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[4] Heloïse here in mediaeval fashion cites a number of examples from Scripture showing the ills and troubles brought by women to men.

[6] Heloïse’s last problema did not relate to Scripture, and may have been suggested by her own life. “We ask whether one can sin in doing what is permitted or commanded by the Lord?” Abaelard answers with a discussion of what is permissible between man and wife.

[8] The Tristan of Gottfried von Strassburg and the Parzival of Wolfram von Eschenbach have been given. One may also refer to works of older contemporaries, e.g. to the Aeneid of Heinrich von Veldeke, translated (1184) from a French rendering of Virgil; and the two courtly narrative poems, the Erec and Ivain (Knight of the Lion) taken from Chrétien of Troies by Hartmann von Aue, who flourished as the twelfth century was passing into the thirteenth.

[9] On Walther von der Vogelweide, see Wilmann, Leben und Dichtung Walthers, etc. (Bonn, 1882); Schönbach, Walther von der Vogelweide (2nd ed., Berlin, 1895). The citations from his poems in this chapter follow the Pfeiffer-Bartsch edition.

[18] A lucid account of this struggle is given in Luchaire, Innocent III., vol. iii. (“La Papauté et l’Empire”), Paris, 1906.

[20] From “Freidank in Auswahl,” in Hildebrand’s Didaktik aus der Zeit der Kreuzzüge, p. 336 (Deutsche Nat. Lit.).

[25] 133. My statement of the opposition to the papacy might be much more analytical, and contain further apt distinctions. But this would remove it too far from the anti-papal feeling of the common man; and the period, moreover, is not yet that of Occam and Marsilius of Padua—as to whom see Gierke, Political Theories of the Middle Age, trans. by Maitland (Cambridge, 1900).

[27] 158. Walter shared the crusading spirit. The inference that he was himself a Crusader is unsafe; but he wrote stirring crusading poems, one opening with a line that in sudden power may be compared with Milton’s

[32] While an allegory is a statement having another consciously intended meaning, metaphor is the carrying over or deflection of a meaning from its primary application. According to good usage, which has kept these terms distinct, allegory implies a definite and usually a sustained intention, and suggests the spiritual; while metaphor suggests figures of speech and linguistic changes often unconscious. Language develops through the metaphorical (not allegorical) extension or modification of the meanings of words. The original meaning sometimes is obscured (e.g. in profane or depend), and sometimes continues to exist with the new one. In a vast number of languages, such words as straight, oblique, crooked, seem always to have had both a direct and a metaphorical meaning. Moral and intellectual conceptions necessarily are expressed in phrases primarily applicable to physical phenomena.

[37] Augustine’s method in this twenty-second Book is first to consider the actual sinfulness or justification of these deeds, and afterwards to take up in succession their typological significance. So, for example, he discusses the blamefulness of Judah’s conduct with Tamar in par. 61-64 and its typology in 83-86.

[38] Contra Faustum, xxii. 87. St. Ambrose, in his Apologia Prophetae David, cap. iii. (Migne 14, col. 857), written some years before Augustine’s treatise against Faustus, finds Bathsheba to signify the “congregatio nationum quae non erat Christo legitimo quodam fidei copulata connubio.”

[39] Quaestiones in Vet. Testam. in Regum II. (Migne 83, col. 411). Isidore died A.D. 636 (ante, Chapter V.)

[40] Comment. in Libros IV. Regum, in lib. ii. cap. xi.; Migne, Pat. Lat. 109, col. 98 (written in 834). On Rabanus and Walafrid see ante, Chapter X.

[44] It was the way of Bede in his commentaries to speak briefly of the literal or historic meaning of the text, and then give the usual symbolical interpretations, paying special attention to the significance of the Old Testament narratives as types of the career of Christ (see e.g. the beginning of the Commentary on Exodus, Migne 92, col. 285 sqq.; and Prologue to the allegorical Commentary on Samuel, Migne 92, col. 501, 502). For example, in the opening of the First Book of Samuel, Elkanah is a type of Christ, and his two wives Peninnah and Hannah represent the Synagogue and the Church. When Samuel is born to Hannah he also is a type of Christ; and Bede says it need not astonish one that Hannah’s spouse and Hannah’s son should both be types of Christ, since the Mediator between God and man is at once the spouse and son of Holy Church: He is her spouse as He aids her with His confidence and hope and love, and her son when by grace He enters the hearts of those who believe and hope and love. In Samuelam, cap. iii. (Migne 91, col. 508). Bede’s monastic mind balked at the literal statement that Elkanah had two wives (see the Prologue, Migne 91, col. 499).

