting a particular recognition at home, which must necessarily be deducted from the possible tribute which can be paid the Emperor, who is likewise a rival King and King of a province which has not always enjoyed the favorable consideration of South Germans.
It was on this day, May 30, five hundred years before that the Burgrave Frederick VI of Hohenzollern, the later Elector Frederick I, entered the fortified place of Brandenburg, on the Havel. In commemoration of this fact, a fountain and an equestrian statue of the Elector by Professor Manzel were dedicated. The church of St. Catherine had likewise been restored and was rededicated on this day. After the unveiling, the Emperor proceeded to the old town hall, where he inscribed his name in the city’s Golden Book, and after he had accepted the drink of honor offered him by the burgomaster, he delivered the following address:
I am deeply grateful to the city of Brandenburg for having thought of inviting me to its celebration. It has been a celebration whose importance extends far beyond the walls of Brandenburg, and I rejoice that the Brandenburgers should have wished to have their Elector and Margrave with them, just as it goes without saying that the Elector is pleased when he can tarry among his Brandenburgers. The changes of history which have swept over the German Fatherland have called forth and laid tasks upon many a dynasty, and finally it was the dynasty of my ancestors who first succeeded after many difficulties in laying the corner-stone for the great work and at last in building up the work itself—the establishment of German unity on a Brandenburger basis and under the leadership of Prussia. We must not forget that it must have been a difficult decision for the ruler of the land in those days and the later Elector to undertake the task of coming into this country and of bringing it back again to a flourishing condition. For he came from the sunny south, which had progressed in culture and whose knighthood at that time was also in its fullest flower of cultural development. We have already learned from reliable lips what a frightful situation existed at that time in the unhappy mark. And if he was successful in re-establishing order little by little and in sowing the seeds for new flowers, nevertheless the mark had to pass through many grievous storms and became the arena of foreign powers and foreign lords. But at last the Great Elector and the great King drove away the foreigners once for all and won for the people of the mark and of Prussia the right to live for themselves without having to see the products of their industry and labor fall a prey to the caprices of strangers. And when at last, through the help of God, the Prussian edifice was completed and my grandfather, in the long period of peace, had sharpened the sword which he must needs have in order to achieve German union, then for a second time, on a grander scale, the same work was accomplished which had previously been accomplished for the mark. And he succeeded in finally forbidding the strangers to trample upon our fields and to destroy our labor for the mere sake of following their own interests. The German Empire and the German crown rest upon a Brandenburg basis and a Prussian foundation. On that account we wish on this day to remember the people of the mark and of Brandenburg and not least the Brandenburgers who in 1870 risked their lives and all that was near and dear to them in order to win the imperial crown for the old master. As long as a Hohenzollern lives and as long as there are Brandenburgers both of them will remember Constantine Alvensleben, Vionville, and the Third Corps.[48] This was the old Brandenburger loyalty which had been preserved through all the centuries, and I hope that this loyalty may be the possession of the coming generations of the city of Brandenburg. And I drink this cup in the hope that this loyalty may never be extinguished.
[48] Constantine Alvensleben, commander of the Third (Brandenburg) Army Corps, played an important part in the battle of Vionville, on the 16th of August, 1870. He checked the French army operating from Metz and held it until the arrival of reinforcements.
Hamburg, June 18, 1912
As usual, the Emperor was present at the meeting of the North German Regatta Association. Since 1897 he had been absent but once. Certain references in his address here doubtless refer back to the outcome of events at Agadir. It is difficult to tell whether or not he is on the defensive. Whatever his qualities or defects, it cannot properly be said that he has often or indeed ever publicly weakened in a position which he had once taken. He has, however, occasionally shifted his ground. Criticism, instead of giving him pause, has usually had the effect of angering him and of immediately drawing his fire upon his critics. So, in regard to the criticism of his agrarian policy on the part of the Prussian land-owning nobility, he replied that “opposition on the part of the Prussian nobility is monstrous” [ein Unding]. As the opposition had been directed solely against certain policies and not against him personally, his statement implies that he expected the Prussian nobility to support him in all of his positions. He expected personal loyalty. As some of his opponents were members of the Prussian Landtag, it is difficult to see what would become of the idea of representative government in case the representatives of the people waived their opinions and those of their constituents in his favor. Some of the sharpest criticism which the Emperor incurred was that which followed the incidents at Tangier in 1905 and at Agadir in 1911. In both cases what may be called the war party showed great resentment, and certain of the criticisms made by them seem to indicate that war, to them, was a consummation devoutly to be wished, and the failure to make war at these opportunities was looked upon as a defeat. The Emperor seems here to be insisting upon the fact that the flag has not been dishonored.
