Ortu magna, viro maior, sed maxima partu,
Hîc iacet Henrici filia, sponsa, parens.
In the yéere of our Lord 1136, and first yéere of the reigne of king Stephan, the said Dauid king of Scots being required to doo his homage, refused it: for so much as he had doone homage to Mawd the empresse before time; notwithstanding the sonne of the said Dauid did homage to king Stephan.
Henrie 2. Henrie called Fitz empresse, the sonne of Mawd the empresse daughter of Mawd, daughter of Malcolme king of Scots, was next king of England. He receiued homage for Scotland of Malcolme sonne of Henrie, sonne of the said Dauid their last king. Which Malcolme after this homage attended vpon the same king Henrie in his warres against Lewis then king of France. Whereby appeareth that their French league was neuer renewed after the last diuision of their countrie by Osbright king of England. But after these warres finished with the French king, this Malcolme being againe in Scotland rebelled: wherevpon king Henrie immediatlie seized Huntingdon and Northumberland into his owne hands by confiscation, and made warres vpon him in Scotland: during which the same Malcolme died without issue of his bodie.
William brother of this Malcolme was next king of Scots, he with all the Because they were taken from him before. nobles of Scotland (which could not be now for anie earledome) did homage to the sonne of Henrie the second, his father. Also the earledome of Huntingdon was (as ye haue heard) before this forfeited by Malcolme his brother, and neuer after restored to the crowne of Scotland.
This William did afterward attend vpon the same Henrie the second, in his warres in Normandie against the French king (notwithstanding their French league) and then being licenced to depart home in the tenth of this prince, and vpon the fifteenth of Februarie he returned, and vpon the sixtéenth of October did homage to him for the realme of Scotland. In token also of his perpetuall subjection to the crowne of England, he offered vp his cloake, his saddle, and his speare at the high altar in Yorke: wherevpon he was permitted to depart home into Scotland, where immediatlie he mooued cruell warre in Northumberland against the same king Henrie, being as yet in Normandie. But God tooke the defense of king Henries part, and deliuered the same William king of Scots into the hands of a few Englishmen, who brought him prisoner to king Henrie into Normandie in the twentith yeere of his reigne. But at the last, at the sute of Dauid his brother, Richard bishop of saint Andrews, and other bishops and lords, he was put to this fine for the amendment of his trespasse; to wit, to paie ten thousand pounds sterling, and to surrender all his title to the earldome of Huntingdon, Cumberland, & Northumberland into the hands of king Henrie, which he did in all things accordinglie, sealing his charters thereof with the great scale of Scotland, and signets of his nobilitie yet to be seene: wherein it was also comprised, that he and his successours should hold the realme of Scotland of the king of England and his successours for euer. And herevpon he once againe did homage to the same king Henrie, which now could not be for the earledome of Huntingdon, the right whereof was alreadie by him surrendered. And for the better assurance of this faith also, the strengths of Berwike, Edenborough, Roxborough, and Striueling were deliuered into the hands of our king Henrie of England, which their owne writers confesse. But Hector Boetius saith, that this trespasse was amended by fine of twentie thousand pounds sterling, and that the erledome of Huntingdon, Cumberland, and Northumberland were deliuered as morgage into the hands of king Henrie, vntill other ten thousand pounds sterling should be to him paid, which is so farre from truth, as Hector was (while he liued) from well meaning to our countrie. But if we grant that it is true, yet prooueth he not that the monie was paid, nor the land otherwise redéemed, or euer after came to anie Scotish kings hands. And thus it appeareth that the earledome of Huntingdon was neuer occasion of the homages of the Scotish kings to the kings of England, either before this time or after.
This was doone 1175. Moreouer I read this note hereof gathered out of Robertus Montanus or Montensis that liued in those daies, and was (as I take it) "confessor to king Henrie. The king of Scots dooth homage to king Henrie for the kingdome of Scotland, and is sent home againe, his bishops also did promise to doo the like to the archbishop of Yorke, and to acknowledge themselues to be of his prouince and iurisdiction. By vertue also of this composition the said Robert saith, that Rex Angliæ dabat honores, episcopatus, abbatias, & alias dignitates in Scotia, vel saltem eius consilio dabantur, that is, The king of England gaue honors, bishopriks, abbatships, and other dignities in Scotland, or at the leastwise they were not giuen without his aduise and counsell."
At this time Alexander bishop of Rome (supposed to haue generall iurisdiction ecclesiasticall through christendome) established the whole cleargie of Scotland (according to the old lawes) vnder the iurisdiction of the archbishop of Yorke.
In the yeare of our Lord 1185, in the moneth of August, at Cairleill, Rouland Talmant lord of Galwaie, did homage and fealtie to the said king Henrie with all that held of him.
In the two and twentith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the second, Gilbert sonne of Ferguse prince of Galwaie, did homage and fealtie to the said king Henrie, and left Dunecan his sonne in hostage for conseruation of his peace.
Richard surnamed Cœur de Lion, because of his stoutnesse, and sonne of this Henrie was next king of England, to whome the same William king of Scots did homage at Canturburie for the whole kingdome of Scotland.
This king Richard was taken prisoner by the duke of Ostrich, for whose redemption the whole realme was taxed at great summes of monie vnto the which this William king of Scots (as a subject) was contributorie, and paied two thousand markes sterling.
