Herein the work of M. Commont must be contrasted with that of Professor Rutot. For the gist of M. Commont's researches lies in the demonstration of a succession of types from the more perfect to the less finished, arranged in correspondence with the superimposed strata of a single locality. A vertical succession of implements accompanies a similar sequence of strata.

Professor Rutot examines the Pliocene deposits in England, Miocene in France and Oligocene in Belgium, and finds the same Reutelian type in all. The names Kentian, Cantalian, and Fagnian should therefore be abandoned, for they are only synonyms for Pliocene-Reutelian, etc.

It is hard to gain an idea of the enormous duration of human existence thus suggested. But a diagram (Fig. 24) constructed by Professor Penck[32] is appended with a view to the graphic illustration of this subject. The years that have elapsed since the commencement of the Oligocene period must be numbered by millions. The human type would be shewn thus not merely to have survived the Hipparion, Mastodon and Deinotherium but to have witnessed their evolution and the parental forms whence they arose.

Such is the principal outcome of the opinions embodied in the tabulation of Professor Rutot. That observer is not isolated in his views, though doubtless their most energetic advocate at the present day. We must admire the industry which has conferred upon this subject the support of evidence neither scanty in amount, nor negligible in weight. But the court is still sitting, no final verdict being yet within sight.

While the so-called Eocene eoliths of Duan (Eure-et-Loire) fail to receive acceptance (Laville[33], 1906), even at Professor Rutot's hands (1911), it is otherwise with those ascribed to the Oligocene period. Mr Moir[34] of Ipswich has lately recognised prepalaeoliths beneath the Suffolk Crag (Newbourn) at Ipswich resting 011 the underlying London Clay.

Some objections to the recognition of the so-called ‘eoliths’ as artefacts may now be considered.

(1) The case of the opponents rests mainly on a fourfold basis of argument. Thus the nature of the splintering or chipping is called in question. Some writers appeal to weathering, others to movements in the deposits (‘earth-creep,’ and ‘foundering of drifts,’ Warren[35] 1905. and Breuil, 1910), and others again to the concussions experienced by flints in a torrential rush of water. The last explanation is supported by observations on the forms of flints removed from certain rotary machines used in cement-factories (Boule[36], 1905).

(2) A second line of opposition impugns the association of the flints with the strata wherein they were found, or the geological age of those strata may be called in question as having been assigned to too early a period.

(3) Then (in the third place) comes the objection that the eoliths carry Man's existence too far back; having regard to the general development of the larger mammals, Pliocene Man might be accepted, but ‘Oligocene’ Man is considered incredible. Moreover the period of time which has elapsed since the Oligocene period must be of enormous length.

(4) In the last place will be mentioned criticism of the distribution of the eolithic type (Obermaier[37], 1908).

(1) Having regard to the first of these arguments, the balance of evidence appears so even and level that it is hardly possible to enter judgment on this alone. But experiments recently carried out by Mr Moir, and in Belgium by Munck and Ghilain (1907; cf. Grist[38], 1910) should do much to settle this point.

Moreover the ‘wash-tub’ observations in cement-factories (Boule, 1905) prove too much, for it is alleged that among the flint-refuse, fragments resembling Magdalenian or even Neolithic implements were found. Yet such forms are not recorded in association with the comparatively shapeless eoliths. Further experiments are desirable, but so far they support Professor Rutot and his school rather than their opponents.

(2) The position of the eoliths and the accuracy with which their immediate surroundings are determined may be impugned in some instances, but this does not apply to Mr Moir's finds at Ipswich, nor to the Pliocene eoliths found by Mr Grist[38] at Dewlish (1910).

(3) While the general evidence of palaeontology may be admitted as adverse to the existence of so highly-evolved a mammal as Man in the earlier Tertiary epochs, yet the objection is of the negative order and for this reason it must be discounted to some extent. If the lapse of time be objected to, Dr Sturge[39] (1909) is ready to adduce evidence of glacial action upon even Neolithic flints, and to propose a base-line for the commencement of the Neolithic phase no less than 300,000 years ago.

