23 This man being sent, as before mentioned, to escort Demetrius, had, by flattering discourses, and even expressing his own indignation at the treatment shown him, imposed on the open temper of the youth, who was too much off his guard, and justly incensed against his relations; and by a voluntary offer of his assistance in all his measures, and giving a solemn assurance of fidelity, he elicited his secrets. Demetrius was meditating flight to Rome; and the governor of Pæonia appeared to him to have been sent by the kindness of the gods to aid him in his design;—through whose province he supposed he might make his escape. This scheme was immediately betrayed to his brother, and, by his direction, discovered to his father. A letter was brought the king while he was besieging Petra; and in consequence of it, Herodotus, who was the most intimate friend of Demetrius, was taken into custody, and an order was given that Demetrius himself should be guarded, without his perceiving it. These occurrences, added to what had passed before, made the king’s arrival in Macedon a sad one. The present charges had an effect on him; yet he resolved to wait the return of those whom he had sent to Rome, to procure intelligence of every particular. After he had passed several months under this uneasiness and anxiety, the ambassadors, who had preconcerted before they left Macedon, what information they should bring home from Rome, at last arrived; who, in addition to other grounds of accusation, produced to the king a forged letter, sealed with a counterfeit seal of Titus Quintius. In this letter was a kind of interceding apology, that if the young prince, misled by the ambition of reigning, had offered some propositions to him on the subject, yet he was sure that “Demetrius would never attempt any thing against his relations; and that he himself was not such an individual as to appear capable of giving an undutiful advice.” This letter confirmed the charges made by Perseus: Herodotus was, therefore, immediately put to the rack, which he endured a long time, and died under the torture, without giving information of any sort.

24 Perseus now brought before his father a second formal accusation against Demetrius. His preparations for flight through Pæonia were alleged against him, and his having bribed certain persons to accompany him on the journey; but the forged letter of Titus Quintius pressed hardest on him. There was, however, no severe sentence pronounced openly, in order that he might be put to death in secrecy, which they considered a preferable course: nor was this done through regard for himself, but lest the inflicting punishment on him might unmask designs against the Romans. The king himself having occasion to go from Thessalonica to Demetrias, sent Demetrius, with the same attendant Didas, to Astræum in Pæonia, and Perseus to Amphipolis, to receive hostages from the Thracians, and is said, on parting with Didas, to have given him directions to put his son to death. A sacrifice was either intended or counterfeited by Didas, and Demetrius, being invited to be present at the solemnity, came from Astræum to Heraclea. It is said that poison was administered to him in that supper. The moment he had swallowed the draught, he was conscious of its deadly properties; and being quickly after seized with violent pains, left the banquet, and retired to a chamber, where he continued for some time in agony, complaining of the cruelty of his father, inveighing against the fratricide of Perseus, and the villany of Didas. Then one Thyrsis of Stubera, and one Alexander of Berœa, were sent in, who, covering his head and mouth with blankets, suffocated him. In this manner perished that innocent youth, since in his case his enemies were not even content with a common kind of murder.

25 While these matters were passing in Macedon, Lucius Æmilius Paullus, being, on the expiration of his consulate, continued in command, led his army at the commencement of spring into the country of the Ingaunian Ligurians. He had no sooner pitched his camp in the enemy’s territory, than ambassadors came to him under pretext of suing for peace, but in reality as spies. When Paullus declared that he would enter into no treaty whatever, unless they first surrendered; to this they did not object, but said that it would require time to procure the consent of such a rude kind of people. When, for that purpose, a suspension of arms for ten days was granted, then they further requested that his men might not go beyond the mountains for wood or forage, for that was the part of their lands which they had under tillage. After they obtained this request, they collected all their forces behind those mountains, which they had prevented the Romans from approaching; and on a sudden, with a vast multitude, assaulted every gate of his camp at once. During that whole day, they prosecuted the attack with such vigour, that Paullus had not time to march out of the camp, nor room to draw out his troops: crowding together at the gates, they defended their camp by blocking up the passage, rather than by fighting. When the enemy had retired a little before sun-set, the general despatched two horsemen to Pisæ, to Cneius Bæbius, proconsul, with a letter, requesting him to come with all speed to his relief, as he was besieged in the midst of a truce. Bæbius had given up his army to Marcus Pinarius, the prætor, who was going into Sardinia, but he informed the senate by letter that Lucius Æmilius was besieged by the Ligurians, and also wrote to Marcus Claudius Marcellus, whose province lay the nearest, that, if he thought proper, he should march his army out of Gaul into Liguria, and relieve Lucius Æmilius from the blockade. These succours would have come too late. The Ligurians returned next day to the attack of the camp. Æmilius, although he was aware that they would come, and although he could have drawn out his army to meet them, yet kept his men within the lines, in order that he might protract the business until such time as Bæbius should come with his army from Pisæ.

26 Bæbius’s letter caused a great alarm at Rome, and it was increased by this circumstance, that, in a few days after Marcellus coming to Rome, having given up the command of the army to Fabius, banished all hope of a possibility of the forces, then in Gaul, being removed into Liguria; for hostilities had commenced with the Istrians, who obstructed the settlement of the colony of Aquileia; and, as Fabius had led his army thither, he could not quit that country now that the war was begun. There was but one hope of relief, and even that too slow for the exigency of the time,—this was, that the consuls might hasten their march into that province, and the senators earnestly pressed them to do so. The consuls declared that they would not set out until the levies were completed, and that no indolence in them, but the violence of the epidemic sickness, was the cause of their being so long in finishing the levy. However, they could not withstand the united wishes of the whole senate, in urging them to depart in the military habit, and to proclaim a day to the troops which they had enlisted, on which they should assemble at Pisæ. Authority was given them to enlist hasty levies on their march, wherever they should go, and take them with them. Orders were likewise issued to the prætors, Quintus Petillius and Quintus Fabius, that Petillius should raise two tumultuary legions of Roman citizens, and compel every person under fifty years of age to enlist; and that Fabius should demand from the Latin allies, fifteen thousand foot and eight hundred horse. Two commanders were appointed to the fleet, Caius Matienus and Caius Lucretius, and ships were put in readiness for them. An order was given Matienus, whose station was at the Gallic bay, to steer his squadron, with all expedition, to the coast of Liguria, and to try if he could be of any service to Lucius Æmilius and his army.

27 Æmilius, when no aid appeared in any quarter, believing that his couriers had been intercepted, resolved to wait no longer, but to make a trial of fortune by himself; and for this purpose, before the coming of the enemy, who now made their attacks with less briskness and vigour, he drew up his troops at the four gates, that, on a signal being given, might sally out from all sides at once. To four independent cohorts of auxiliaries, he added two others, and gave the command to Marcus Valerius, lieutenant-general, with orders to make his sally by the prætorian gate. At the right gate of the first cohort he formed the spearmen of the first legion, placing the first-rank men of the same legion in reserve: Marcus Servilius and Lucius Sulpicius, military tribunes, had the command of these. The third legion was drawn up opposite to the left gate of the first cohort, with this difference only, that here the first-rank men were posted in front, and the spearmen in reserve. Sextus Julius Cæsar and Lucius Aurelius Cotta, military tribunes, had the command of this legion. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, lieutenant-general, with the right wing of the allies, was posted at the quæstorian gate: and two cohorts, with the veterans of the two legions, were ordered to stay within to guard the camp. The general himself went round by all the gates, haranguing the troops, and excited the wrath of the soldiers by all the incentives that he could use; at one time declaiming against the treachery of the enemy, who after suing for peace, and obtaining a truce, had come during the very time of that truce, in violation of the law of nations, to attack his camp; at another, setting before them what a shame it was that a Roman army should be besieged by Ligurians, people more properly styled robbers than a regular enemy. “With what face,” continued he, “if you make your way hence by the assistance of others, and not by your own valour, will any of you meet, I do not say those soldiers that conquered Hannibal, or Philip, or Antiochus, the greatest kings and generals of the present age, but those who often drove those very Ligurians before them, flying like cattle through pathless forests, and put them to the sword? What the Spaniards, the Gauls, the Macedonians, or Carthaginians, never dared to attempt, a Ligurian enemy dares: he marches up to the trenches of a Roman camp, unexpectedly besieges and assaults it; although, formerly, we, searching carefully the recesses of the forests, were with difficulty able to find them lurking in their hiding-places.” This was answered by a general clamour, “that it was no fault of the soldiers, as no one had given them the order to sally forth Let him but give the order, and he should soon be convinced, that both the Romans and the Ligurians were the same that ever they were.”