In the yeare of our Lord 1199, Iohn king of England sent to William king of Scots, to come and doo his homage, which William came to Lincolne in the moneth of December the same yeare, and did his homage vpon an hill in the presence of Hubert archbishop of Canturburie, and of all the people there assembled, and therevnto tooke his oth and was sworne vpon the crosse of the said Hubert: also he granted by his charter confirmed, that he should haue the mariage of Alexander his sonne, as his liegeman, alwaies to hold of the king of England: promising moreouer that he the said king William and his sonne Alexander, should keepe and hold faith and allegiance to Henrie sonne of the said king Iohn, as to their chiefe lord against all maner of men that might liue and die.
Also whereas William king of Scots had put Iohn bishop of saint Andrew out of his bishoprike, pope Clement wrote to Henrie king of England, that he should mooue and induce the same William; and if néed required by his roiall power and prerogatiue ouer that nation, to compell him to leaue his rancor against the said bishop, and suffer him to haue and occupie his said bishoprike againe.
In the yeare of our Lord 1216, and fiue & twentith of the reigne of Henrie, sonne to king Iohn, the same Henrie and the quéene were at Yorke at the feast of Christmasse, for the solemnization of a marriage made in the feast of saint Stephan the martyr the same yeare, betwéene Alexander king of Scots, and Margaret the kings daughter, and there the said Alexander did homage to Henrie king of England for all the realme of Scotland.
In buls of diuerse popes were admonitions giuen to the kings of Scots, as appeareth by that of Gregorie the fift and Clement his successor, that they should obserue and trulie kéepe all such appointments, as had béene made betwéene the kings of England and Scotland. And that the kings of Scotland should still hold the realme of Scotland of the kings of England, vpon paine of cursse and interdiction.
After the death of Alexander king of Scots, Alexander his sonne, being nine yeares of age, was by the lawes of Edgar, in ward to king Henrie the third, & by the nobles of Scotland brought to Yorke, and there deliuered vnto him. During whose minoritie king Henrie gouerned Scotland, and to subdue a commotion in this realme, vsed the aid of fiue thousand Scotishmen. But king Henrie died during the nonage of this Alexander, whereby he receiued not his homage, which by reason and law was respited vntill his full age of one and twentie yeares.
Edward the first after the conquest, sonne of this Henrie was next king of England; immediatlie after whose coronation, Alexander king of Scots, being then of full age, did homage to him for Scotland at Westminster, swearing (as all the rest did) after this maner.
"I. D. N. king of Scots shall be true and faithfull vnto you lord E. by the grace of God king of England, the noble and superior lord of the kingdome of Scotland, and vnto you I make my fidelitie for the same kingdome, the which I hold and claime to hold of you. And I shall beare you my faith and fidelitie of life and lim, and worldlie honour against all men, faithfullie I shall knowlege and shall doo you seruice due vnto you of the kingdome of Scotland aforesaid, as God me so helpe and these holie euangelies."
This Alexander king of Scots died, leauing one onelie daughter called Margaret for his heire, who before had maried Hanigo, sonne to Magnus king of Norwaie, which daughter also shortlie after died, leauing one onelie daughter hir heire, of the age of two yeares, whose custodie and mariage by the lawes of king Edgar, and Edward the confessor, belonged to Edward the first: whervpon the nobles of Scotland were commanded by our king Edward to send into Norwaie, to conueie this yoong queene into England to him, whome he intended to haue maried to his sonne Edward: and so to haue made a perfect vnion long wished for betwéene both realmes. Herevpon their nobles at that time considering the same tranquillitie that manie of them haue since refused, stood not vpon shifts and delaies of minoritie nor contempt, but most gladlie consented, and therevpon sent two noble men of Scotland into Norwaie, for hir to be brought to this king Edward, but she died before their comming thither, and therefore they required nothing but to inioie the lawfull liberties that they had quietlie possessed in the last king Alexanders time.
After the death of this Margaret, the Scots were destitute of anie heire to the crowne from this Alexander their last king, at which time this Edward descended from the bodie of Mawd daughter of Malcolme sometime king of Scots, being then in the greatest broile of his warres with France, minded not to take the possession of that kingdome in his owne right, but was contented to establish Balioll to be king thereof, the weake title betwéene him, Bruse, & Hastings, being by the humble petition of all the realme of Scotland cōmitted to the determination of king Edward, wherein by autentike writing they confessed the superioritie of the realme to remaine in king Edward, sealed with the seales of foure bishops, seuen earles, and twelue barons of Scotland, and which shortlie after was by the whole assent of the three estates of Scotland, in their solemne parlement confessed and enacted accordinglie, as most euidentlie dooth appeare.
The Balioll in this wise made king of Scotland, did immediatlie make his homage and fealtie at Newcastell vpon saint Stéeuens daie (as did likewise all the lords of Scotland, each one setting his hand to the composition in writing) to king Edward of England for the kingdome of Scotland: but shortlie after defrauding the benigne goodnesse of his superiour, he rebelled, and did verie much hurt in England. Herevpon king Edward inuaded Scotland, seized into his hands the greater part of the countrie, and tooke all the strengths thereof. Whervpon Balioll king of Scots came vnto him to Mauntrosse in Scotland with a white wand in his hand, and there resigned the crowne of Scotland, with all his right, title, and interest to the same, into the hands of king Edward, and thereof made his charter in writing, dated and sealed the fourth yeare of his reigne. All the nobles and gentlemen of Scotland also repaired to Berwike, and did homage and fealtie to king Edward, there becomming his subiects. For the better assurance of whose oths also, king Edward kept all the strengths and holdes of Scotland in his owne hands; and herevpon all their lawes, processes, all iudgements, gifts of assises and others, passed vnder the name and authoritie of king Edward. Leland touching the same rehearsall, writeth thereof in this maner.