(4) The distribution of the implements finds a weak spot in the defences of the eolithic partisans. It is alleged that eoliths are almost always flints: and that they occur with and among other flints, and but rarely elsewhere. Palaeoliths (of flint) also occur among other flints, but they are not thus limited in their association. This distinction is admitted by some at least of the supporters of the ‘artefact’ nature of the eoliths, and the admission certainly weakens their case.

The question is thus far from the point of settlement, and it may well continue to induce research and discussion for years to come. That a final settlement for the very earliest stages is practically unattainable will be conceded, when the earliest conditions are recalled in imagination. For when a human being first employed stones as implements, natural forms with sharp points or edges would be probably selected. The first early attempts to improvise these or to restore a blunted point or edge would be so erratic as to be indistinguishable (in the result) from the effects of fortuitous collisions. While such considerations are legitimately applicable to human artefacts of Oligocene or Miocene antiquity, they might well appear to be less effective when directed to the Pleistocene representatives where signs of progress might be expected. Yet Professor Rutot (1911) does not distinguish even the Pleistocene Reutelian from the Oligocene (eolithic) forms. If, on such evidence as this, early Pleistocene Man be recognised, Oligocene Man must needs be accepted likewise. Professor Rutot's mode of escape from this difficult position is interesting and instructive, if not convincing. It is effected by way of the assumption that in regard to his handiwork, Man (some say a tool-making precursor of Man) was in a state of stagnation throughout the ages which witnessed the rise and fall of whole genera of other mammals. That this proposition is untrue, can never be demonstrated. On the other hand, the proposition may be true, and therefore the unprejudiced will maintain an open mind, pending the advent of more conclusive evidence than has been adduced hitherto.

CHAPTER V
HUMAN FOSSILS AND GEOLOGICAL CHRONOLOGY

In the preceding Chapter, the remains of Palaeolithic Man were studied in relation to the associated animals (especially mammals), and again (so far as possible) in connection with the accompanying implements. In the comparison of the different types of implement, evidence was adduced to shew that certain forms of these are distinctive of corresponding geological horizons. Of the three series, (1) human remains, (2) mammalian remains, (3) stone implements, the first two, (1) and (2), have been compared as well as (1) and (3). A comparison between (2) and (3) has now to be instituted. And this is of interest, for mammalian remains have been found in the presence of implements where no human bones could be discovered. Moreover the expectation is well founded, whereby the mammalian fauna will prove to supply information unobtainable from either human skeletons or implements by themselves. That information will bear upon the climatic conditions of the different phases which mark the geological history of Man. And in this way, a more perfect correlation of the past history of Man with the later geological history of the earth may be fairly anticipated.

In Chapter IV, use was frequently made of the expression ‘southern,’ ‘temperate’ or ‘sub-arctic,’ in connection with the various groups of mammals mentioned in Table A. And while the geological period is limited, during which these investigations are profitably applicable, yet the matter is one of no small importance. For the very fact that the fauna can be described in one case as ‘southern’ in character, in another as ‘temperate,’ suggests some variation of climate. And the relation of the history of Man to the great variation of climate implied in the expression ‘Glacial Period,’ may be reasonably expected to receive some elucidation from this branch of study. It will be noticed that Man himself is at present comparatively independent of climate, and even in earlier times he was probably less affected than some other animals. But while the importance of these studies must be recognised, it is also very necessary to notice that as elsewhere so here the difficulties are great, and pitfalls numerous.

It is no part of the present work to attempt a history of the stages through which opinion passed in developing the conception embodied in the phrase ‘Ice-Age.’ Long before that idea had been formulated, the presence of animal remains both in cave and alluvial deposits was a matter of common knowledge. The late Professor Phillips is believed to have been the first to make definite use of the terms ‘pre-glacial’ and ‘post-glacial’ in reference to the later geological formations (1855). And to the pre-glacial era that geologist referred most of the ossiferous caves and fissures.