28 There were two camps of the Ligurians on the hither side of the mountains, from which, on the former days, they had marched forward at sun-rise, all in order and regular array. On this day they did not take arms until they had made a full meal of food and wine; and then they came out in loose order, and regardless of their ranks, as they expected with certainty, that the enemy would not venture out beyond the rampart. As they were approaching in this disorderly manner, the shout being raised by every one in the camp at once, even by the suttlers and servants, the Romans rushed out by all the gates at the same time. This event was so entirely unexpected by the Ligurians, that they were confounded no less than if they had been caught in an ambush. For a short time, some appearance of a fight was maintained, and then followed a hasty flight, and a general slaughter of the fugitives. When the signal was given to the cavalry to mount their horses, and not to suffer any to escape, they were all driven in a confused flight to their camps, and soon beaten out of them also. Above fifteen thousand of the Ligurians were killed, and two thousand five hundred taken. In three days after, the whole state of the Ingaunian Ligurians gave hostages, and surrendered. The masters and crews of the ships, which had been employed in piracies, were carefully sought, for, and thrown into prison; and thirty-two ships of that description were taken by Caius Matienus, one of the two on the Ligurian coast. Lucius Aurelius Cotta, and Caius Sulpicius Gallus, were sent to Rome to announce these transactions and bring a letter to the senate, and at the same time to request that, as the business of the province was finished, Lucius Æmilius might have permission to leave it, and to bring away his troops and disband them. Both requests were granted by the senate, and a supplication was decreed, at all the shrines, for three days; the prætors Petillius and Fabius received orders, the former to discharge the city legions, the latter to excuse the allies and Latins from the levies, and that the city prætor should write to the consuls, that the senate thought proper that the occasional soldiers, enlisted on account of the sudden alarm, should be immediately discharged.

29 The colony of Gravisca was established this year in a district of Etruria, formerly taken from the Tarquinians, and five acres of land were given to each settler. The commissioners who conducted it were Caius Calpurnius Piso, Publius Claudius Pulcher, and Caius Terentius Istra. The year was rendered remarkable by a drought, and a scarcity of the productions of the earth. It is handed down on record, that during the space of six months no rain fell. In the same year, some workmen in the farm of Lucius Petillius, a notary, at the foot of the Janiculum, digging the ground deeper than usual, discovered two stone chests, about eight feet long and four broad, the covers of which were soldered with lead. Both the chests had inscriptions in Greek and Latin letters, one signifying that therein was buried Numa Pompilius, son of Pompo, and king of the Romans; the other, that therein were contained the books of Numa Pompilius. When the owner of the ground had, by the advice of his friends, opened these chests, the one which, according to its inscription, contained the body of the king, was found perfectly empty, without any trace of a human body or of any thing else having ever been in it; the whole being consumed by the decay of such a number of years. In the other were found two bundles, tied round with waxed cords, and each containing seven books, not only entire, but apparently quite fresh. Seven were in Latin, and related to the pontifical law; and seven in Greek, containing the doctrines of philosophy, such as might have been known in that age. Valerius Antias adds, that they contained the doctrines of Pythagoras, supporting, by this plausible fiction, the credit of the vulgar opinion, that Numa had been a disciple of Pythagoras. The books were read, first, by Petillius’s friends, who were present at the discovery. Afterwards, when they became publicly spoken of in consequence of many others reading them, Quintus Petillius, the city prætor, having a desire to read those books, borrowed them from Lucius Petillius, with whom he was familiarly acquainted, in consequence of Quintus Petillius having, when quæstor, made him a notary, and chosen him as one of ten. On reading the principal heads of the contents, he perceived that most of them had a tendency to undermine the established system of religious doctrines, and, thereupon, he told Lucius Petillius, that “he was determined to throw those books into the fire; but before he did so, he gave him leave, if he thought he had any right or appeal to demand the restitution of them, to make the trial, which he might do and preserve his favour.” The notary applied to the plebeian tribunes, and the tribunes referred the matter to the senate. The prætor declared, that he was ready to make oath that those books ought not to be read or preserved; and the senate decreed, that “the prætor’s having offered his oath ought to be deemed sufficient evidence that those books should, without delay, be burned in the comitium, and that such a price should be paid to the owner as might be judged reasonable by the prætor, Quintus Petillius, and the majority of the plebeian tribunes.” The notary did not receive the money. The books, however, were burned in the comitium, in the view of the people, the fire being made by the public servants, whose duty “it was to assist at sacrifices.

30 A formidable war broke out this summer in the Hither Spain, where the Celtiberians assembled such a force as they had hardly ever brought into the field before, amounting to no less than thirty-five thousand men. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus was governor of this province, who, because he heard that the Celtiberians were arming their young men, drew together all the succours he could procure from the allies. But he was by no means equal to the enemy in point of numbers. Early in spring, he marched his army into Carpetania, and fixed his camp close to the town of Æbura, in which he posted a small garrison. In a few days after, the Celtiberians pitched their camp at the foot of a hill, about two miles from that place. When the Roman prætor was informed of their approach, he detached his brother, Marcus Fulvius, with two troops of the allied horse, to the enemy’s post, to take a view of them; ordering him to advance as near as possible to their rampart, so as to form a judgment of the size of the camp; and not to engage in fight, but to retreat if he should see the enemy’s cavalry coming out. He acted according to his instructions, and for several days there was nothing further done than these two troops showing themselves, and then retreating when the enemy’s cavalry sallied from their tents. At length, the Celtiberians came out, with their entire force of horse and foot together, and drawing up in a line, posted themselves about midway between the two camps. The whole plain was level, and convenient for fighting, and here the Spaniards stood waiting for their enemy. The Roman general kept his men within the rampart during four successive days, while the others constantly drew up theirs, and formed in the same place. No motion was made by the Romans; and from that time the Celtiberians, because they had not an opportunity of engaging, remained quiet in their camp; their cavalry only advanced as out-posts, to be ready in case of any movement being made by Fulvius. Both parties went for wood and forage behind their own camps, neither interrupting the other.