[46] Migne 112, col. 849-1088. A number of these dictionaries were compiled, the earliest being the De formulis spiritalis intellegentiae of Eucherius, Bishop of Lyons, who died in 450, ed. by Pauly 1884. In the later Middle Ages Alanus de Insulis (post, Chapter XXIX.) compiled one.

[47] These distinctions, not commonly observed, are frequently reiterated. Says Hugo of St. Victor (see post, Chapter XXVIII.) in the Prologue to his De sacramentis: “Divine Scripture, with threefold meaning, considers its matter historically, allegorically, and tropologically. History is the narrative of facts, and follows the primary meaning of words; we have allegory when the fact which is told signifies some other fact in the past, present, or future; and tropology when the narrated fact signifies that something should be done.” Cf. Hugo’s Didascalicon, v. cap. 2, where Hugo illustrates his meaning, and points out that this threefold significance is not to be found in every passage of Scripture. In ibid. v. cap. 4, he gives seven curious rules of interpretation (Migne 176, col. 789-793). In his De Scripturis, etc., praenotatiunculae, cap. 3 (Migne 175, col. 11 sqq.), Hugo speaks of the anagogical significance in the place of the tropological.

[48] Raban’s Latin is “Ligabit earn ancillis suis”—the verse in Job xl. 24 reads “Ligabis earn ancillis tuis?” In the English version the verse is Job xli. 5, “Wilt thou bind him for thy maidens?”

[50] The Scriptural citations are omitted. Rabanus wrote an allegorical De laudibus sanctae crucis (Migne 107, col. 133-294), composed in metre with prose explanations, which explain very little. The metrical portion is a puzzle consisting of twenty-eight “figures,” or lineal delineations interwoven in hexameter verses; the words and letters contained within each figure “make sense” when read by themselves, and form verses in metres other than hexameters. The whole is as incomprehensible in meaning as it is indescribable in form. Angels, cherubim and seraphim, tetragons, the virtues, months, winds, elements, signs of the Zodiac, and other twelvefold mysteries, the days of the year, the number seven, the five books of Moses, the four evangelists, the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit, the eight beatitudes, the mystery of the number forty, the sacrament shown by the number fifty,—all these and much besides contribute to the glory of the Cross, and are delineated and arranged in cruciform manner, so as to be included within the scope of the cross’s symbolical significance.

[51] Since allegory and the spirit of symbolism pervaded all mediaeval thought, the present and two following chapters aim only at setting forth the elements (with pertinent examples) of this quite limitless subject.

[52] See prefatory epistle to Speculum ecclesiae, Migne 172, col. 813. Compare the prefatory epistle to the Gemma animae, ibid. col. 541, and the Preface to the Elucidarium, ibid. col. 1109. Probably Honorius died about 1130.

[53] We have these sermons only in Latin. Presumably a preacher using them, gave them in that language or rendered them in the vernacular as he thought fit.

[54] “Ommia legalia Christus nobis convertit in sacramenta spiritualia” is Honorius’s apt phrase (which may be borrowed!), Migne 172, col. 842. His special reference is to circumcision.

[57] Yet, curiously enough, near the time when I was making the following translation, I heard an elderly country clergyman preach substantially this sermon of Honorius—wherever he may have culled it, perhaps from some useful “Homiletical” Commentary.

[59] Speculum ecclesiae, “Dominica in Septuagesima” (Migne 172, col. 855-857). Honorius may have forgotten the weariness of his supposed audience; for his sermon goes on with further admonition as to how the victory is to be won.

The allegorical interpretation of Scripture is exemplified in the whole limitless mass of mediaeval sermons. Illustrations from St. Bernard’s sermons on Canticles are given in Chapter XVII., also post, in Chapter XXXVI., II.

[60] For the Eucharist in the Carolingian period see ante, Chapter X. Berengar of Tours is spoken of in Chapter XII., IV.