But in 1860, this, the accepted view, was overthrown by the late Dr Falconer[40] at least so far as the caves (with the exception of the Victoria Cave) then explored in Britain were concerned. In the same year, the post-glacial position and antiquity of various brick-earths and gravels of the Thames valley were considered to have been definitely established by the late Professor Prestwich. It is very important to note in this connection, that the palaeontological evidence of those brick-earths was nevertheless held to indicate pre-glacial antiquity and thus to contradict the evidence of stratigraphy. The method employed in the latter mode of enquiry consisted in ascertaining the relation of the boulder-clay to certain deposits distinguished by their fauna, the Mollusca being especially employed in the identifications. Boulder-clay seems, in this country, to have been taken as the premier indication of the glacial period; it was supposed to be a submarine deposit formed during a submergence of large parts of these islands in the course of that period. That the late Sir Charles Lyell dwelt upon the problems of the boulder clay should also be recalled, for he expressly recounts how constantly it proved a barrier marking the extreme limit to which the works of Man could be traced. Implements or even bones had been found in the drift and above the boulder-clay, but not below.

For a while no attempt seems to have been made to subdivide the boulder-clay or to question its exact identity over all the area occupied by it. Yet such a subdivision might have resulted in explaining the contradiction or paradox (curiously analogous to that propounded by Mr Hinton in 1910, cf. p. 102 supra) just mentioned as existing between the age to be assigned to the Thames river-drift upon (a) stratigraphical evidence (‘post-glacial’), and (b) palaeontological evidence (‘pre-glacial’).

That there might be several deposits of the boulder-clay with intervening strata, does not appear to have been suggested. The Glacial period was long regarded as one and indivisible. By some able geologists that view is still held.

Yet even in those comparatively early days, some succession of glaciations was suspected. In 1845, Ramsay recognised three phases of ice-action in North Wales. In 1855, Morlot took in hand the work of charting the extent of several Swiss glaciations. At last the possibility of a subdivision of the boulder-clay was realised, and it was demonstrated by the researches of Sir A. Geikie[41] (1863). But such division of the boulder-clay leads directly to an inference of successive periods of deposition—and when the earlier opinion (whereby the boulder-clay was regarded as a submarine deposit) was partly abandoned in favour of its origin as a ‘ground-moraine,’ the plurality of glaciations was still more strongly supported. The work of Julien (Auvergne, 1869) and Professor James Geikie (1873) carries the story on to the year 1878 which is marked by a very memorable contribution from Professor Skertchley[42], by whom account was taken of the stratigraphical position of stone implements. The names of these pioneers (and that of Croll should be added to the list) may be fittingly recalled now that the names of later continental observers figure so largely. But the work of Professors Penck, Brückner, Boule and Obermaier, admirable as it is, may be regarded justly as an extension or amplification of pre-existing research.

A multiplicity of glaciations demonstrated whether by successive ‘end-moraines,’ or by a series of boulder-clays or ‘tills,’ implies intervening ‘inter-glacial’ epochs. To the earlier-recognised pre-glacial and post-glacial periods, one or more inter-glacial phases must therefore be added. Consequently the absence of evidence (indicative of Man's existence) from the boulder-clay need not exclude his presence in the inter-glacial deposits; and in fact the appearance of strongly-supported evidence that some implements of only Neolithic antiquity occur in inter-glacial surroundings, has been mentioned already (Chapter IV, Sturge, 1909). And thus, whether the series be one of grand oscillations constituting as many periods, or on the other hand a sequence of variations too slight to deserve distinctive terms, the fact of alternations prolonged over a considerable time seems to be established. Attempts to correlate various phases in the history of the animal and particularly of the human inhabitants of the affected area with these changes, still remained to be made.

Of such attempts, an early one, if not absolutely the earliest, stands to the credit of Dr Skertchley (1878). But in 1888 a much more definite advance was made by Professor Boule[43]. Still later came the suggestions of Professors Mortillet, Hoernes[44] (1903), Penck, Obermaier[45] (1909) and Tornqvist. And the employment of implements in evidence was found practicable by them. Ample compensation is thus provided for the lack of human bones, a deficiency almost as deplorable in 1911 as it was when Lyell called attention to it in 1863.