31 When the Roman prætor thought that, by his inactivity for so many days, he had created in the Celtiberians a firm persuasion that he would not be first in any movement, he ordered Lucius Acilius, with the left wing of allies and six thousand provincial auxiliaries, to make the circuit of a mountain behind the enemy, and as soon as he should hear the shout, to pour down from them on their camp. This party, to avoid being seen, set out in the night. At the dawn of day Flaccus sent Caius Scribonius, a præfect of the allies, with the allied cavalry of the left wing, to the enemy’s rampart; when the Celtiberians, observing that they approached nearer, and were also more numerous than usual, all their cavalry poured forth from the camp, and at the same time the signal is given to the infantry to sally forth. Scribonius, according to his instructions, no sooner heard the neighing of the enemy’s cavalry than he wheeled about and retreated to the camp, on which they pursued with the more violence. First the cavalry, and in a short time the line of infantry, came up, confidently expecting that they should be able to assault the camp before night, and they were five hundred paces, not more, from the rampart. Flaccus, therefore, thinking that they were now drawn far enough from their camp, to hinder them from giving it any succour, as he had his troops already formed within the works, burst out from three sides at once; and at the same time raised the shout, not only to inspire ardour for the fight, but also that the party on the mountain might hear it. Nor did these make any delay, but, according to their orders, poured down on the camp, where five thousand men, not more, were left to guard it, and when the smallness of their numbers, the multitude of the assailants and the unexpectedness of the affair, had struck terror into them, the camp was taken almost without a struggle. Acilius set fire to that part of the camp which was most exposed to the view of the combatants.

32 The Celtiberians in the rear of their own line first observed the flames, and the news spread quickly through the whole army, that the camp was lost, and was even then completely in a blaze, which filled them with dismay, while it gave fresh spirits to the Romans; for now the shouts of victory raised by their friends struck their ear, and the enemies’ camp appeared all on fire. The Celtiberians hesitated for some time, uncertain how to act, but when they considered that, in case of a defeat, they had no place of refuge, and that their only hope now lay in their arms, they renewed the combat afresh, with greater obstinacy. Their centre was pressed hard by the fifth legion; but their men advanced with more confidence against the left wing, where they saw that the Romans had posted the provincial auxiliaries, troops of their own kind. The left wing of the Romans was now near being defeated, had not the seventh legion come to its support. At the same time, the troops left in garrison at Æbura came up during the heat of the battle, and Acilius closed on the enemy’s rear. Thus surrounded, the Celtiberians were, for a long time, cut off in great numbers, and at last the survivors betook themselves to flight in every direction. The cavalry, in two divisions, were sent in pursuit, and made great havoc. There were killed, of the enemy, on that day, twenty-three thousand, and four thousand seven hundred were taken, with more than five hundred horses, and eighty-eight military ensigns. The victory was great, but not obtained without loss of blood. There fell, of the two Roman legions, a few more than two hundred men; of the Latin confederates, eight hundred and thirty; and of foreign auxiliaries, about two thousand four hundred. The prætor led back his victorious troops to their tents: Acilius was ordered to remain in the camp which he had taken. Next day the spoils of the enemy were collected, and those whose bravery had been remarkable were presented with gifts in a public assembly.

33 The wounded were then conveyed into the town of Æbura, and the legions marched through Carpetania, against Contrebia. The garrison there, on being invested, sent for succours to the Celtiberians; but these were long in coming, not because they were unwilling to give assistance, but that after they had begun their march the roads were rendered impassable, and the rivers swelled by continued rains, so that their countrymen, despairing of assistance, capitulated. Flaccus also, being compelled by the same severe weather, brought his whole army into the city. The Celtiberians, who were on their march, having heard nothing of the capitulation, when the rains abated at last, passed the rivers, and came to Contrebia. When they saw no camp before the town, supposing either that it was removed to the other side, or that the enemy had retired, they came up towards the walls in careless disorder. The Romans made a sally against them from two gates, and attacking them in confusion completely routed them. The same circumstance that disabled them from standing their ground and maintaining a fight,—their not having come in one body, or in a regular disposition, round their standards,—proved favourable to many in making their escape: for they scattered themselves widely over the whole plain, so that the Romans could no where enclose any considerable body of them. However, there were about twelve thousand killed, and more than five thousand taken, with four hundred horses, and sixty-two military standards. The stragglers, flying homewards, turned back another body of Celtiberians, whom they met on the road, by informing them of the surrender of Contrebia, and their own defeat; whereupon they all immediately dispersed, and made the best of their way to their several villages and forts. Flaccus, leaving Contrebia, led his legions through Celtiberia ravaging the country; he stormed many forts until at length the greatest part of the Celtiberians surrendered.

34 Such were the transactions of that year in Hither Spain. In the Farther province, Manlius fought several successful battles with the Lusitanians. In the same year the Latin colony of Aquileia was established in the Gallic territory. Three thousand foot soldiers received each fifty acres, centurions a hundred, horsemen a hundred and forty. The three commissioners who conducted the settlement were Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica, Caius Flaminius and Lucius Manlius Acidinus. Two temples were dedicated this year, one to Venus Erycina, at the Colline gate; Lucius Porcius Licinius duumvir, son of Lucius, dedicated it. This temple had been vowed, during the Ligurian war, by Lucius Porcius, the consul The other to Piety, in the herb-market. Manius Acilius Glabrio, the duumvir, dedicated this temple; he erected a gilded statue of his father Glabrio, the first of the kind that ever was seen in Italy. This was the person who vowed the temple, on the day whereon he gained the decisive victory over king Antiochus, at Thermopylæ, and who, likewise, had contracted for its being built, in pursuance of a decree of the senate. At the same time when these temples were consecrated, Lucius Æmilius Paullus, the proconsul, triumphed over the Ingaunian Ligurians. He carried in the procession twenty-five golden crowns, but no other article of either gold or silver. Many Ligurian chiefs were led captives before his chariot, and he distributed to each of his soldiers three hundred asses.57 The arrival of ambassadors from the Ligurians, begging that a perpetual peace might be established, enhanced the reputation of this triumph, and they asserted, that “the Ligurians had come to a resolution never again to take arms, on any occasion, except when commanded by the Roman people.” This answer was given to the Ligurians, by Quintus Fabius, the prætor, by order of the senate, that “such kind of language was not new with the Ligurians; but it concerned chiefly their own interest that their disposition should be new, and conformable to their language. They must go to the consuls, and perform whatever was commanded by them; for the senate would never believe, from any other than the consuls, that the Ligurians were really and sincerely disposed to peace.” Peace however was made with that people. In Corsica, a battle was fought against the inhabitants. The prætor, Marcus Pinarius, slew in the field about two thousand of them; by which loss they were compelled to give hostages, and a hundred thousand pounds of wax. The army was then carried over into Sardinia, and some successful battles were fought against the Iliensians, a nation, even at the present day, not in every particular friendly to us. In this year a hundred hostages were restored to the Carthaginians, and the Roman people enabled them to live in peace, not only among themselves, but also with Masinissa, who at that time with an armed force held possession of the land in dispute.