Your Magnificence will certainly allow me to thank you for the address, which glowed with flaming patriotism and which was delivered with such a sweep of oratory that, I am convinced, it carried away all those here assembled. We saw from the sketch which your Magnificence has given us how in all centuries the history of our empire and of our people, although in general attached to the Continent, nevertheless always stood in close relationship with the water and the sea and that it has always been more or less influenced by it. But as you have shown, we formerly failed in gathering together our strength. The flourishing of the Hansa, interesting and beautiful, and for a time powerful as it was, had to pass away, because it lacked the support of the imperial power. Through the founding of the empire under my grandfather all things were changed, and now the German merchant can go his way peacefully, not under a foreign but under his own flag; he can exercise all his capacities and be sure that, when it is necessary, the protection of the empire will stand behind him. That is only possible when all our powers are united under our German flag. But, as you all know, gentlemen, the flag must wave in honor; and it dare not lightly spread its folds to the wind nor be lightly set up where we are not sure of being able to defend it. You will understand why I have acted with this reserve in extending the reach of the German flag where many perhaps would have desired and longed to see it. I have allowed myself to be guided by an old Hanseatic proverb which stands in significant letters over the town hall at Lübeck: “The little flag is easily tied to the staff, but it is difficult to haul it down with honor.” Now, gentlemen, I believe that I can say without fear of contradiction that up to the present no one has ever dared offer an indignity to our flag so long as I have been reigning. I will promise and hold to it that wherever you go ahead there my flag shall follow you. That is true in great as in little things. Every man binds his flag to the staff in the morning and hopes to conquer. Not every one is successful. In spite of that, we rejoice that on this day of the Elbe regatta not only German but also many boats of related and friendly peoples are present and make the scene a picturesque one. Therefore we rejoice, and again I whole-heartedly express the hope that sailing and water sport on the Elbe and on the Baltic, on the inland lakes as on the sea, may grow and prosper. We, however, who have gathered here under the flag of Hamburg, on the beautiful ship of the Hamburg-American Line, raise our glasses and drink to the health of the city of Hamburg and all seamen here assembled. The city of Hamburg—Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah!
Bonn, October 17, 1913
Nineteen hundred and thirteen was a jubilee year in the history both of Germany and in the Emperor’s reign. In the first place, it was the one-hundredth anniversary of the famous battle of the nations at Leipzig, which marked the turning of the tide in the fortunes of Napoleon. On innumerable occasions the Emperor, in the speeches already printed, has referred to this crisis in the affairs of Germany; he was, curiously enough, not to make the address on this famous occasion, for the celebration was to take place at Leipzig and the addresses were made by Doctor Clemens and by the King of Saxony. The journals noted that during the address of Doctor Clemens the Emperor, who was present, showed no enthusiasm and looked bored. The joyous occasion had been clouded by the unfortunate accident to the naval Zeppelin L-2 on the previous day. As the Emperor had succeeded to the throne on the fifteenth of June, 1888, the year marked also the completion of twenty-five years of his reign, and the week of June 15 had been one of continual celebration and many speeches. He issued innumerable pardons and conferred many titles and decorations, among them the title of general on his Chancellor, Von Bethmann-Hollweg. His many speeches were, however, for the most part, merely acceptances of congratulations and, aside from the renewed expression of his hope to maintain peace, are not particularly significant to the student. The sense of increased tension is evident everywhere and seems to have reacted upon him, as he does not express himself with his former enthusiasm. He repeats his old themes, the necessity of disregarding party divisions and in particular the need of holding fast to religious ideals and of moral regeneration.
On the seventeenth of October, 1913, on the eve of the great national celebration, the naval Zeppelin L-2, shortly after starting on a flight from Johannisthal to Hamburg, met with a most distressing accident. An explosion occurred, the balloon caught fire and burst, and the gondola fell with its crew. The twenty-seven officers and men were killed. From Bonn the Emperor issued the following statement. The text, as well as that of the speech of June 23, 1914, is taken from the Berliner Tageblatt.
Again fate has laid a heavy hand upon my navy. The dirigible L-2 was destroyed by an explosion, and nearly thirty brave men, among them many of the ablest in developing this new species of warcraft, lost their lives. Their death in the service of the Fatherland will be honorably remembered by me and the entire German people. Our very deepest sympathy goes out to their relatives. But grief over what has happened will only spur us on to renewed efforts to develop this so important aerial weapon into a reliable engine of war.
William, I. R.