But the literature on this subject is so controversial and has attained such proportions, that the attempt to present current views will be limited to the discussion of the appended table (B). Here an endeavour has been made to submit the views expressed by the most competent observers of the day. The first point to which attention is directed consists in the manner in which the several glacial periods are distributed over the geological time-table. Boule claims one glaciation of Pliocene antiquity, followed by two Pleistocene glaciations. The remaining authors agree in ascribing all the glaciations to the Pleistocene period. Herein they follow the lead of Professor Penck, whose diagram of the oscillations in level of the snow-line in Central Europe is reproduced in Fig. 25. In the next place, the fact that Professor Penck's scheme was primarily intended to serve for the Swiss Alps must not be overlooked. That this system should leave traces everywhere else in Europe is not necessarily implied in accepting the scheme just mentioned.

In attempting to adjust the scale of glacial periods to that provided by the succession of implement-forms, it is suggested that a commencement should be made by considering the period designated Mousterian. If the position of the Mousterian period can be correlated with a definite subdivision of the Ice Age, then other periods will fall into line almost mechanically.

TABLE B

List of types of associated implements.

[1] Penck postulates four glaciations, all “pleistocene.”

[2] Boule recognises two pleistocene glaciations (seemingly Nos. III and IV of Penck), and one pliocene glaciation. The latter is not indicated in the Table.

[3] Skertchley's scheme is now ignored, if not abandoned, by the best authorities. It has been introduced here on account of its historical interest only. Its correlation with the other schemes is speculative.

[4] The differences between the rival schemes of Boule, Penck and Hoernes are best realised by comparing the position assigned to the Solutréan industry by each in turn. The löss and its divisions are not indicated in this Table.

The first enquiry to make is that indicated in the introductory paragraphs of this Chapter, viz. what is the general nature of the fauna accompanying Mousterian implements? Investigation of the records shews that this is characteristically of a northern or a temperate, but not a southern type. For the combination commonly regarded as indicative of the southern type (viz. Elephas antiquus, Rhinoceros merckii, and Hippopotamus major) is very doubtfully demonstrable in this association, save in the very remarkable instance of the Grotte du Prince, Mentone, and Boule (1906) makes somewhat laboured efforts to explain this example, which is exceptional in his opinion. On the other hand, that combination does occur in well-recognised inter-glacial deposits, e.g. the Swiss Lignites of Dürnten, etc.

Much diligence has been shewn in the various attempts to decide between these, the two great alternatives. (The view of Professor Hoernes, who assigns the Mousterian types to the first inter-glacial period of Penck, has received so little support as to render it negligible here.)

Upon an examination of the controversial literature, the award here given is in favour of Professor Boule's scheme. The following reasons for this decision deserve mention.

(1) Almost the only point of accord between the rival schools of thought, consists in the recognition by each side that the Magdalenian culture is post-glacial. But beyond this, the two factions seem to agree that the Mousterian culture is ‘centred’ on a glacial period but that it probably began somewhat earlier and lasted rather longer than that glacial period, whichever it might be.

(2) The Chellean implements, which precede those of Mousterian type, are commonly associated with a fauna of southern affinities. This denotes an inter-glacial period. Therefore an inter-glacial period is indicated as having preceded the Mousterian age. But after the Mousterian age, none of the subsequent types are associated with a ‘southern fauna.’

Indications are thus given, to the following effect. The Mousterian position is such that a distinct inter-glacial period should precede it, and no such definite inter-glacial period should follow it. The last glacial period alone satisfies these requirements. The Mousterian position therefore coincides with the last great glaciation, whether we term this the fourth (with Professor Penck), or the third, with Professor Boule.

(3) The Mousterian industry characterises a Palaeolithic settlement at Wildkirchli in Switzerland: the position of this is indicated with great accuracy to be just within the zone limited by the moraine of the last great glacial period (Penck's No. IV or Würmian). The associated fauna is alleged to indicate that the age is not post-Würmian, as might be supposed. This station at Wildkirchli probably represents the very earliest Mousterian culture, and its history dates from the last phase of the preceding (i.e. the Riss-Würm) inter-glacial period. But it belongs to Penck's glaciation No. IV, not to No. III.