35 The consuls had nothing to do in their province. Marcus Bæbius, being summoned home to Rome to preside at the elections, created consuls Aulus Postumius Albinus Luscus and Caius Calpurnius Piso. Then Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, Lucius Postumius Albinus, Publius Cornelius Mammula Titus Minucius Molliculus, Aulus Hostilius Mancinus, and Caius Mænius were made prætors. All these entered into office on the ides of March. In the beginning of this year in which Aulus Postumius Albinus and Caius Calpurnius Piso were consuls, Lucius Minucius, lieutenant-general, and two military tribunes, Titus Mænius and Lucius Terentius Massilicta, who had come from Hither Spain from Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, were introduced to an audience of the senate by Aulus Postumius the consul. These, after informing the senate of the two victories gained, of the submission of Celtiberia, and of the conclusion of the business of the province, and that there was no occasion either to send pay, as usual, or corn to the army for that year, requested, first, that “on account of these successes a thanksgiving should be performed to the immortal gods; and, then, that leave should be given to Quintus Fulvius, on his quitting the province, to bring home from it the army which had served under him and many former prætors, with much bravery. They represented, that this measure, besides the propriety of it, was in some degree necessary, for the troops were so obstinately bent on it, that it did not seem possible to keep them longer in the province; but, if they were not disbanded, they would either leave it without orders, or, if any one would attempt to detain them by compulsion, would break out into a dangerous mutiny.” The senate ordered, that Liguria should be the province of both the consuls. The prætors then cast lots for theirs. The city jurisdiction fell to Aulus Hostilius; the foreign, to Titus Minucius; Sicily, to Publius Cornelius; Sardinia, to Caius Mænius; Farther Spain, to Lucius Postumius; and Hither Spain, to Tiberius Sempronius. As this last was to succeed Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, and wished that the province might not be stripped of the veteran troops, he spoke thus: “Quintus Minucius, I demand of you, since you assert, in your report, that your province is subdued, do you think, that the Celtiberians will always faithfully observe the treaty, so that the province may be kept in obedience without an army? If you cannot give us any assurance of, or undertake to answer for, the fidelity of the barbarians, but think that, at all events, there must be an army maintained there, I pray you, whether would you recommend to the senate to send a reinforcement into Spain, in order that those soldiers only who have served out their time may be discharged, and the recruits mixed with the veterans? or to withdraw the veteran legions, and enlist new ones, and send them in their place? and this, although the contempt entertained for such new recruits might rouse barbarians of more pacific tempers to a renewal of war? would it be a matter easier said than done, to reduce to complete subjection a province naturally fierce, and constantly renewing the war? A few states, as I am informed, who were awed, more than the rest, by the nearness of our winter quarters, have submitted to our authority and dominion, while those more remote are in arms. This being the case, conscript fathers, I now give notice beforehand, that, with the army at present there, I will undertake to execute the business of the republic; but, if Flaccus bring those legions home with him, I will choose some quiet part of the country for winter quarters, and will not expose raw soldiers to an enemy so remarkably ferocious.”

36 To these questions, which he had been asked, the lieutenant-general answered, that “neither he nor any other could possibly divine what were the sentiments of the Celtiberians, or what they would be in future; therefore he could not deny that it would be proper to send an army among a barbarous people, who, though reduced to a state of quiet, were not yet sufficiently inured to subjection; but whether a new army or a veteran one might be requisite, rested with him to decide who could ascertain with what sincerity the Celtiberians would observe the peace; and who, at the same time, had assurance that the troops would remain quiet, if kept longer in the province. If a conjecture were to be formed of their intentions, either from their conversations with each other, or from the expressions with which they interrupted the general’s harangues, they had openly and loudly declared, that they would either keep their commander in the province, or come home with him to Italy.” This discussion, between the prætor and the lieutenant-general, was suspended by the consuls introducing other matters; for they thought it right, that their own provinces might be adjusted before they deliberated concerning the army of the prætor. An army entirely new was decreed to the consuls: two Roman legions to each, with their proportion of cavalry; and of the Latin allies, the usual number of fifteen thousand foot and eight hundred horse. With these forces, they were directed to make war on the Apuan Ligurians. Publius Cornelius and Marcus Bæbius were continued in command, and ordered to hold the government of the provinces until the consuls should arrive. They were ordered then to disband their troops, and return to Rome. Then they deliberated concerning the army under Tiberius Sempronius. The consuls were ordered to enlist for him a new legion of five thousand two hundred foot and four hundred horse; and also a thousand Roman foot and five hundred horse; and to command the allies of Latium to furnish seven thousand foot and three hundred horse. With this army it was determined that Sempronius should go into Hither Spain. Permission was granted to Quintus Fulvius, with respect to all those soldiers, whether Romans or allies, who had been transported into Spain previous to the consulate of Spurius Postumius and Quintus Marcius; and likewise to such as, after the junction of the reinforcements, should be found in the two legions, above the number of ten thousand four hundred foot and six hundred horse; and in the Latin auxiliaries above twelve thousand foot and six hundred horse, who had behaved with courage under Quintus Fulvius in the two battles with the Celtiberians,—these, if he thought proper, he might bring home. Thanksgivings were also decreed, because he had managed the republic successfully; and the rest of the prætors sent into their provinces. Quintus Fabius Buteo had his command in Gaul. It was resolved that eight legions should be employed this year, besides the veteran army then in Liguria, which expected to be speedily disbanded; and that very army was made up with difficulty, in consequence of the pestilence which continued, for the third year, to depopulate the city of Rome and all Italy.

37 Tiberius Minucius, the prætor, died of this malady; and soon after, Caius Calpurnius, the consul; also many illustrious men of all ranks; so that at last this calamity began to be considered as a prodigy. Caius Servilius, chief pontiff was ordered to find out proper atonements for the wrath of the gods; the decemvirs to inspect the books, and the consul to vow offerings, and to present gilded statues, to Apollo Æsculapius, and Health; which he vowed and gave. The decemvirs proclaimed, on account of the sickness, a supplication of two days in the city, and in all the market-towns and villages; all persons above the age of twelve years offered the supplication, with garlands on their heads, and holding laurels in their hands. There had, also, crept into people’s minds a suspicion of human villany in regard to it whereupon Caius Claudius, the prætor, who had been substituted in the room of Tiberius Minucius, was commissioned by a decree of the senate, to make inquisition concerning acts of poisoning committed in the city, or within ten miles of it; and Caius Mænius was ordered to do the same, before he passed over to his province, Sardinia, in the market-towns and villages beyond the tenth stone. The death of the consul was most suspected. It was reported that he had been murdered by his wife, Quarta Hostilia; and when her son, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, was proclaimed consul in the room of his stepfather, the death of Piso began to excite much more suspicion; for witnesses appeared, who testified, that, after Albinus and Piso were declared consuls, in which election Flaccus had suffered a disappointment, his mother upbraided him with being refused the consulship a third time, and then desired him to make ready to stand candidate again, saying, “she would take such measures that within two months he should be made consul.” This expression verified by the event, which was but too real, joined to many other evidences of the same tendency, appeared such strong proof, that Hostilia was condemned. In the spring of this year, the levies detained the new consuls at Rome; while the death of one of them, and the holding of the assembly to substitute another in his place, occasioned still further delays. In the mean time Publius Cornelius and Marcus Bæbius, who, in their consulate, had done nothing worth mention, led their troops into the country of the Apuan Ligurians.

38 The Ligurians, who did not expect an attack before the arrival of the consuls in the province, were surprised, and surrendered to the number of twelve thousand men. Cornelius and Bæbius, having consulted the senate by letter, determined to bring them down from their mountains into a plain country, so far from home, that they should have no hope of a return; for they were convinced, that before this was done no end could be put to the war in Liguria. There was a tract of land in Samnium, the public property of the Roman people, formerly occupied by the Taurasinians. When they intended to transplant the Apuan Ligurians to this country, they published an order, that this people should quit the mountains, with their wives and children, and bring all their effects along with them. The Ligurians made, by their ambassadors, many humble supplications that they might not be compelled to relinquish their native home, the soil in which they were born, and the tombs of their forefathers. They promised to give up their arms, and deliver hostages. After they failed in all their solicitations, and were destitute of strength for the maintenance of a war, they obeyed the order. Forty thousand men, of free condition, with their women and children, were transplanted at the expense of the public, and a hundred and fifty thousand sesterces58 were given them, to provide necessaries for their new habitations. Cornelius and Bæbius, who removed them, were commissioned to divide and apportion the lands; but, at their own request, the senate appointed five other commissioners, by whose advice they should act. When they had finished this business, and brought home their veteran soldiers to Home, a triumph was decreed them by the senate. These were the first who ever triumphed without having fought an enemy. Hostages only were led before their chariots; for there appeared not, in their triumphs, either spoils to be carried, or prisoners to be led captives, or money to be distributed to the soldiers.