Hamburg, June 23, 1914
The following speech is, we believe, the last one delivered by the Emperor before the murder of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand (June 28), which precipitated the war. True to his custom, the Emperor is again at Hamburg at the regatta which usually marks the beginning of his summer holiday. This year his yacht Meteor was to win the Hamburg prize. The banquet at which he ordinarily delivered his address was to be held on board the Victoria Luise, and the president of the association, Doctor Schröder, who made the address preceding the Emperor’s, alluded to the disaster to the Z-1 and the destruction of that boat off Heligoland. He followed it with a discussion of Germany’s progress in naval and aerial development. The Emperor answers with his usual compliments to Hamburg. His naval policy and his policy of expansion had profited the seaport towns particularly, and he was always a welcome guest. In the year of his jubilee, 1913, the Hamburg-American Line had done him the honor to name one of their boats the Imperator, and this year they had launched the great thirty-thousand-ton Bismarck. If his speech on this occasion shows nothing particularly new, one thing at least is interesting from the change which he introduces in Bismarck’s famous statement. The Emperor himself has quoted it previously (April 24, 1901): “We Germans fear God, nothing else in the world.” Here it seems to have in it a little more of defiance and possibly of challenge: “We Germans fear God and absolutely nobody and nothing else in the world.”
May your Magnificence allow me to express my thanks for your friendly words and for the picture of the past progress of important phases of our national development! I would like to include in my expression of thanks a heartfelt appreciation of the delightful reception which this year, as in other years, was accorded me by the population of the city of Hamburg. It was noticeable in the oldest citizen and in the youngest child. I have been able to see how the hearty and close relationship between Hamburg citizens and myself has gradually become traditional, for it passes on from generation to generation. Your Magnificence, has spoken of the sources which provide us with the material for the Fatherland’s activity on the seas and has cited some brilliant examples in this line. Although I, too, have noted with pleasure how sport has developed greatly, I would, nevertheless, like to call attention to the fact that in one respect I believe our nation is following the right path. We are right in attempting to bring the mass to a higher level of development rather than to scoop out isolated great performances from a generally lowered average. The water sports which we foster and which have again brought us together here, have also seen a new yacht appear under my flag, and it has been successful in winning the Hamburg state prize, for which honor I am joyously grateful. The yacht is the creation of a German Hanseatic shipbuilder and was built by experienced hands at the well-known wharves of Mr. Krupp, on the water-front. This, too, is an indication of the development of our technical skill, which was possible only in the long period of peace which was granted us after the stirring years of military prowess. It is a symbol of peace which the merchant, the banker, the ship-owner needs in order to develop, and which they have used each in his own calling to such magnificent effect. I am sure I represent the feelings of all those assembled here on this beautiful and well-known ship of the Hamburg-American Line when I thank that line particularly for the great day they recently prepared for us. As another symbol of the long period of peace, a few days ago the Bismarck left its stocks. It is the greatest vessel now afloat. We all of us know very well that this was no ordinary launching, both because of the size of the ship and because of the impression and attitude of the spectators. The Hamburg-American Line, through the building of this vessel, gave us the occasion for a great national festival at the moment when the thirty thousand tons glided down into the water. It was as if all the dross had been taken out of the lives of those of us who were present, and even from the lives of all other Germans, as we may judge from the expressions which come to us from all parts of the country. Envy, pettiness, daily conflicts disappeared. All hearts beat higher and remembered the great time and the great men who wrought in it and thought of the Great Emperor and of his Iron Chancellor. It is for us to administer further the legacy that has come down to us. Just as in our individual efforts and in our sports we summon up and exert all our powers to reach our goal, so too we must do the same for our Fatherland. We must be in a position to take to heart and to exemplify practically one of the finest utterances coined by the Iron Chancellor. We must so live and act that we shall at all times say with him: “We Germans fear God and absolutely nobody and nothing else in the world.” With this feeling I raise my glass and ask you to drink with me to the city of Hamburg, the Regatta Association, and the Hamburg-American Line—Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah!
As there is no official edition of the Emperor’s recent addresses, the following five speeches and decrees are taken from the Frankfurter Zeitung.
Berlin, July 31, 1914
On the 31st of July the Emperor made the following address from the balcony of the Royal Palace in Berlin:
A grievous situation has come upon Germany. Envious nations on all sides are forcing us to justified defense. They are forcing the sword into my hand. If my attempts are not successful in bringing our opponents to their senses and in keeping peace at the eleventh hour, I hope that with God’s help we may so use the sword that we may be able to sheathe it again with honor. Enormous sacrifices in life and property would be demanded from the German people by a war; but we would show the enemy what it means to attack Germany. And now I bid you go to the church, bow down before God and ask His help for our brave army.
Berlin, August 1, 1914
After the order of mobilization, the Emperor made the following brief speech from the window of the Royal Palace:
If we must have war, all parties cease. We are only German brothers. In times of peace this or that party has attacked me; I forgive them now with all my heart. If our neighbors are not satisfied to leave us in peace, then we hope and pray that our good German sword will come out of the struggle victorious.