(4) Discoveries of implements of pre-Mousterian (Acheulean) form in the neighbourhood of the Château de Bohun (Ain, Rhone Basin, France, 1889), and Conliège (Jura, 1908) are accompanied by stratigraphical evidence whereby they are referred to an inter-glacial period later than the Riss glaciation (Penck's No. IV, Boule's No. III).

The remaining arguments are directed against the position assigned by Professor Penck to the Mousterian implements.

(5) Professor Penck admits that the epoch of the Mousterian type was glacial, and he recognises that it was preceded by a definitely inter-glacial epoch, with a southern fauna. But by selecting his No. III as the glacial period in question he is led to postulate a subsequent but warmer inter-glacial subdivision of the Mousterian period. The difficulty is to find convincing evidence of this post-Mousterian inter-glacial period, and of the corresponding ‘southern’ fauna. Professor Penck believes that the ‘southern’ animals returned. Professor Boule can find no post-Mousterian evidence of such a fauna. The constituent forms became extinct or migrated southwards, never to return. If this contention be true, and there is much in its favour, Professor Boule's view must be adopted.

To shew how far-reaching some of the discussions are, attention may be directed to the fact that in this particular argument, much turns upon the nature of the implements found with the ‘southern fauna’ at Taubach (v. ante Chapters II and III). If the implements are of Mousterian type, they support Professor Penck's view, for the ‘warm Mousterian’ sought by him will thus be found: but if the type is Chellean, the arguments of Professor Boule are notably reinforced.

(6) The position assigned to one stage in the series of implements will affect all the rest. Professor Penck's view has been attacked with vigour and also with great effect, on account of the position he allots to the type of Solutré. The consensus of opinion regarding the position of Solutré (i.e. its typical implements) is very extensive and quite definite. In effect, the type of Solutré is assigned to the newer (jüngerer) löss deposits. But these are also widely recognised as entirely post-glacial. Moreover in the last few years, the excavations in these particular löss-deposits in Lower Austria have not only confirmed that opinion, but have also revealed there the presence of Aurignacian implements, which closely follow those of Mousterian type.

Professor Penck's scheme seems therefore to carry the Solutréan implements too far back. The attempt to overcome this objection by attributing an earlier (? inter-glacial) age to the special variety of löss in question, has not been attended with conspicuous success.

Such are the main considerations upon which the decision has been taken in favour of Professor Boule's chronological scale. But when such an authority as Professor Sollas[46] (1908) is undecided, an amateur must not attempt to ignore the difficulties to be met. And while it is expedient to arrive at a final judgment, yet, in these controversies, the tendency is very marked to allow theory to run too far ahead of fact. Facts of the following kind are hard to reconcile with the schemes just described. (i) A Mousterian type of implement is recorded by Commont from the later (younger) löss of the third terrace at S. Acheul. According to the theory, the type of Solutré, and not of Le Moustier, should have occurred, (ii) In this country at least, an admixture of ‘northern’ and ‘southern’ animals in a single deposit, has been demonstrated not infrequently, as in Italy also (Torre della Scalea, Cosenza). (iii) Professor Boyd Dawkins[47] (1910) insists upon the occurrence of Chellean, Acheulean, and Mousterian implements in one and the same British river deposit.

Consequently the distinction of a northern from a southern fauna may yet prove to be destitute of sound foundations. Many years ago, Saporta pointed out instances of regions with a sub-tropical climate actually adjacent to glacial areas. This subject has fortunately now the advantage of the attention and criticism provided by such talented observers as Mr Hinton, Professor Laville, and Professor Schmidt.

A trustworthy scheme of the relative chronology of culture (as denoted by the forms of implements), of mammalian variation and evolution (as shewn by the fauna), and of great climatic oscillations has not yet been obtained, but it has not been shewn to be unattainable. Meanwhile the schemes outlined in Table B mark a very great advance upon their predecessors.