"In the yeare of our Lord 1295, the same Iohn king of Scots, contrarie to his faith and allegiance rebelled against king Edward, and came into England, and burnt and slue without all modestie and mercie. Wherevpon king Edward with a great host went to Newcastell vpon Tine, passed the water of Twéed, besieged Berwike, and got it. Also he wan the castell of Dunbar, and there were slaine at this brunt 15700 Scots. Then he proceeded further, and gat the castell of Rokesborow, and the castell of Edenborow, Striuelin and Gedworth, and his people harried all the land. In the meane season, the said king Iohn of Scots, considering that he was not of power to withstand king Edward, sent his letters and besought him of treatie and peace, which our prince benignlie granted, and sent to him againe that he should come to the towre of Brechin, and bring thither the great lords of Scotland with him. The king of England sent thither Antonie Becke bishop of Durham, with his roiall power, to conclude the said treatise. And there it was agreed that the said Iohn and all the Scots should vtterlie submit themselues to the kings will. And to the end the submission should be performed accordinglie, the king of Scots laid his sonne in hostage and pledge vnto him. There also he made his letters sealed with the common seale of Scotland, by the which he knowledging his simplenes and great offense doone to his lord king Edward of England, by his full power and frée will yeelded vp all the land of Scotland, with all the people and homage of the same. Then our king went foorth to sée the mounteins, and vnderstanding that all was in quiet and peace, he turned to the abbeie of Scone, which was The Scots dreame that this was the stone whereon Jacob slept when he fled into Mesopotamia. of chanons regular, where he tooke the stone called the Regall of Scotland, vpon which the kings of that nation were woont to sit, at the time of their coronations for a throne, & sent it to the abbeie of Westminster, commanding to make a chaire therof for the priests that should sing masse at the high altar: which chaire was made, and standeth yet there at this daie to be séene."
In the yeare of our Lord 1296, the king held his parlement at Berwike: and there he tooke homage singularlie of diuerse of the lords & nobles of Scotland. And for a perpetuall memorie of the same, they made their letters patents sealed with their seales, and then the king of England made William Warreine earle of Surrie and Southsax lord Warden of Scotland, Hugh of Cressingham treasurer, and William Ormesbie iustice of Scotland, and foorthwith sent king Iohn to the Tower of London, and Iohn Comin, and the earle Badenauth, the earle of Bohan and other lords into England to diuerse places on this side of the Trent.
And after that, in the yeare of our Lord 1297, at the feast of Christmas, the king called before him the said Iohn king of Scots, although he had committed him to ward: and said that he would burne or destroie their castels, townes, and lands, if he were not recompensed for his costs and damages susteined in the warres; but king Iohn and the other that were in ward, answered that they had nothing, sith their liues, their deaths, and goods were in his hands. The king vpon that answer mooued with pitie, granted them their liues; so that they would doo their homage, and make their oth solenmelie at the high altar (in the church of the abbeie of Westminster) vpon the eucharist, that they and euerie of them should hold and keepe true faith, obedience, and allegiance to the said king Edward and his heires kings of England for euer. And where the said king of Scots saw the kings banner of England displaied, he and all his power should draw therevnto. And that neither he or anie of his from thencefoorth should beare armes against the king of England or anie of his bloud. Finallie, the king rewarding with great gifts the said king Iohn and his lords, suffered them to depart. But they went into Scotland alwaie imagining (notwithstanding this their submission) how they might oppresse king Edward, and disturbe his realme. The Scots sent also to the king of France for succour and helpe, who sent them ships to Berwike furnished with men of armes, the king of England then being in Flanders.
In the yeare of our Lord 1298, the king went into Scotland with a great host, and the Scots also assembled in great number, but the king fought with them at Fawkirke on S. Marie Magdalens daie, where were slaine thréescore thousand Scots, & William Walleis that was their capteine fled, who being taken afterward, was hanged, drawen, & quartered at London, for his trespasses.
After this the Scots rebelled againe, and all the lords of Scotland This was doone upon the nine & twentith of Ianuarie, 1306. chose Robert Bruse to be king, except onelie Iohn Commin earle of Carrike, who would not consent thereto bicause of his oth made to the king of England. Wherefore Robert Bruse slue him at Dumfrise, and then was crowned at Schone abbeie. Herevpon the king of England assembled a great hoast, and rode through all Scotland, discomfited Robert Bruse, slue eight thousand Scots, & tooke the most part of all the lords of Scotland, putting the temporall lords to deth bicause they were forsworne.
Edward borne at Carnaruan sonne of this Edward, was next king of England, who from the beginning of his reigne enioied Scotland peaceablie, dooing in all things as is aboue said of king Edward his father, vntill toward the later end of his reigne, about which time this Robert Bruse conspired against him, and with the helpe of a few forsworne Scots, forswore himselfe king of Scots. Herevpon this Edward with Thomas earle of Lancaster and manie other lords made warre vpon him, about the feast of Marie Magdalene, the said Bruse and his partakers being alreadie accurssed by the pope for breaking the truce that he had established betwixt them. But being infortunate in his first warres against him, he suffered Edward the sonne of Balioll to proclame himselfe king of Scots; and neuerthelesse held foorth his warres against Bruse, before the ending of which he died, as I read.