[63] The works of Hugo of Saint-Victor are contained in Migne’s Patrologia Latina, 175-177 (Paris, 1854; the reprint of 1882 is full of misprints). The Prolegomena (in French) of Mgr. Hugonin are elaborate and valuable. Mignon, Les Origines de la scholastique et Hugues de Saint-Victor (2 vols., Paris, 1895), follows Hugonin’s writing and adds little of value. An exposition of Hugo’s philosophy is to be found in Stöckl, Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters, Band I. pp. 305-355 (Mainz, 1864). On the authenticity of the writings ascribed to him see Hauréau, Les Œuvres de Hugues de Saint-Victor (2nd ed., Paris, 1886). For Hugo’s position in the history of scholasticism and mysticism see post, Chapter XXXVI., II.

[66] On the neighbouring schools of Notre-Dame and St. Genevieve see post, Chapter XXXVII.

[67] At the opening of his Expositio in regulam beati Augustini, Migne 176, col. 881, Hugo explains that the precepts under which a monastic community lives are called the regula, and what we call a regula is called a canon by the Greeks; and those are called canonici or regulares, who “juxta regularia praecepta sanctorum Patrum canonice atque apostolice vivunt.” Thus the “regular canons” of St. Augustine were monks who lived according to the rule ascribed to that saint. In the case of the Victorines the rule was drawn up chiefly by Abbot Gilduin. See Prolegomena to the works of Hugo, Migne 175, col. xxiv. sqq.

[68] See the Prolegomena to the works of Hugo de Saint-Victor, by Hugonin, Migne 175, col. xl. sqq.

[69] Didascalicon, vi. 3 (Migne 176, col. 799). Other contents of this work are given post, Chapter XXXVI., I.

[70] His death is touchingly described in a letter of Osbert, the canon in charge of the infirmary. See Migne 175, col. xlvii and clxi.

[71] Hugo, De arrha animae, Migne 176, col. 954. Yet Hugo sometimes was stung with an irrelevant pang for the German fatherland, which he had left: “I have been an exile since my boyhood, and I know how the mind grieves to forsake some poor hut’s narrow hearth, and how easily it may then despise the marble hall and fretted roof” (Didascalicon, iii. 20; Migne 176, col. 778). Compare the single letter of Hugo that has a personal note, Ep. i. (Migne 176, col. 1011).

[72] The De sacramentis Christianae fidei is printed in Migne 176, col. 174-618. It is thus a lengthy work.

[73] Hugo evidently refers to his De Scripturis et scriptoribus sacris praenotatiunculae, and his various Adnotationes elucidatoriae, which will be found printed in vol. 175 of Migne’s Patrologia Latina. In chap. v. of the work first mentioned (Migne 175, col. 13) he speaks sensibly of the folly of those who profess not to care for the literal historical meaning of the sacred text, but, in ignorance, spring at once to very inept allegorical interpretations.

[74] De sacramentis, Prologus (Migne 176, col. 183-185). A more elementary statement may be found in De Scripturis, etc., cap. xiii. (Migne 175, col. 20).

[75] God is perfect and utterly good. His beatitude cannot be increased or diminished, but it can be imparted. Therefore the primal cause for creating rational creatures was God’s wish that there should be partakers of His beatitude. This reasoning may be Christian; but it is also close to the doctrine of Plato’s Timaeus, which Hugo had read.

[76] Hugo also takes a wider view of the “place” of mankind’s restoration, and finds that it includes (1) heaven, where the good are confirmed and made perfect; (2) hell, where the bad receive their deserts; (3) the fire of purgatory, where there is correction and perfecting; (4) paradise the place of good beginnings; and (5) the world, the place of pilgrimage for those who need restoring.

[77] “Sacramentum est corporale vel materiale elementum foris sensibiliter propositum ex similitudine repraesentans, et ex institutione significans, et ex sanctificatione continens aliquam invisibilem et spiritalem gratiam” (pars ix. 2; Migne 176, col. 317). In spite of Hugo the old definition held its ground, being adopted by Peter Lombard and others after him.

[78] Here we see clearly that the works of the Creation have the sacramental quality of similitude and, in a way, the quality of institution, since their similitude to spiritual things was intended by the Creator for the instruction of man. They lack, however, the third quality of sanctification, which enables the material signum to convey its spiritual res.

[79] e.g. the material of the sacrament, which may consist in things, as in bread and wine, or in actions (as in making the sign of the cross), or in words, as in the invocation of the Trinity. He also shows how faith itself may be regarded as a sacrament, inasmuch as it is that whereby we now see in a glass darkly and behold but an image. But we shall hereafter see clearly through contemplation. Faith then is the image, i.e. the sacrament, of the future contemplation which is the sacrament’s real verity, the res.