It may be of interest to note that Professor Penck believes that the several periods varied both in duration and in intensity. Their relative proportions are shewn in Professor Penck's diagram (Fig. 25). The smaller oscillations, following the close of the last great glaciation (Würmian), should be noticed.

CHAPTER VI
HUMAN EVOLUTION IN THE LIGHT OF RECENT DISCOVERIES

In this, the concluding Chapter, account is taken of the bearing of the foregoing discoveries and discussions, in relation with the light which they throw on the story of human development.

A. Up to a certain point, the evidence is strikingly favourable to the hypothesis of human evolution. By this is meant the gradual development of the modern type of skeleton found in association with a large and active brain, capable of manifesting its activity in a great variety of ways. Most of the oldest human skeletons just described, differ from this type. Although a difference cannot be demonstrated in respect of cranial capacity, yet those older skeletons are usually distinguished by the heavier jaw and by stout curved limb-bones of such length as to indicate an almost dwarf stature. Still these indications, even though marking a more primitive status, point undeniably to human beings. Passing beyond these, a few fragments remain to suggest a still earlier stage in evolution. And with these at least we find ourselves definitely on the neutral ground between the territories of man and ape, though even here on the human side of that zone.

In the same way, and again up to a certain point, the characters of human implements confirm the inferences drawn from the skeleton. For the older implements are re-gressively more and more crude, and an increasing amount of skill is needed to distinguish artefact from natural object.

Again, the associated animals seem to become less familiar, and the percentage of extinct species increases the further we peer into the stages of the past.

One of the most remarkable researches ever published upon these subjects is due to a group of scientists associated with Professor Berry of Melbourne University. In this place, only the most important of their memoirs (1910) can be called in evidence. In those particular publications, the initial objective was an attempt to measure the degree of resemblance between different types of skull. That endeavour may be roughly illustrated by reference to Fig. 26, in which tracings of various skull-outlines are adjusted to a conventional base-line. Should a vertical line be drawn from the mid-point of the base-line so as to cut the several contours, the vertical distances between the successive curves could be measured. The distance separating Pithecanthropus (P.E. of the figure) from that of the corresponding curve for the Spy skull No. 1 (Spy 1 of the figure) is clearly less than the distance between the curves for the second Spy skull (Spy 2) and the Papuan native.

But Mr Cross used a much more delicate method, and arrived at results embodied in the figure (27) reproduced from his memoir. A most graphic demonstration of those results is provided in this chart. Yet it must be added, that the Galley Hill skull, although shewn in an intermediate position, should almost certainly be nearer the upper limit. This criticism is based upon the conviction that many of the measurements upon which the results are dependent, assign to the Galley Hill skull a lowlier status than it originally possessed before it became distorted (posthumously). Again the Pithecanthropus is apparently nearer to the Anthropoid Apes than to Mankind of to-day. Let it be noticed however that this is not necessarily in contradiction with the opinion expressed above (p. 128 line 2). For Mr Cross' diagram is based upon cranial measurements, whereas the characters of the thigh-bone of Pithecanthropus tend to raise it in the general scale of appreciation. On the whole then, the evolutionary hypothesis seems to receive support from three independent sources of evidence.

B. But if in one of the very earliest of those stages, a human form is discovered wherein the characters of the modern higher type are almost if not completely realised, the story of evolution thus set forth receives a tremendous blow. Such has been the effect of the discovery of the Galley Hill skeleton. Time after time its position has been called ‘abnormal’ or ‘isolated,’ because it provides so many contrasts with the skeletons found in deposits regarded perhaps as leading towards but admittedly more recent than the Galley Hill gravel. And the juncture is long past at which its exact relation to that gravel could be so demonstrated as to satisfy the demands raised in a connection so vital to an important theory.

Some authors of great experience have refused to recognise in evidence any claim made on behalf of the Galley Hill skeleton. Yet it is at least pardonable to consider some of the aspects of the situation created by its acceptance.