Edward borne at Windsore sonne of Edward the second was next king of England, at the age of fifteene yeares, in whose minoritie the Scots practised with Isabell mother to this Edward, and with Roger Mortimer earle of the March to haue their homages released: whose good will therein they obteined, so that for the same release they should paie to this king Edward thirtie thousand pounds starling, in three yeares next following, that is to saie, ten thousand pounds starling yeerelie. But bicause the nobilitie and commons of this realme would not by parlement consent vnto it, their king being within age, the same release procéeded not, albeit the Scots ceased not their practises with this quéene and earle. But before those thrée yeares, in which their monie (if the bargaine had taken place) should haue béene paied, were expired, our king Edward inuaded Scotland, and ceassed not the warre, vntill Dauid the sonne of Robert le Bruse (then by their election king of Scotland) absolutelie submitted himselfe vnto him. But for that the said Dauid Bruse had before by practise of the quéene and the earle of March, married Iane the sister of this king Edward: he mooued by naturall zeale to his sister, was contented to giue the realme of Scotland to this Dauid Bruse, and to the heires that should be begotten of the bodie of the said Iane (sauing the reuersion and meane homages to this king Edward and to his owne children) wherewith the same Dauid Bruse was right well contented, and therevpon immediatlie made his homage for all the realme of Scotland to him.
Howbeit, shortlie after causelesse conceiuing cause of displeasure, this Dauid procured to dissolue this same estate tailée, and therevpon not onelie rebelled in Scotland, but also inuaded England, whilest king Edward was occupied about his wars in France. But this Dauid was not onelie expelled England in the end, but also thinking no place a sufficient defense to his vntruth, of his owne accord fled out of Scotland: whereby the countries of Annandale, Gallowaie, Mars, Teuidale, Twedale, and Ethrike were seized into the king of Englands hands, and new marches set betwéene England and Scotland at Cockburnes path & Sowtrie hedge. Which when this Dauid went about to recouer againe, his power was discomfited, and himselfe by a few Englishmen taken & brought into England, where he remained prisoner eleuen yeares after his said apprehension.
During this time, king Edward enioied Scotland peaceablie, and then at the contemplation and wearie suit of his sorowfull sister, wife of this Dauid, he was contented once againe to restore him to the kingdome of Scotland. Wherevpon it was concluded, that for this rebellion Dauid should paie to king Edward, the summe of one hundred thousand markes starling, and thereto destroie all his holdes and fortresses standing against the English borders, and further assure the crowne of Scotland to the children of this king Edward for lacke of heire of his owne bodie, all which things he did accordinglie. And for the better assurance of his obeisance also, he afterward deliuered into the hands of king Edward sundrie noble men of Scotland in this behalfe as his pledges. This is the effect of the historie of Dauid, touching his delings. Now let vs sée what was doone by Edward Balioll, wherof our chronicles doo report, that in the yéere of our Lord 1326, Edward the third, king of England, was crowned at Westminster, and in the fift yeare of his reigne Edward Balioll right heire to the kingdome of Scotland came in, and claimed it as due to him. Sundrie lords and gentlemen also, which had title to diuerse lands there, either by themselues, or by their wiues, did the like. Wherevpon the said Balioll and they went into Scotland by sea, and landing at Kinghorne with 3000 Englishmen, discomfited 10000 Scots, and slue 1200, and then went foorth to Dunfermeline, where the Scots assembled against them with 40000 men, and in the feast of saint Laurence, at a place called Gastmore (or otherwise Gladmore) were slaine fiue earls, thirtéene barons, a hundred and thrée score knights, two thousand men of armes, and manie other; in all fortie thousand: and there were slaine on the English part but thirtéene persons onelie, if the number be not corrupted.
In the eight yeare of the reigne of king Edward, he assembled a great hoast, and came to Berwike vpon Twéed, and laid siege therto. To him also came Edward Balioll king of Scots, with a great power to strengthen & aid him against the Scots, who came out of Scotland in foure batels well armed & araied.
Edward king of England, and Edward king of Scots, apparrelled their people either of them in foure battels: and vpon Halidon hill, beside Berwike, met these two hoasts, and there were discomfited of the Scots fiue and twentie thousand and seauen hundred, whereof were slaine eight earles, a thousand and thrée hundred knights and gentlemen. This victorie doone, the king returned to Berwike, & then the towne with the castell were yéelded vp vnto him. In the eight yeare of the reigne of king Edward of England, Edward Balioll king of Scots came to Newcastell vpon Tine, and did homage for all the realme of Scotland.
In the yeare of our Lord 1346, Dauid Bruse by the prouocation of the king of France rebelled, and came into England with a great hoast vnto Neuils crosse: but the archbishop of Yorke, with diuerse temporall men, fought with him; and the said king of Scots was taken, and William earle of Duglas with Morrise earle of Strathorne were brought to London, and manie other lords slaine, which with Dauid did homage to Edward king of England.
And in the thirtith yeare of the kings reigne, and the yeare of our Lord 1355, the Scots woone the towne of Berwicke, but not the castell. Herevpon the king came thither with a great hoast, and anon the towne was yéelded vp without anie resistance.
Edward Balioll, considering that God did so manie maruellous and gratious things for king Edward, at his owne will gaue vp the crowne and the realme of Scotland to king Edward of England at Rokesborough, by his letters patents. And anon after the king of England, in presence of all his lords spirituall and temporall, let crowne himselfe king there of the realme of Scotland, & ordeined all things to his intent, and so came ouer into England.