[80] De sacr. lib. i. pars xi. cap. 1. The sacraments of the natural law included tithes, oblations, and sacrifices. Hugo also considers the good works which the natural law prescribed. This period ceases with the written law given implicitly through Abraham and explicitly through Moses. See De sacr. lib. i. pars xii. cap. i. Hugo appears to me to vary his point of view regarding the natural law and its time, for sometimes he regards it as the law prevailing till the time of Abraham or Moses, and again as the law under which pagan peoples lived, who did not know the Mosaic law.

[82] Whoever should wish for further illustration of Hugo’s allegorical methods may examine his treatises entitled De arca Noë morali and De arca Noë mystica (Migne 176, col. 618-702), where every detail of the Ark, which signifies the Church, is allegorically applied to the Christian scheme of life and salvation. With these treatises, Hugo’s De vanitate mundi (Migne 176, col. 703-740) is connected. They will be referred to when considering Hugo’s position in mediaeval philosophy, post, Chapter XXXVI., II.

[84] See the epitaph from his tomb in S. Maria sopra Minerva in Rome, given by Savigny, Geschichte des Römischen Rechts, v. 571 sqq., who also gives a sketch of his life. With the work of Durandus, the Gemma animae of Honorius of Autun (Books I. II. III.; Migne 172, col. 541 sqq.) should be compared, as marking a somewhat earlier stage in the interpretation of the Liturgy. It also gives the symbolism of the church and its parts, its ministers, and services.

[85] Every article worn or borne by the bishop (or celebrating priest) has symbolic significance.

[86] All this (which is taken from Book IV. of the Rationale) is but the first part of the Mass. The maze of symbolism increases in vastness and intricacy as the office proceeds.

[89] Many parts of the church have more than one significance. The windows were said before to represent hospitality and pity.

[91] The application of Vincent’s work to the sculpture and painting of a Gothic cathedral is due to Didron, Iconographie chrétienne, histoire de Dieu, Introduction (1843). Other writers have followed him, like Émile Male in his L’Art religieux du XIII^e siècle en France (2nd ed., Paris, 1902), to which the present writer is much indebted. It goes without saying, that the sources from which Vincent drew (e.g. the works of Albertus Magnus) likewise form a commentary upon the subjects of Gothic glass and sculpture, and may even have suggested the manner of their presentation.

[92] The opening verses of John’s Gospel account for this. Christ, or God in the person of Christ, is shown in Old Testament scenes as early as the fourth century upon sarcophagi in the Lateran at Rome.

[93] These subjects illustrated the series of events celebrated in the calendar of church services.

[96] So the composition and the arrangement of topics in the cathedral sculpture and glass have scarcely the excellence of natural grouping. The arrangement is intended to illustrate the series of successive acts making up God’s own artist-composition, itself symbolical of His purpose in the creation and redemption of man.

[97] Adam’s hymns are edited with notes and an introductory essay by L. Gautier, Œuvres poétiques d’Adam de S.-Victor (3rd ed., Paris, 1894). A number of his hymns will be found in Migne 196, col. 1422 sqq.; and also in Clement’s Carmina e poetis christianis excerpta. On Adam’s verse see post, Chapter XXXII., III.

[101] The Hebrews in bondage to the Egyptians are the symbol of all men in the bonds of sin.

[102] As Christ expires the cherubim at the gate of Eden lower the flaming sword, so that the men bathed with His blood may pass in.

[103] Isaac was always a type of Christ; his name was interpreted laughter (risus) from Gen. xxi. 6: “And Sarah said, God hath made me to laugh, so that all that hear will laugh with me.”

[105] This serpent, i.e. Christ the rod of Aaron, safe from the devil’s spite, consumes the false idols.

[107] Cf. Job xli. 1. The hook (hamus) is Christ’s divinity, whereby He pierces the devil’s jaw.

[108] Cf. Isa. xi. 8. The guiltless child is Christ, and the cockatrice is the devil.

[109] The children who mocked Elisha represent the Jews mocking Christ as He ascended Calvary; the bear is Vespasian and Titus who destroy Jerusalem.

[110] These again are types of Christ: David feigning madness among the Philistines, 1 Sam. xxi. 12-15; the goat cast forth for the people’s sins, Lev. xvi. 21, 22; and the sparrow in the rite of cleansing from leprosy, Lev. xiv. 2-7.