39 In the same year Fulvius Flaccus, the proconsul in Spain, as his successor did not come to the province at the usual time, having drawn out the troops from their winter quarters, proceeded to lay waste the farther part of Celtiberia, whose inhabitants had not come in to make submission. But by this proceeding he rather provoked than terrified the spirits of the barbarians; so that, having collected secretly a body of forces, they beset the Manlian pass, through which they knew, with certainty, that the Roman army would march. Gracchus had commissioned his colleague, Lucius Postumius Albinus, who was going to the Farther Spain, to desire Quintus Fulvius to bring his forces to Tarraco, where he intended to discharge the veterans, to distribute the reinforcements among the respective corps, and reorganize the entire army. The day also was mentioned to Flaccus, and that not very distant, on which his successor would arrive. When tidings of this new arrangement had compelled Flaccus to drop the business which he had undertaken, and to lead away the troops in haste out of Celtiberia, the barbarians, unacquainted with the reason, and supposing that he had discovered their revolt and secret assembling of an army, and that he was retreating through fear, beset the pass with the greater determination. When the Roman army entered this defile, at the dawn of day, immediately the enemy starting up attacked it at two sides at once. And when Flaccus saw this, he put down the confusion arising among the soldiers by giving orders through the centurions that every man should keep his post, in the order of march, and make ready his arms; then collecting the baggage and beasts of burden, into one spot, partly by himself, partly by the help of the lieutenants-general, and military tribunes, he formed his troops as the time and place required, without any confusion. He put them in mind, that they were to engage with men “who had been twice reduced to submission; that guilt and perfidy, not valour or courage, were their only accessions. That these people had put it in their power to make their return to their country which otherwise would have been ignoble, glorious and splendid; for they would now carry home their swords red from the slaughter, and spoils dropping blood.” The time did not allow more to be said, as the enemy were rapidly advancing upon them; the extremities of the wings were already engaged, and quickly after the entire lines.

40 The battle was furious in every part, but the success various. The two legions fought with extraordinary bravery, nor were the two cohorts of the allies remiss; but the foreign auxiliaries were hard pressed, by men armed like themselves, and rather a better description of soldiers; nor were they able to maintain their ground. The Celtiberians, as soon as they perceived that, in a regular line, and in fair fighting, they were no match for the legions, made a charge against them, in the form of a wedge, in which sort of attack they excel so much, that on whatever part they direct their assault they cannot be withstood. On this occasion, too, the legions were ordered, and the line was almost broken. When Flaccus observed this disorder, he rode up to the legionary cavalry, asking them, “Have we any support in you? Is the whole army to be lost?” Whereupon they called to him from all sides, to “tell them what he wished to be done; and that it should be instantly attempted.” “Cavalry of the two legions, double your troops,” he replied, “and charge the wedge, which is attacking our soldiers; you will make a more violent charge, if you spur your horses without bridles against the foe. This expedient is recorded to have been often employed by the Roman cavalry with great advantage.” They obeyed his orders, and taking off the bits of the bridle, they spurred in full career through that body twice, forward and backward, breaking their spears to pieces, and making great havoc of the enemy. The Celtiberians, on this dispersion of their wedge, on which had been their whole reliance, were quite dismayed, and almost giving over the fight, looked about for ways to escape. And now, when the allied horse saw this brilliant exploit of the Roman cavalry, they were so inflamed by the example of their bravery, that without waiting for orders, they made a charge on the enemy, while they were in confusion. Then truly all the Celtiberians scatter and fly, and the Roman general, when he saw their backs, vowed a temple to Equestrian Fortune, and games in honour of Jupiter supremely good and great. The fugitives, dispersing, were pursued with much slaughter, through the whole length of the pass. Seventeen thousand of the enemy are recorded to have been killed on this occasion, and more than four thousand taken, with two hundred and seventy-seven military standards, and near one thousand one hundred horses. The victorious army pitched no camp on that day. This victory, however, was not gained without loss; four hundred and seventy-two Roman soldiers, one thousand and nineteen of the allies and Latins, and besides these three thousand of the auxiliaries perished. The victorious army, having thus reasserted their former renown, finished their march to Tarraco. The prætor, Tiberius Sempronius, who had arrived two days before, came out to meet Fulvius on the road, and congratulated him on the important services which he had rendered to the commonwealth. They then, with perfect unanimity, settled what soldiers they should discharge, and what they should retain; and Fulvius, embarking the disbanded soldiers in the fleet, set sail for Rome, while Sempronius led the legions into Celtiberia.

41 Both the consuls led their armies into Liguria, but on different sides. Postumius, with the first and third legions, invested the mountains of Balista and Suismontium; and, by securing the narrow passes leading thereto with guards, cut off all supplies of provisions; and by want of every thing he reduced them to an entire obedience. Fulvius, with the second and fourth legions, marched from Pisæ against the Apuan Ligurians; and having received the submission of that part of them which inhabited the banks of the river Macra, he put them, to the number of seven thousand men, on board ships, and sent them along the Etrurian coast to Neapolis, from whence they were conducted into Samnium, and lands were assigned to them among their countrymen. The vine-yards of the Ligurians of the mountains were cut down and their corn burnt by Aulus Postumius, until, compelled by all the calamities of war, they surrendered and delivered up their arms. From thence Postumius proceeded, by sea, to visit the coast of the Ingaunian and Intemelian tribes. Before these consuls joined the army which had been ordered to meet at Pisæ, Aulus Postumius, and a brother of Quintus Fulvius, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, had the command of it. Fulvius was military tribune of the second legion. He in his months59 of command disbanded the legion, after obliging the centurions to swear, that they would carry the money in their hands to the treasury, and deliver it to the quæstors. When this was announced to Aulus at Placentia, to which place he happened to have made an excursion, he set out with some light horsemen, in quest of the disbanded men; and such as he could overtake, he sharply rebuked and brought back to Pisæ, and then apprised the consul of the whole matter. When he laid the business before the senate, a decree was passed that Marcus Fulvius should be banished into that part of Spain beyond New Carthage; and a letter was given him by the consul, to be carried into Farther Spain, to Publius Manlius. The soldiers were ordered to return to their standards; and it was decreed, that, as a mark of disgrace, that legion should, for that year, receive but half a year’s pay. The consul was likewise ordered to sell the person and property of every soldier who should not return to the army.