Richard the sonne of Edward, called the Blacke prince, sonne of this king Edward, was next king of England, who for that the said Iane, the wife of the said king Dauid of Scotland was deceassed without issue, and being informed how the Scots deuised to their vttermost power to breake the limitation of this inheritance touching the crowne of Scotland, made foorthwith war against them, wherein he burnt Edenbrough, spoiled all their countrie, tooke all their holds, & held continuallie war against them vntill his death, which was Anno Dom. 1389.
Henrie the fourth of that name was next king of England, he continued these warres begun against them by king Richard, and ceassed not vntill Robert king of Scots (the third of that name) resigned his crowne by appointment of this king Henrie, and deliuered his sonne Iames, being then of the age of nine yeares, into his hands to remaine at his custodie, wardship and disposition, as of his superiour lord, according to the old lawes of king Edward the confessor. All this was doone Anno Dom. 1404, which was within fiue yeares after the death of king Richard. This Henrie the fourth reigned in this estate ouer them fouretéene yeares.
Henrie the fift of that name, sonne to this king Henrie the fourth, was next king of England. He made warres against the French king, in all which this Iames then king of Scots attended vpon him, as vpon his superiour lord, with a conuenient number of Scots, notwithstanding their league with France. But this Henrie reigned but nine yeares, whereby the homage of this Iames their king (hauing not fullie accomplished the age of one & twentie yeares) was by reason and law respited. Finallie the said Iames with diuerse other lords attended vpon the corps of the said Henrie vnto Westminster, as to his dutie apperteined.
Henrie the sixt, the sonne of this Henrie the fift, was next king of England, to whome the seigniorie of Scotland & custodie of this Iames by right, law, and reason descended, married the same Iames king of Scots to Iane daughter of Iohn earle of Summerset, at saint Marie ouer Ise in Southwarke, and tooke for the value of this mariage, the summe of one hundred thousand markes starling.
This Iames king of Scots at his full age, did homage to the same king Henrie the sixt, for the kingdome of Scotland at Windsore, in the moneth of Ianuarie.
Since which time, vntill the daies of king Henrie the seuenth, grandfather to our souereigne ladie that now is, albeit this realme hath béene molested with diuersitie of titles, in which vnmeet time neither law nor reason admit prescription to the prejudice of anie right: yet did king Edward the fourth next king of England, by preparation of war against the Scots in the latter end of his reigne, sufficientlie by all lawes induce to the continuance of his claime to the same superioritie ouer them.
After whose death, vnto the beginning of the reigne of our souereigne lord king Henrie the eight, excéeded not the number of seauen and twentie yeares, about which time the impediment of our claime of the Scots part, chanced by the nonage of Iames their last king which so continued the space of one and twentie yeares. And like as his minoritie was by all law and reason an impediment to himselfe to make homage; so was the same by like reason an impediment to the king of this realme to demand anie, so that the whole time of intermission of our claime in the time of the said king Henrie the eight, is deduced vnto the number of thirteene yeares. And thus much for this matter.
Hauing hitherto discoursed vpon the title of the kings of England, vnto the Scotish kingdome: I haue now thought good to adde herevnto the description of two walles that were (in times past) limits vnto both the said regions, and therefore to be touched in this first booke, as generallie appertinent vnto the estate of the whole Iland; and no lesse famous than that which Anastasius Dicorus made afterward from the Euxine vnto the Thracian sea, conteining 420 furlongs in length, and twelue foot in bredth, & distant from Constantinople 280 furlongs, albeit that of Hadrian was made of turffe and timber. The author therefore of the The first beginner of the Picts wall. first wall was Hadrian the emperour, who (as Ælius Spartianus saith) erected the same of foure score miles in length, twelue foot in heigth, and eight in bredth, to diuide the barbarous Britons from the more ciuill sort, which then were generallie called by the name of Romans ouer all.
The finisher of the wall. After his time Seuerus the emperour comming againe into this Ile (where he had serued before in repression of the tumults here begun, after the death of Lucius) amongst other things he made another wall (but of stone) betwéene eightie and a hundred miles from the first, & of thirtie two miles in length, reaching on both sides also to the sea, of whome the Britons called it S. Murseueri, or Gwall Seueri, that is, The wall of Seuerus, or Seuerus dale, which later indureth vntill these daies in fresh memorie, by reason of the ruines & square stones there oft found, whose inscriptions declare the authors of that worke. It is worthie the noting also, how that in this voiage he lost 50000 men in the Scotish side, by one occasion and other, which hinderance so incensed him, that he determined vtterlie to extinguish their memorie from vnder heauen, and had so doone in déed, if his life had indured but vntill another The wall goeth not streict by a line, but in and out in manie places. yeare. Sextus Aurelius writing of Seuerus, addeth, how that the wall made by this prince conteined two and thirtie miles, whereby the bredth of this Iland there, and length of the wall conteineth onelie so manie miles, as may be gathered by his words. But chéeflie for the length of the wall, Spartianus who touching it among other things saith of Seuerus as followeth: "Britanniam (quod maximum eius imperij decus est) muro per transuersam insulam ducto, vtrinq; ad finem oceani muniuit," that is, He fortified Britaine (which is one of the chéefe acts recorded of his time) with a wall made ouerthwart the Ile, that reached on both sides euen to the verie Ocean.