[111] Samson a type of Christ, will not wed a woman of his tribe (Judges xiv. 1-3) as Christ chooses the Gentiles; Samson bursts open Gaza’s gates as Christ the gates of death and hell.

[112] The allusion here is to the statement of mediaeval Bestiaries that the lion cub, when born, lies lifeless for three days, till awakened by his father’s roar. The supernal mother is the Church triumphant.

[115] Printed at the end of his Paedagogus; see Taylor, Classical Heritage of the Middle Ages, pp. 253-255, where it is translated.

[116] Although the dogmas of Christianity were formulated by reason, they were cradled in love and hate. Nowadays, in a time when dogmas are apt to be thought useless clogs to the spirit, it is well for the historically-minded to remember the power of emotional devotion which they have inspired in other times.

[117] Gautier, Œuvres d’Adam (1st ed., vol. i. p. 11); Gautier (3rd ed., p. 269) doubts whether this hymn is Adam’s. But for the purpose of illustrating the symbolism of the twelfth-century hymn, the question of authorship is not important.

[119] In these closing lines the “salubre sacramentum” is in apposition to “Ille de Samaria”—i.e. the “sacramentum” is the Saviour, who is also typified by the Good Samaritan. In another hymn for Christmas, Adam speaks of the concurrence in one persona of Word, flesh, and spirit, and then uses the phrase “Tantae rei sacramentum” (Gautier, o.c. p. 5). Here the sacramentum designates the visible human person of Christ, which was the life-giving signum or symbol of so great a marvel (tantae rei) as the Incarnation. Adam has Hugo’s teaching in mind, and the full significance of his phrase will appear by taking it in connection with Hugo’s definition of the Sacrament, ante, Chapter XXVIII.

[122] The reference is to Gideon’s fleece, Judges vi. 37, which is a type of the Virgin Mary.

[123] Gautier, o.c. 1st ed., i. 155 (Migne 196, col. 1464). In his third edition, Gautier is doubtful of Adam’s authorship of this hymn because of its irregular rhyme.

[128] A charlatan in Salimbene’s Chronicle, ante, Chapter XXI., uses a like phrase.

[129] For the data as to Alanus see the Prolegomena to Migne, Pat. Lat. 210, which volume contains his works. See also Hauréau, Mém. de l’acad. des inscriptions et des belles lettres, tome 32 (1886), p. 1, etc.; also Hist. lit. de France, tome 16, p. 396, etc. On Alanus and his place in scholastic philosophy, see post, Chapter XXXVI., III.

[132] The significance of the title is not quite clear. The poem is written in hexametre, and is not far from 4700 lines in length. It is printed in Migne 210, col. 486-576; also edited by Thos. Wright, Master of the Rolls Series, vol. 59, ii. (1872).

[133] The poem is highly imaginative in the delineation of its allegorical figures.

[135] The allusion here is to the fate of Hippolytus, whose chariot-horses, maddened by the wiles of Venus, dashed the chariot to pieces and caused their lord’s death.

[136] i. cap. vi. Her garb and attributes are elaborately told. In the latter part of the poem she is usually called Phronesis.

[138] The functions of these virgins, the Seven Liberal Arts, are poetically told. The Anticlaudianus is no text-book. But the poet apparently is following the De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii of Martianus Capella, ante, Chapter IV.

[140] One may recall Raphael’s painting of Theology on the ceiling of the Stanza del Segnatura in the Vatican. It is impossible not to compare the rôles of Alan’s Reason and Theology with those of Virgil and Beatrice in the Commedia.

[141] Here we are back in the Celestial Hierarchy of Dionysius the Areopagite.

[143] Most of these epithets of the Virgin come from allegorical interpretations of the text of the Vulgate.

[146] Notice that the Arts are here equipping and perfecting the man for his fight against sin;—which corresponds with the common mediaeval view of the function of education.

[147] The poem gives a full description of Fortune and her house, and unstable splendid gifts.

[148] But the different names of Alanus’s Virtues and Vices, and their novel antagonisms, indicate an original view of morality with him. On the Psychomachia see Taylor, Classical Heritage, pp. 278 sqq. and 379. Allegorical combats and débats (both in Latin and in the vernacular tongues) are frequent in mediaeval literature. Cf. e.g. post, Chapter XXX. Again, in certain parabolae ascribed to St. Bernard (Migne 183, col. 757 sqq.) the various virtues, Prudentia, Fortitude, Discretio, Temperantia, Spes, Timor, Sapientia, are so naturally made to act and speak, that one feels they had become personalities proper for poetry and art. Compare Hildegard’s characterizations of the Vices, ante, Chapter XIX.