Berlin, August 4, 1914
The Emperor opened the special session of the Reichstag with the following address:
Honored Gentlemen:
At a time big with consequences I have assembled the elected representatives of the German people about me. For nearly half a century we have been allowed to follow the ways of peace. The attempts to attribute to Germany warlike intentions and to hedge in her position in the world have often sorely tried the patience of my people. Undeterred, my government has pursued the development of our moral, spiritual, and economic strength as its highest aim, with all frankness, even under provocative circumstances! The world has been witness that during the last years, under all pressure and confusion, we have stood in the first rank in saving the nations of Europe from a war between the great powers. The most serious dangers to which the events in the Balkans had given rise seemed to have been overcome—then suddenly an abyss was opened through the murder of my friend the Archduke Franz Ferdinand. My lofty ally, the Emperor and King Franz Joseph, was forced to take up arms to defend the security of his empire against dangerous machinations from a neighboring state. The Russian empire stepped in the way of the allied monarchy following out her just interests. Not only our duty as ally calls us to the side of Austria-Hungary, but it is our great task to protect our own position and the old community of culture between the two empires against the attack of hostile forces. With a heavy heart I have had to mobilize the army against a neighbor with whom it had fought side by side on many a battle-field. With unfeigned sorrow I saw broken a friendship which had been faithfully preserved by Germany. The imperial Russian Government, yielding to the pressure of an insatiable nationalism, has taken sides for a state which through its sanctioning of criminal attacks has brought about the evils of this war. That France, too, should have taken sides with our enemy could not surprise us; too often have our attempts to come to friendlier relationships with the French Republic failed because of her old hopes and old resentments.
Honored Gentlemen, what human insight and power could do to equip a people for these uttermost decisions has been done with your patriotic assistance. The hostility which has been making itself felt in the east and in the west for a long time past has now broken out in bright flame. The present situation is not the result of passing conflicts of interests or of diplomatic conjunctions; it is the result of an ill will which has been active for many years against the power and the prosperity of the German Empire.
No lust of conquest drives us on; we are inspired by the unalterable will to protect the place in which God has set us for ourselves and all coming generations. From the documents which have been submitted to you, you will see how my government and especially my Chancellor have endeavored even to the last moment to stave off the inevitable. In a defensive war that has been forced upon us, with a clear conscience and a clean hand we take up the sword. I issue my call to the peoples and stocks of the German Empire, that with their united strength they may stand like brothers with our allies in order to defend what we have created through the works of peace. Following the example of our fathers, staunch and true, earnest and knightly, humble before God, but with the joy of battle in the face of the enemy, we trust in the Almighty to strengthen our defense and guide us to good issue. Honored Gentlemen, the German people gathered about their princes and leaders are to-day looking to you. Come to your decisions quickly and unanimously. Such is my most earnest wish.
Berlin, August 6, 1914
On this date the following statement was issued to the army and navy:
After forty-three years of peace, I call all the available forces to arms. We must defend our most sacred possessions, the Fatherland, and our own hearths, against ruthless attack. Enemies round about us! That is the characteristic of the situation. We must expect a great conflict and to make great sacrifices. I have confidence that the old warlike spirit still lives in the German people, that powerful warlike spirit which attacks the enemy wherever found and at whatever cost and which has always been the fear and terror of our enemies. I have confidence in you, you German soldiers. In every one of you there lives the eager, unconquerable will to triumph. Every one of you knows how to die like a hero if need be. Think of our great and glorious past. Remember that you are Germans. God help us.
(Signed) William, I. R.
Berlin, August 6, 1914.
Berlin, August 6, 1914
The following proclamation was issued on the evening of this date:
To the German People:
Since the founding of the empire, for forty-three years it has been the earnest aim of my ancestors and myself to maintain peace with the world and to further our powerful advance in peace. But our opponents envy us the fruit of our labors. In the consciousness of our responsibility and our strength, we must endure overt and covert hostility from east and west and from across the sea. But now they wish to humble us. They demand that with folded arms we should watch our enemies prepare themselves for an underhand attack. They do not wish to allow us in loyal determination to stand by our ally, who is fighting for his position as a great power and with whose humiliation our own power and honor will also be lost. So the sword must decide! The enemy surprises us while we are entirely at peace. Therefore, to arms! Any wavering, any hesitation would be treachery to the Fatherland. We must fight for the existence or non-existence of our empire, which our fathers lately founded for themselves; for the existence or non-existence of German power and German life. We shall fight to the last breath of man and horse, and we shall continue this conflict against a world of enemies. Germany has never yet been conquered as long as she was united. Go forward with God, who will be with us as He was with our fathers.
(Signed) William, I. R.
Berlin, August 6, 1914.
Transcriber’s Notes
Obvious printer errors have been fixed.
Variations in spelling have been retained except in clear cases of typographical error.
Page xiv - Tangiers changed to Tangier
Page 167 - unforgetable changed to unforgettably
Illustrations have been moved to the beginning of the respective chapter.