The stuffe of the wall. That this wall was of stone also, the ruines therof (which haue ministred much matter to such as dwell néere therevnto in their buildings) is triall sufficient. Heereby in like sort it commeth to passe, that where the soile about it is least inhabited, there is most mention of the said wall, which was wrought of squared stone, as vntill this daie maie euidentlie be confirmed. Howbeit, these two walles were not the onelie partitions betwéene these two kingdoms, sith Iulius Two other wals. Capitolinus in vita Antonini Pij dooth write of another that Lollius Vrbicus made beyond the same, of turffe, in the time of the said prince, who (for his victories in Britaine) was also called Britannicus, which neuerthelesse was often throwne downe by the Scots, and eftsoones repared againe, vntill it was giuen ouer and relinquished altogither. It runneth (as I take it) also within the wall about an arrow shot from that of stone: but how farre it went, as yet I cannot find. This onlie remaineth certeine, that the walles made by Hadrian & Seuerus, were A rampire. ditched with notable ditches and rampires made in such wise, that the Scotish aduersarie had much a doo to enter and scale the same in his assaults. And yet for all this, I read that the Scots oftentimes pulled downe great parcels of the same, to make their accesse more easie into the south parts: but as it was eftsoons repared againe, so the last time of all it was amended by the Romane soldiors, which came ouer verie little before the time of Vortiger, at which season the land was in maner left void of soldiors and munition. Betwixt Thirlewall and the north Tine, are also in the waste grounds, manie parcels of that wall of Seuerus yet standing, whereof the common people doo babble manie things.
The course of the wall from west to east. Beginning therefore with the course thereof, from the west sea, I find that it runneth from Bolnesse to Burgh, about foure miles, and likewise from thence within halfe a mile of Carleill, and lesse on the north side, and beneath the confluence of the Peder and the Eden. From hence it goeth to Terrebie, a village about a mile from Caerleill, then through the baronie of Linstocke, and Gillesland, on the north side of the riuer Irding or Arding, and a quarter of a mile from the abbeie of Leuercost. Thence thrée miles aboue Leuercost, and aboue the confluence of Arding, and the Pultrose becke (which diuideth Gillesland in Cumberland, from south Tindale in Northumberland) it goeth to Thirlwall castell, then to the wall towne, next of all ouer the riuer to Swensheld, Carraw (peraduenture Cairuoren tower) to Walwijc, and so ouer south Tine, to Cockelie tower, Portgate, Halton sheles, Winchester, Rutchester, Heddon, Walhottle, Denton, and to Newcastell, where it is thought that saint Nicholas church standeth on the same. Howbeit Leland saith, that it goeth within a mile of Newcastell, and then crooketh vp toward Tinmouth vnto Wallesend, three miles from the mouth of the said riuer, so called bicause the aforesaid wall did end at the same place. And thus much I read of the Pictish wall. As for the Romane coine that is often found in the course thereof, the curious bricks about the same néere vnto Caerleill, beside the excellent cornellines and other costlie stones alreadie intailed for seales oftentimes taken vp in those quarters, I passe them ouer as not incident to my purpose.
In like maner I would gladlie also haue set downe the course of Offaes ditch, which was march betwéene the Mercian dominions, and the Welshmen in his time: but for so much as the tractation thereof is not to be reférred to this place, bicause it is not a thing generall to the whole Iland, I omit to speake of that also. Yet thus much will I note here, as well by the report of one (who saith how he did tread it out) that he followed it from the Dee to Kirnaburgh hill through Treuelach forrest, by est of Crekith Cauchhill, Montgomerie castell, the New castell and Discoid, and hauing brought it hitherto, either lost it, or sought after it no further: as by the testimonie of another, who writing thereof, saith, that it stretched from the south side by Bristow, along vnder the mounteins of Wales northwards, ouer the riuer of Sauerne, and to the verie mouth also of the Dée, where it falleth into the sea. And so much of such things as concerne the generall estate of the whole Iland, which labour herein I could verie well haue spared, and would, if Quintus had performed the request of Cicero his brother, who promised to send him ouer a sound aduertisement of the condition of Britaine in those daies: as appeareth in the second booke of his familiar epistles, where he saith; "Modò mihi date Britanniam, quam pingam coloribus tuis penicillo meo, &c." But sithence that was not performed, and the treatise of Demetrius and other of the same argument are perished, which were of some value, let this trifle (I beseech you) not be reiected, till some other man of better skill shall haue drawne a more absolute péece of workemanship, wherevnto my vnskilfulnesse (I hope) shall prooue no hinderance.