[149] The English reader will derive much pleasure from F. S. Ellis’s admirable verse translation: The Romance of the Rose (Dent and Co., London, 1900). Each of the three little volumes of this translation has a convenient synopsis of the contents. Those who would know what is known of the tale and its authors should read Langlois’s chapter on it, in Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française, edited by Petit de Julleville. It may be said here, for those whose memories need refreshing, that William de Lorris wrote the first part, some forty-two hundred lines, about the year 1237, and died leaving it unfinished; John de Meun took up the poem some thirty years afterwards, and added his sequel of more than eighteen thousand lines.

[151] See ante, Chapter XXIII.; De Meun took much from the De planctu naturae of Alanus.

[161] Opusc. xiii.; De perfectione monachi, cap. xi. (Migne 144, col. 306). See ante, Chapter XVI.

[165] John approved of reading the auctores, for educational purposes, and not confining the pupil to the artes. See Metalogicus, i. 23, 24 (Migne, Pat. Lat. 199, col. 453). On John, cf. post, Chapter XXXI. and XXXVI., III.

[168] I draw upon the extracts given in the thesis of M. Demimuid, De Bernardo Carnotensi grammatico professore et interprete Virgilii (Paris, 1873), who, as appears by his title, confuses the two Bernards.

[169] The author of a bastard epitome on the Trojan War, see post, Chapter XXXII., IV.

[174] For a successor or friendly rival to Chartres, in the interest taken in grammar and classical literature, one should properly look to Orleans, where apparently those studies continued to flourish. Cf. L. Delisle, “Les Écoles d’Orléans au douzième siècle,” Annuaire-Bulletin de la Societé de l’Histoire de France, t. vii. (1869), p. 139 sqq. In a Bataille des septs arts, by Henri d’Andeli, of the first half of the thirteenth century, Logic, from its stronghold of Paris, vanquishes Grammar, whose stronghold is Orleans. In the conflict, with much symbolic truth, Aristotle overthrows Priscian, Histoire littéraire de la France, t. xxiii. p. 225.

[178] Cf. Specht, Geschichte des Unterrichtswesens in Deutschland, etc. (Stuttgard, 1885), p. 75 and passim.

Yet how soon and with what childish prattle youths might begin to speak and write Latin is touchingly shown by a boy’s letter, written from a monastic school, to his parents. It just asks for various little things, and its superscription is: “Parentibus suis A. agnus ablactatus pium balatum”: which seems to mean: “To his parents, A, a weaned lamb, sends a loving bah.” This and other curious little letters are ascribed to one Robertus Metensis (cir. A.D. 900) (Migne 132, col. 533).

[179] See Thurot, Histoire des doctrines grammaticales au moyen âge; Notices et extraits des MSS. vol. 22, part 2, p. 85. For what is said in the preceding and following pages the writer’s obligations are deep to this well-known work of Thurot, and to Reichling’s edition of the Doctrinale of Alexander de Villa-Dei (Mon. Germ. paedagogica, XII., Berlin, 1893). Paetow’s Arts Course at Medieval Universities (University of Illinois, 1910) treats learnedly of these matters.

[182] See the Einleitung to Reichling’s edition of the Doctrinale already referred to; also Thurot, De Alexandri de Villa-Dei doctrinali (Paris, 1850). The chief mediaeval rival of the Doctrinale was the Graecismus of Eberhard of Bethune, written a little later. See Paetow, o.c. p. 38.

[187] See e.g. Une Grammaire latine inédite du XIII^e siècle, par Ch. Fierville (Paris, 1886).

[188] See Reichling, o.c. Einleitung, p. xix; Thurot, Not. et extr. xxii. 2, p. 112 sqq.

[192] The Greek Grammar of Roger Bacon, ed. by Nolan and Hirsch (Cambridge, 1902).

[193] Bacon defines idioma “as the determined peculiarity (proprietas) of language, which one gens uses after its custom; and another gens uses another idioma of the same language” (Greek Grammar, p. 26). Dialect is the modern term.