42 In the same year Lucius Duronius, who had been prætor the year before, returned with ten ships from Illyricum to Brundusium, and leaving the fleet in that harbour, came to Rome, and in giving a recital of the services which he had performed in his province, he threw the blame of all the piracies committed by sea, on Gentius, king of Illyricum, as their undoubted cause. “From his kingdom,” he said, “came all the ships that had ravaged the coast of the Hadriatic; that he had sent ambassadors on the subject, but they were not even allowed an audience of the king.” Some time before this, ambassadors had come to Rome from Gentius, who said, that “when the Romans came for the purpose of holding a conference with the king, he happened to be sick in a remote part of his dominions; and that Gentius requested of the senate, not to give credit to the forged charges which his enemies had made against him.” Duronius added, that injuries were offered to many Roman citizens and Latin allies, in Gentius’s dominions; some of whom he held in confinement in Corcyra. It was their pleasure that all these should be brought to Rome; that the prætor, Caius Claudius, should inquire into that business; and that until this were done, no answer should be given to king Gentius, or his ambassadors. Among many others whom the pestilence of this year cut off, several priests also died. Lucius Valerius Flaccus, a pontiff, died of it; and in his room was substituted Quintus Fabius Labeo. Publius Manlius, who had lately come home from the Farther Spain, and was triumvir of religious feasts, died also; Quintus Fulvius, son of Marcus, then a mere youth, succeeded him. The appointing of a king of the sacrifices in the room of Cneius Cornelius Dolabella, gave rise to a dispute between Caius Servilius, chief pontiff, and Lucius Cornelius Dolabella, naval duumvir; whom the pontiff ordered to resign his office, to the end that he might inaugurate him; and on the duumvir’s refusing to do this, a fine was therefore imposed on him by the pontiff; and when the latter appealed, they contended about the affair before the people. After a majority of the tribes, being called in, had ordered that the duumvir should comply with the requisition of the pontiff, and that if he would resign his commission the fine should be remitted, an unfavourable omen from the heavens intervened, which broke off the proceedings of the assembly. After this the pontiffs were prevented by religious scruples from inaugurating Dolabella. They consecrated Publius Clælius Siculus, who had been installed in the second place. Towards the end of the year, Caius Servilius Geminus, the chief pontiff, also died; the same was decemvir of religious affairs. In his room, as pontiff, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus was nominated by the college; but Marcus Æmilius Lepidus, was elected chief pontiff, though many illustrious men sought that office; and Quintus Marcius Philippus was appointed to the office of the same, as decemvir of religious affairs. Spurius Postumius Albinus, an augur, died; and the augurs elected into his place Publius Scipio, son of Africanus. On the request of the people of Cumæ that year, leave was granted them to use the Latin language in their public business, and that their auctioneers should have a right to use the Latin language in selling.

43 To the Pisans, offering ground for the establishment of a Latin colony, thanks were returned by the senate, and triumvirs were appointed to conduct that business; these were Quintus Fabius Buteo, Marcus Pompilius Lænas, and Publius Pompilius Lænas. A letter was brought from Caius Mænius, the prætor, (to whom, after that the province of Sardinia had fallen to his lot, orders were given to make inquisition concerning sorceries, in places more than ten miles distant from the city,) the purport of which was, “that he had already passed sentence on three thousand people; and that still, in consequence of fresh discoveries, the business of the inquisition increased so much on his hands, that he must either drop the prosecution of the inquiries, or give up the province.” Quintus Fulvius Flaccus returned to Rome from Spain, with a high reputation for his military exploits; and while he waited without the city in expectation of a triumph, was elected consul with Lucius Manlius Acidinus. And after a few days, he rode through the city in triumph, accompanied by the soldiers whom he had brought with him. He carried in the procession a hundred and twenty-four golden crowns, together with thirty-one pounds’ weight of gold, and of coined Oscan silver a hundred and seventy-three thousand two hundred pieces.60 He gave out of the booty to each of the soldiers fifty denariuses; double that sum to a centurion; triple it to a horseman; and the same sums to the Latin allies, with double pay to all. This year, for the first time, a law was proposed by Lucius Villius, plebeian tribune, ascertaining at what ages men might sue for, and hold each office in the state. Hence the surname Annalis was given to his family.

44 Four prætors were elected, after a lapse of many years, by the Bæbian law, which enacted that four should be elected every alternate year; and the persons appointed were Cneius Cornelius Scipio, Caius Valerius Lævinus, Quintus Mucius Scævola, and Publius Mucius Scævola, sons of Quintus. To the consuls, Quintus Fulvius and Lucius Manlius, was decreed the same province as to the preceding ones, and the same number of forces, infantry, cavalry, citizens, and allies. In the two Spains, Tiberius Sempronius and Lucius Postumius were continued in command, with the same armies which they then had; and to recruit their numbers, the consuls were ordered to enlist, of Romans three thousand foot and three hundred horse, and of the Latin allies, five thousand foot and four hundred horse. Publius Mucius Scævola obtained by lot the city jurisdiction, and likewise the business of the inquisitions concerning sorcery, in the city, and within ten miles of it; Cneius Scipio, the foreign jurisdiction; Quintus Mucius Scævola, Sicily; and Caius Valerius Lævinus, Sardinia. The consul, Quintus Fulvius, before he meddled with any of the public business, declared that “he intended to acquit both himself and the state of the obligation of fulfilling the vows which he had made; that on the day of his last battle with the Celtiberians, he had vowed to perform games in honour of Jupiter supremely good and great, and to build a temple to Equestrian Fortune; and that by the Spaniards a contribution of money had been made for these purposes.” A vote was passed that the games should be performed, and that duumvirs should be appointed to contract for the building of the temple. With regard to the expenses, a limitation was fixed, that “no greater sum should be expended on the games than that which had been voted to Fulvius Nobilior, when he exhibited games on the conclusion of the Ætolian war; and that the consul should not, on account of these games, send for, collect, or receive, or do any thing contrary to the decree of the senate passed concerning games in the consulate of Lucius Æmilius and Cneius Bæbius.” The senate qualified their vote in this manner, on account of the lavish expense occasioned by the games of Tiberius Sempronius, the ædile, which had been burthensome not only to Italy and the Latin allies, but even to the provinces abroad.

45 The winter of that year was rendered severe by falls of snow and storms of every kind; those kinds of trees which are susceptible of injury from cold, were all blighted; and it continued at that time somewhat longer than on other occasions. Wherefore a tempest coming on suddenly, and with intolerable violence, shortly after, interrupted the Latin festivals on the mount; and they were celebrated afterwards, pursuant to an order of the pontiffs. The same storm also threw down many statues in the Capitol, disfigured very many buildings by lightning, as the temple of Jupiter at Tarracina, the white temple at Capua, and a Roman gate; and in some places the battlements of the wall were overthrown. Among the rest of these prodigies, an account was received from Reate, that a three-footed mule had been foaled there. On account of those portents, the decemvirs, having been ordered to consult the books, declared to what gods, and with how many victims, sacrifices should be performed; and that on account of very many places being disfigured by lightning, a supplication of one day should be performed at the temple of Jupiter. Then the votive games of the consul Quintus Fulvius were exhibited with great magnificence, during ten days. Soon after was held the election of censors. Marcus Æmilius Lepidus, chief pontiff, and Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, who had triumphed over the Ætolians, were chosen. Apparent hostilities existed between these men, which were frequently displayed in many violent disputes, both in the senate and in the assemblies of the people. When the election was ended, the censors, according to ancient custom, seated themselves in curule chairs in the Campus Martius, near the altar of Mars; whither in a few minutes came the principal senators, accompanied by the body of the citizens, of whom Quintus Cæcilius Metellus spoke as follows:—