Such as haue written of the woonders of our countrie in old time, haue spoken (no doubt) of manie things, which deserue no credit at all: and therefore in séeking thankes of their posteritie by their trauell in this behalfe; they haue reaped the reward of iust reproch, and in stéed of fame purchased vnto themselues nought else but méere discredit in their better and more learned treatises. The like commonlie happeneth also to such, as in respect of lucre doo publish vnprofitable and pernicious volumes, wherby they doo consume their times in vaine, and in manifold wise become preiudiciall vnto their common wealths. For my part I will not touch anie man herein particularlie, no not our Demetrius, of whom Plutarch speaketh in his oracles (if those bookes were written by him, for some thinke that Plutarch neuer wrote them, although Eusebius lib. 4. cap. 8. dooth acknowledge them to be his) which Demetrius left sundrie treatises behind him, conteining woonderfull things collected of our Iland. But sith that in my time they are found to be false, it should be far vnmeet to remember them anie more: for who is he which will beléeue, that infernall spirits can die and giue vp their ghosts like mortall men? though Saxo séeme to consent vnto him in this behalfe. In speaking also of the out Iles, he saith thus: Beyond Britaine are manie desolate Ilands, whereof some are dedicated to the Gods, some to the noble Heroes. I sailed (saith he) by the helpe of the king vnto one that laie néere hand, onelie to see and view the same, in which I found few inhabitants, and yet such as were there, were reputed and taken for men of great pietie and holinesse. During the time also that I remained in the same, it was vexed with great storme and tempest, which caused me not a little to doubt of my safe returne. In the end, demanding of the inhabitants what the cause should be of this so great and sudden mutation of the aire? they answered, that either some of the Gods, or at the least of the Heroes were latelie deceased: for as a candle (said they) hurteth none whilest it burneth, but being slenderlie put out annoieth manie with the filthie sauour: so these Gods, whilest they liued, were either not hurtfull, or verie beneficiall to mankind; but being once deceassed, they so mooue the heauens and aire, that much mischéefe dooth insue eftsoones vpon the same.
Being also inquisitiue of the state of other Iles not farre off, they told him further, how there was one hard by, wherein Saturne being ouertaken with a dead sléepe, was watched by Briareus as he laie, which Saturne also had manie spirits attending vpon him in sundrie functions and offices. By which reports it is easie to conceiue, with what vaine stuffe that volume of Demetrius is interlaced. But of such writers as we haue too too manie, so among the said rable Geruase of Tilberie is not the least famous, a man as it were euen sold to vtter matters of more admiration than credit to the world. For what a tale telleth he in his De otio imperiali, of Wandleburie hilles, that lie within sight & by south of Cambridge (where the Vandals incamped sometime, when they entered into this Iland) and of a spirit that would of custome in a moone shine night (if he were chalenged and called therevnto) run at tilt and turneie in complet armor with anie knight or gentleman whomsoeuer, in that place: and how one Osbert of Barnewell, hearing the report thereof, armed himselfe, and being well mounted, rode thither alone with one esquier, and called for him, who foorthwith appeared in rich armour, and answered his chalenge, so that running togither verie fiercelie, they met with such rigor, that the answerer was ouerthrowne and borne downe to the ground. After this they bickered on foot so long, till Osbert ouercame and draue him to flight, who departed, leauing his horsse behind him, which was of huge stature, blacke (as he saith) of colour, with his furniture of the same hue, and wherevpon he seized, giuing him vnto his page, who caried him home, and there kept him till it was néere daie, during which space he was séene of manie. But when the daie light began to shew it selfe somewhat cléere, the beast stamped and snorted, and foorthwith breaking his raine, he ran awaie, and was no more heard of to his knowledge in that countrie. In the meane season Osbert being verie faint, and waxing wearie (for he was sore wounded in the thigh, which either he knew not of, or at the leastwise dissembled to know it) caused his leg-harnesse or stéele bootes to be pulled off, which his fréends saw to be full of bloud spilled in the voiage. But let who so list beléeue it, sith it is either a fable deuised, or some diuelish illusion, if anie such thing were doone. And on mine owne behalfe, hauing (I hope) the feare of God before my eies, I purpose here to set downe no more than either I know my selfe to be true, or am crediblie informed to be so, by such godly men, as to whom nothing is more deare than to speake the truth, and not anie thing more odious than to discredit themselues by lieng. In writing therefore of the woonders Foure woonders of England. of England, I find that there are foure notable things, which for their rarenesse amongst the common sort, are taken for the foure miracles and woonders of the land.
The first of these is a vehement and strong wind, which issueth out of the hilles called the Peke, so violent and strong, that at certeine times if a man doo cast his cote or cloake into the caue from whence it issueth, it driueth the same backe againe, hoising it aloft into the open aire with great force and vehemencie. Of this also Giraldus speaketh.
The second is the miraculous standing or rather hanging of certeine stones vpon the plaine of Salisburie, whereof the place is called Stonehenge. And to saie the truth, they may well be woondered at, not onelie for the manner of position, whereby they become verie difficult to be numbred, but also for their greatnesse & strange maner of lieng of some of them one vpon another, which séemeth to be with so tickle hold, that few men go vnder them without feare of their present ruine. How and when these stones were brought thither, as yet I can not read; howbeit it is most likelie, that they were raised there by the Britons, after the slaughter of their nobilitie at the deadlie banket, which Hengist and his Saxons prouided for them, where they were also buried, and Vortigerne their king apprehended and led awaie as captiue. I haue heard that the like are to be séene in Ireland; but how true it is as yet I can not learne. The report goeth also, that these were broght from thence, but by what ship on the sea, and cariage by land, I thinke few men can safelie imagine.
The third is an ample and large hole vnder the ground, which some call Carcer Acoli, but in English Chedderhole, whereinto manie men haue entred & walked verie farre. Howbeit, as the passage is large and nothing noisome: so diuerse that haue aduentured to go into the same, could neuer as yet find the end of that waie, neither sée anie other thing than pretie riuerets and streames, which they often crossed as they went from place to place. This Chedderhole or Chedder rocke is in Summersetshire, and thence the said waters run till they méet with the second Ax that riseth in Owkie hole.