[194] Greek Grammar, p. 27. Bacon appears to have followed Priscian chiefly. As to whether he used Byzantine models, or other sources, see the Introduction to Nolan and Hirsch’s edition of the Greek Grammar. These thoughts inspiring Bacon’s Grammar became a veritable metaphysics in the Grammatica speculativa ascribed to Duns Scotus, see post, Chapter XLII.

[195] Cf. L. Rockinger, “Die Ars Dictandi in Italien,” Sitzungsber. bayerisch. Akad., 1861, pp. 98-151. For examples of these dictamina, see L. Delisle, “Dictamina Magistri Berardi de Neapoli” (a papal notary equally versed in law and rhetoric), Notices et extraits des MSS., etc., vol. 27, part 2, p. 87 sqq.; Ch. V. Langlois, “Formulaires de lettres,” etc., Not. et ext. vol. 32 (2), p. 1 sqq.; ibid. vol. 34 (1), p. 1 sqq. and p. 305 sqq. and vol. 35 (2), p. 409 sqq.

[196] For the history of this school in the eleventh century, see ante, Chapter XII. III.

[197] The Eptateuchon exists in manuscript. I have taken the above from Clerval, Les Écoles de Chartres au moyen âge (Chartres, 1895), p. 221 sqq. Thierry appears to have written a commentary on Cicero’s Rhetoric. See Mélanges Graux, pp. 41-46.

[209] The works of Giraldus Cambrensis are published in Master of Rolls Series, 21, in eight volumes. The last contains the De instructione principum. Giraldus lived from about 1147 to 1220.

[213] Traube, Poëtae Lat. Aevi Carolini (Mon. Germ.), 1, p. 243. Cf. “Versus in laude Larii laci,” by Paulus Diaconus, ibid. p. 42.

[216] Ep. ii. 33 (Migne 171, col. 256). For the Latin text of this letter see post, Chapter XXXI.

[217] For the entire poem, which is of interest throughout, see post, Chapter XXXII. I.

[218] For the poem see Hauréau, Mélanges poétiques d’Hildebert de Lavardin, p. 64 (Paris, 1882).

[222] Migne, Pat. Lat. 171, col. 1428. This volume of Migne also contains the poems criticized and (some of them) edited by Hauréau in the book already referred to.

[226] Hildeberti, Ep. ii. 12 (Migne 171, col. 172-177). Compare Ep. i. 17, consoling a friend on loss of place and dignities. Hildebert’s works are in vol. 171 of Migne’s Pat. Lat. A number of his poems are more carefully edited by Hauréau in Notices et extraits des MSS., etc., vol. 28, ii. p. 289 sqq.; and some of them in vol. 29, ii. p. 231 sqq. of the same series. The matter is more conveniently given by Hauréau in his Mélanges poétiques d’Hildebert de Lavardin. On the man and his writings see De servillers, Hildebert et son temps (Paris, 1876); Hebert Duperron, De Venerabilis Hildeberti vita et scriptis (Bajocis, 1855); also vol. xi. of Hist. lit. de la France; and (best of all) Dieudonné, Hildebert de Lavardin, sa vie, ses lettres, etc. (Paris, 1898).

[227] It is well known that the great Latin prose, in spite of variances of stylistic intent and faculty among the individual writers, was an artistic, not to say artificial creation, formed under the influence of Greek models. Cicero is the supreme example of this, and he is also the greatest of all Latin prose writers. After his time some great writers (e.g. Tacitus, Quintilian) preserved a like tradition; others (e.g. Seneca) paid less attention to it. And likewise on through the patristic period, and the Middle Ages too, some men endeavoured to preserve a classic style, while others wrote more naturally.

[228] Even as it is necessary, in order to appreciate some of the methods of the Latin classical poetry, to realize that their immediate antecedents lay in Greek Alexandrian literature rather than in the older Greek Classics.

[230] A palpable difficulty in judging mediaeval Latin literature is its bulk. The extant Latin classics could be tucked away in a small corner of it. Every well-equipped student of the Classics has probably read them all. One mortal life would hardly suffice to read a moderate part of mediaeval Latin. And, finally, while there are histories of the classic literature in every modern tongue, there exists no general work upon mediaeval Latin writings regarded as literature. Ebert’s indispensable Allgemeine Geschichte der Literatur des Mittelalters ends with the tenth century. The author died. Within the scope of its purpose Dr. Sandys’ History of Classical Scholarship is compact and good.