(i) For instance, the argument is reasonable, which urges that if men of the Galley Hill type preceded in point of time the men of the lower Neanderthal type, the ancestry of the former (Galley Hill) must be sought at a far earlier period than that represented by the Galley Hill gravels. As to this, it may be noted that the extension of the ‘human period,’ suggested by eoliths for which Pliocene, Miocene, and even Oligocene antiquity is claimed, will provide more than this argument demands. The suggestion that a flint-chipping precursor of Man existed in Miocene time was made as long ago as 1878 by Gaudry[48].

(ii) But if this be so, the significance of the Neanderthal type of skeleton is profoundly altered. It is no longer possible to claim only an ‘ancestral’ position for that type in its relation to modern men. It may be regarded as a degenerate form. Should it be regarded as such, a probability exists that it ultimately became extinct, so that we should not expect to identify its descendants through many succeeding stages. That it did become extinct is a view to which the present writer inclines. Attempts have been made to associate with it the aborigines of Australia. But an examination of the evidence will lead (it is believed) to the inference that the appeal to the characters of those aborigines is of an illustrative nature only. Difficulties of a similar kind prevent its recognition either in the Eskimo, or in certain European types, although advocates of such claims are neither absent nor obscure.

Again, it is well to enquire whether any other evidence of degeneration exists in association with the men of the Neanderthal type. The only other possible source is that provided by the implements. This is dangerous ground, but the opinion must be expressed that there is some reason to believe that Mousterian implements (which rather than any other mark the presence of the Neanderthal type of skeleton) do present forms breaking the sequence of implement-evolution. One has but to examine the material, to become impressed with the inferiority of workmanship displayed in some Mousterian implements to that of the earlier Acheulean types. In any case, a line of evidence is indicated here, which is not to be overlooked in such discussions.

(iii) The Galley Hill skeleton has been described as comparatively isolated. Yet if it be accepted as a genuine representative of Man in the age of the gravel-deposits of the high-level terrace, it helps towards an understanding of the characters of some other examples. Thus a number of specimens (rejected by many authors as lacking adequate evidence of such vast antiquity as is here postulated) appear now, in this new light, as so many sign-posts pointing to a greater antiquity of that higher type of human skeleton than is usually recognised. Above all (to mention but a few examples), the cranium of Engis, with those from S. Acheul (discovered in 1861 by Mr H. Duckworth), and Tilbury, the fragment of a human skull from gravel at Bury St Edmunds, and a skeleton discovered near Ipswich beneath the boulder-clay in October 1911, seem to find their claims enhanced by the admission of those proffered on behalf of the Galley Hill specimen. And since Huxley wrote his memoir on the skulls from Engis and the Neanderthal, the significance of the former (Engis), fortified by the characters of the Galley Hill skeleton, has been greatly increased. Consequently it is not surprising to find confident appeals to the characters of a Galley Hill Race or Stock, near associates being the specimens mentioned in a preceding chapter as Brünn (1891) and the Aurignac man next to be considered. The relations of these to the well-known Cro-Magnon type will be mentioned in the next paragraph.

C. The appearance of the higher type of humanity in the period next following the Mousterian, viz. that distinguished by the Aurignacian type of implement, has now to be discussed. As already remarked, the man of Aurignac, as compared with him of the Neanderthal, has less protruding jaws, the lower jaw in particular being provided with the rudiment of a chin, while the limb bones are slender and altogether of the modern type. Upon such contrasts a remarkable theory has been based by Professor Klaatsch[49]. He made a comparison between the anthropoid apes on the one hand, and the two human types on the other (Fig. 28). As a result, he pointed out that the Orang-utan differs from the Gorilla much as the Aurignac does from the Neanderthal man. Assuming this statement to be correct, a hypothesis is elaborated to the effect that two lines of human descent are here in evidence. Of these one includes an ancestor common to the Orang-utan (an Asiatic anthropoid ape) and the Aurignac man; the other is supposed to contain an ancestor common to the Gorilla (of African habitat), and the Neanderthal man.