46 “Censors, we are not unmindful that you have been just now, by the whole body of the Roman people, set over our morals; and that we ought to be admonished and ruled by you, not you by us. Nevertheless, that should be pointed out which in you may either give offence to all good men, or at least what they would wish to be altered. When we look at you separately, Marcus Æmilius, Marcus Fulvius, we know not, in the whole state, any one person whom, if we were called back again to vote, we could wish to be preferred to you; but when we behold you both together, we cannot avoid fearing that you are but ill associated; and that the public may not reap as much advantage from your being exceedingly pleasing to every one of us, as injury, from your being displeasing one to another. You have for many years past harboured an enmity, violent in its degree, and detrimental to yourselves; and it is to be feared, that from this day forward it may prove more detrimental to us and to the state, than it has been to you. As to the reasons why we fear this, many observations which might be made occur to yourselves; had you not happened to be implacable they would have engrossed your senses. These feuds we all beseech you to terminate this day, in that sacred place, and to suffer those whom the Roman people have united by their suffrages, to be united by us, through this re-establishment of friendship also. May you, with unanimity and harmony, choose the senate, review the knights, hold the census, and close the lustrum, as truly and sincerely as you would wish that to happen which you express in the words, used in almost all your prayers, ‘that this affair may prove good and prosperous to me and my colleague:’ and cause us men also to believe that you really desire that which you entreat of the gods. Titus Tatius and Romulus, after they had engaged in battle as public enemies, in the midst of the forum of this city, reigned there with unanimity. Not only quarrels, but wars, are ended; and from deadly foes men frequently become faithful allies, nay, sometimes, even fellow-citizens. The Albans, after the demolition of Alba, were brought over to Rome: the Latins, the Sabines, were admitted into the number of citizens. It is a common saying, and, because founded in truth, has become a proverb, that ‘friendships ought to be immortal, but enmities mortal.’” A roar of approbation burst forth: and presently after, the voices of every one present, joining in the same request, interrupted his speech. Then Æmilius, besides other complaints, represented, that through Marcus Fulvius he had been twice deprived of the consulship, which seemed sure. On the other hand, Fulvius complained that he had always been assailed by Æmilius, and that security had been given for him, which was attended with great disgrace. Nevertheless, each of them intimated that if the other would wish, he was ready to submit to the direction of such a number of the most respectable members of the state; and all present urgently repeating their request, they mutually pledged their right hands, and their honour, to dismiss in reality and forget all animosity. Then the whole assembly expressing the highest applause of their behaviour, they were escorted to the Capitol. Both the attention paid to such a matter by the persons of the first consequence, and the compliance of the censors, were most warmly approved and commended by the senate. The censors then demanded that a sum of money should be assigned to them, which they might expend in public works; and the customs of one year were accordingly decreed to them.

47 In the same year the proprætors in Spain, Lucius Postumius and Tiberius Sempronius, settled between them, that Albinus should march through Lusitania, against the Vaccæans, and thence return into Celtiberia, and Gracchus penetrate into the remotest parts of that province, if the commotions there were more dangerous. First, having made an unexpected assault on the city of Munda, by night, he took it by storm; then, after having received hostages and placed a garrison, he proceeded to attack their forts and ravage the country with fire, until he arrived at another very strong city, (the Celtiberians call it Certima,) there, when he was already advancing his works, deputies came out from the town, whose speech partook of all the simplicity of the earliest times, not dissembling their wishes to continue the war, if they had strength to support it.—For they requested permission to go into the camp of the Celtiberians, and procure assistance from them; and said, that “if they did not obtain it they would then deliberate apart from them. By the permission of Gracchus they went; and in a few days after brought with them ten other ambassadors. It was mid-day. The first thing that they asked of the prætor was, that he would order some drink to be given them. After drinking off the first caps, they asked a second time, causing thereby loud laughter from those present, at minds so unpolished, and ignorant of all civilization. The eldest of them then says, “We have been sent by our nation to ask, on what do you rely that you attack us?” To this question Gracchus answered, that “he came relying on an excellent army; which if they chose to see, in order to carry back more certain information to their friends, he would give them an opportunity;” and he orders the military tribunes to draw up, in array, all the forces both horse and foot, and make them go through their exercise in arms. After this sight, the ambassadors, being dismissed, deterred their people from attempting to succour the besieged city. When the townsmen had from the towers raised fires, (which was the signal agreed upon,) to no purpose, and had been disappointed in their only hope of relief, they capitulated. A contribution of two million four hundred thousand sesterces61 was imposed on them; and they were ordered to furnish forty horsemen of the highest rank among them, not under the denomination of hostages, for they were ordered to serve as soldiers, but in reality to be pledges for their fidelity.

48 From thence Gracchus now marched to the city of Alce, where lay the camp of the Celtiberians, from which the ambassadors had lately come. When he had harassed them for some days with skirmishes, by sending his light troops to charge their advanced guards, he made attacks more important every day, in order to entice them all out of their intrenchments. As soon as he perceived that his object had been effected, he gives orders to the præfects of the auxiliaries, that after a short contest they should suddenly turn their backs, as if they were overpowered by numbers, and fly with all haste to the camp: in the mean time he himself drew up all his forces in order, within the rampart, at all the gates. No long time had intervened, when he saw a body of his own troops flying back, according to the preconcerted plan, and the barbarians following in a disorderly pursuit. He had his army drawn up within the trench in readiness for this very opportunity. He therefore delayed only so long as to allow his own men to retreat into the camp by a free passage; then, raising the shout, he rushed forth from all the gates at the same time. The enemy did not sustain the unexpected shock. They who came to assault his camp could not defend even their own. For they were instantly routed put to flight, driven in a panic within their trenches; and at last beaten out of them. On that day nine thousand of the enemy were killed, and three hundred and twenty taken, with a hundred and twelve horses and thirty-seven military ensigns. Of the Roman army there fell a hundred and nine.

49 After this battle, Gracchus led the legions to ravage Celtiberia. And when he was carrying and driving off all things from every quarter, some states voluntarily, others through fear, submitted to his yoke; within a few days he received the submission of a hundred and three towns; he got immense booty. He then marched back to Alce, whence he came, and set about besieging that city. The townsmen withstood the first assault of the enemy; as soon as they found themselves attacked, not only by arms but by works also, having despaired of any protection in the city, they all retired to the citadel. And then at last they sent envoys, and surrendered themselves, and every thing belonging to them, to the Romans. Great plunder was obtained from this. Many prisoners of distinction fell into his power, among whom were two sons and a daughter of Thurrus. This chieftain, who governed those tribes, was by far the most powerful of all the Spaniards. On hearing the disasters of his countrymen he sent persons to request protection for himself when coming to the camp to Gracchus, and he came. And he first asked him, “Whether the lives of himself and his subjects would be spared?” When the prætor answered that they would; he asked again, “Whether it would be allowed him to bear arms on the side of the Romans?” To this too Gracchus assenting, he said, “I will follow you then against my old allies, since they have not thought proper to pay any regard to me. From that time he united himself to the Romans, and by his brave and faithful exertions he in many places advanced the Roman interest.

50 After this, Ergavia, a celebrated and powerful city, terrified by the disasters of the surrounding states, opened its gates to the Romans. There are some writers who say, that this submission of the towns was not made with sincerity; that, from whatever district he might have led the legions, hostilities were there renewed forthwith; and that he afterwards fought, near Mount Caunus, a pitched battle with the Celtiberians, from break of day to the sixth hour; that many fell on both sides, and that the Romans did not perform any feat from which you might believe that they were not vanquished, excepting that, next day, they offered battle to the enemy remaining in their intrenchments: that they employed that whole day in collecting the spoils, on the third day they fought again a more desperate battle, then there was no doubt that the Celtiberians were at last completely defeated, and their camp taken and plundered. Twenty-two thousand of the enemy were killed on that day, more than three hundred taken, and almost an equal number of horses, and seventy-two military standards. This put an end to the war: the Celtiberians concluded a sincere peace, and did not waver in their allegiance as before. They say also, that during the same summer Lucius Postumius fought twice with success in the Farther Spain against the Vaccæans, killed thirty-five thousand of the enemy, and took their camp. It is however more probable, that he came into the province too late to succeed well in that summer.

51 The censors inspected the senate with sincere unanimity. Marcus Æmilius Lepidus, the censor, who was likewise chief pontiff, was chosen head of the senate; three were expelled from that body. Lepidus restored some who were rejected by his colleague. They completed these works with the money which had been assigned, and divided between them:—Lepidus built a mole at Tarracina, an unpopular work, because he had estates there, and brought into the account of the public expenditure what ought to have been done at his own expense. He contracted for the building of a theatre and stage near the temple of Apollo, the whitening of the temple of Jupiter in the Capitol, and the columns around it; he also removed from those columns the statues that stood unseemingly before them, and took down from them the shields and military ensigns of all sorts hung thereon. Marcus Fulvius made contracts for works more numerous and of more use; a haven on the Tiber, and piers for a bridge across it; on which piers Publius Scipio Africanus and Lucius Mummius, who were the censors, many years after, bargained for the erection of arches; a court of justice behind the new bankers’ houses, and a fish-market surrounded with shops, which he sold to private persons; also a forum and portico, on the outside of the gate Trigemina; another portico behind the dock-yard, and one at the temple of Hercules; also a temple of Apollo Medicus, behind that of Hope, on the bank of the Tiber. They had besides, some of the money undivided, and out of this they jointly agreed to pay for water being brought, and arches being made; but Marcus Licinius Crassus hindered this work, for he would not suffer it to be brought through his grounds. They also established many port duties and customs, and took care that very many public chapels, which had been occupied by private individuals, should be public and consecrated, and open to the people. They likewise made an alteration in the mode of voting; for, through all the regions, they divided the tribes62 according to the different ranks, conditions, and callings of men.

52 One of the censors, Marcus Æmilius, petitioned the senate, that a sum of money should be voted for the celebration of games, in honour of the dedication of the temples of Imperial Juno and Diana, which he had vowed eight years before, when employed in the Ligurian war. They accordingly voted twenty thousand asses.63 He dedicated those temples each in the Flaminian circus; and celebrated theatrical games for three days after the dedication of the temple of Juno, and for two after that of Diana, and each day in the circus. He also dedicated a temple to the deities of the sea64 in the field of Mars, which Lucius Æmilius Regillus had vowed eleven years before this, in a naval engagement against the commanders of king Antiochus. Over the gate of the temple was hung up a tablet with this inscription: “This temple was vowed by Lucius Æmilius, the son of Marcus Æmilius, on coming forth from a battle which he fought for the purpose of establishing peace, in which he concluded a mighty war and subdued kings,—because under his auspices, command, and successful generalship, the fleet of king Antiochus, under the very eyes of Antiochus himself and his entire army, cavalry and elephants, was conquered, thrown into confusion, shattered, and put to flight, on the eleventh day before the calends of January; and there on that day thirteen ships of war with all their crews taken. When that battle was fought, king Antiochus and his dominions * * * * * * *.65 On this account he vowed a temple to the titular gods of the sea.” In the same manner a tablet was placed over the gate of the temple of Jupiter, on the Capitol.

53 Two days after the censors had inspected the senate, the consul Quintus Fulvius marched against the Ligurians; and having with his army crossed over pathless mountains and woody valleys, he fought a pitched battle with the enemy, and not only defeated them in the field, but took their camp the same day. Three thousand two hundred of the enemy, and all that tract of Liguria, surrendered. The consul brought down all those who surrendered into the low-lands, and posted guards on the mountains. His letters from that province quickly reached Rome, and thanksgivings for three days were voted on account of his successes. The prætors, during these thanksgivings, celebrated divine worship by sacrificing forty victims of the larger kind. By the other consul, Lucius Manlius, nothing worth recording was done in Liguria. Transalpine Gauls, to the number of three thousand, coming over into Italy, without offering to commit hostilities on any one, petitioned the consul and senate for some land, that they might live as peaceable subjects, under the government of the Roman people. But the senate ordered them to quit Italy, and enjoined the consul Quintus Fulvius to search after and punish those who had been the first to advise them to cross the Alps.

54 This year died Philip, king of the Macedonians, being worn out with old age, and grief occasioned by his son’s death. He spent the winter at Demetrias, in great anguish of mind, occasioned both by regret for his son and contrition for his own cruelty. His other son also disquieted his mind, who, both in his own opinion and that of others, was undoubtedly king. The eyes of all were turned to him, and his own old age was desolate. Some only waiting for his death, while others did not even wait for that event. By which circumstance he was still more distressed, and with him Antigonus, son of Echecrates, named after his uncle Antigonus, who had been guardian to Philip, a man of royal dignity, and famed also for a remarkable battle which he fought against Cleomenes the Lacedæmonian. The Greeks called him the Guardian, to distinguish him from the other princes of that surname.66 His nephew Antigonus, of all the friends whom Philip had honoured with his favours, alone remained uncorrupted; and this faithful attachment to him had made Perseus, who had been in no wise his friend, become now his most inveterate enemy. He, foreseeing in his mind with what danger to himself the inheritance of the kingdom would fall to Demetrius, as soon as he perceived the king’s mind to waver, and that he sometimes sighed with regret for the loss of his son; at one time by listening, and at another by making mention of the deed, as being rashly done, he himself was at hand, adding his complaint to the frequent lamentations of the king;—and, as the truth usually affords many traces of itself, he assisted with the most zealous diligence, in order that the whole might be brought to light as speedily as possible. Of the agents employed in that business, those who were most generally supposed guilty, were Apelles and Philocles, who had gone ambassadors to Rome, and had brought the letter under the name of Flamininus, which had proved so ruinous to Demetrius. They generally murmured in the palace, that it was a forgery, falsified by the secretary, and that the seal was counterfeited.

55 But while this thing was rather a matter of suspicion than of certainty, Antigonus accidentally met Xychus, whom he seized and brought to the palace; then leaving him in custody of guards, Antigonus went on to the apartment of Philip, to whom he said, “I think I understood from many conversations, that you would value it highly, if you could ascertain the whole truth respecting your sons, which of the two was assailed by the other’s deceit and secret machinations. Xychus, the only man in the world who can unravel this mystery, is now in your power. I met him by accident, and I have brought him to the palace; order him to be called into your presence.” On being brought in, he at first denied; but with such irresolution, as showed that by a slight application to his fears he would become a ready informer. He did not withstand the sight of the executioner and the instruments of torture, but disclosed the whole process of the villany of the ambassadors, and his own services therein. Persons were instantly despatched to seize the ambassadors, and they apprehended by surprise Philocles, who was present, but Apelles, who had been sent in pursuit of a person called Chærea, having heard of the information given by Xychus, went over into Italy. With respect to Philocles, no certain account has been published: some say, that for a time he boldly denied all knowledge of the matter; but that when Xychus was confronted with him, he persisted no longer; others, that he even suffered the rack without confessing. Philip’s grief was renewed and doubled; and he felt his unhappiness, with regard to his children, press the heavier on him, because one of them was not.