The fourth is no lesse notable than anie of the other. For westward vpon certeine hilles a man shall sée the clouds gather togither in faire weather vnto a certeine thicknesse, and by and by to spread themselues abroad and water their fields about them, as it were vpon the sudden. The causes of which dispersion, as they are utterlie vnknowne: so manie men coniecture great store of water to be in those hilles, & verie néere at hand, if it were néedfull to be sought for.
Besides these foure maruelles, there is a little rockie Ile in Aber Barrie (a riueret that falleth into the Sauerne sea) called Barrie, which hath a rift or clift next the first shore; wherevnto if a man doo laie his eare, he shall heare such noises as are commonlie made in smiths forges, to wit, clinking of iron barres, beating with hammers, blowing of bellowses, and such like: whereof the superstitious sort doo gather manie toies, as the gentiles did in old time of their lame god Vulcans pot. The riuer that runneth by Chester changeth hir chanell euerie moneth: the cause whereof as yet I can not learne; neither dooth it swell by force of anie land-floud, but by some vehement wind it oft ouer-runneth hir banks. In Snowdonie are two lakes, whereof one beareth a moouable Iland, which is carried to and fro as the wind bloweth. The other hath thrée kinds of fishes in it, as éeles, trowts, and perches: but herein resteth the woonder, that all those haue but one eie a péece onelie, and the same situate in the right side of their heads. And this I find to be confirmed also by authors: There is a well in the forrest of Gnaresborow, whereof the said forrest dooth take the name; which water, beside that it is cold as Stix, in a certeine period of time knowne, conuerteth wood, flesh, leaues of trées, and mosse into hard stone, without alteration or changing of shape. The like also is séene there in frogs, wormes, and such like liuing creatures as fall into the same, and find no readie issue. Of this spring also Leland writeth thus; A little aboue March (but at the further banke of Nide riuer as I came) I saw a well of wonderfull nature called Dropping well, because the water thereof distilleth out of great rockes hard by into it continuallie, which is so cold, and thereto of such nature, that what thing soeuer falleth out of those rocks into this pit, or groweth néere thereto, or be cast into it by mans hand, it turneth into stone. It may be (saith he) that some sand or other fine ground issueth out with this water from these hard rocks, which cleauing vnto those things, giueth them in time the forme of stones &c. Néere vnto the place where Winburne monasterie sometimes stood, also not farre from Bath there is a faire wood, whereof if you take anie péece, and pitch it into the ground thereabouts, or throw it into the water, within twelue moneths it will turne into hard stone. In part of the hilles east southeast of Alderleie, a mile from Kingswood, are stones dailie found, perfectlie fashioned like cockles and mightie oisters, which some dreame haue lien there euer since the floud. In the clifts betwéene the Blacke head and Trewardeth baie in Cornwall, is a certeine caue, where things appeare like images guilded, on the sides of the same, which I take to be nothing but the shining of the bright ore of coppar and other mettals readie at hand to be found there, if anie diligence were vsed. Howbeit, because it is much maruelled at as a rare thing, I doo not thinke it to be vnméet to be placed amongst our woonders. Maister Guise had of late, and still hath (for aught that I know) a manor in Glocestershire, where certeine okes doo grow, whose rootes are verie hard stone. And beside this, the ground is so fertile there (as they saie) that if a man hew a stake of anie wood, and pitch it into the earth, it will grow and take rooting beyond all expectation. Siluecester towne also is said to conteine fourescore acres of land within the walles, whereof some is corne-ground (as Leland saith) and the graine which is growing therein dooth come to verie good perfection till it be readie to be cut downe: but euen then, or about that time it vanisheth away & becommeth altogither vnprofitable. Is it any woonder (thinke you) to tell of sundrie caues néere to Browham, on the west side of the riuer Aimote, wherein are halles, chambers, and all offices of houshold cut out of the hard rocke? If it be, then may we increase the number of maruels verie much by a rehearsall of other also. For we haue manie of the like, as one néere saint Assaphs vpon the banke of Elwie, and about the head of Vendrath Vehan in Wales, whereinto men haue often entred and walked, and yet found nothing but large roomes, and sandie ground vnder their féet, and other else-where. But sith these things are not strange, I let them alone, and go forward with the rest.
In the parish of Landsarnam in Wales, and in the side of a stonie hill, is a place wherein are foure and twentie seats hewen out of the hard rockes; but who did cut them, and to what end, as yet it is not learned. As for the huge stone that lieth at Pember in Guitherie parish, and of the notable carcasse that is affirmed to lie vnder the same, there is no cause to touch it here: yet were it well doone to haue it remoued, though it were but onlie to sée what it is, which the people haue in so great estimation & reuerence. There is also a poole in Logh Taw, among the blacke mounteins in Brecknockshire, where (as is said) is the head of Taw that commeth to Swanseie, which hath such a propertie, that it will bréed no fish at all, & if anie be cast into it, they die without recouerie: but this peraduenture may grow throgh the accidentall corruption of the water, rather than the naturall force of the element it selfe. There is also a lin in Wales, which in the one side beareth trowts so red as samons, and in the other, which is the westerlie side, verie white and delicate. I heare also of two welles not far from Landien, which stand verie néere togither, and yet are of such diuersitie of nature, that the one beareth sope, and is a maruellous fine water; the other altogither of contrarie qualities. Which is not a litle to be mused at, considering (I saie) that they participate of one soile, and rise so nigh one to another. I haue notice giuen me moreouer of a stone not farre from saint Dauids, which is verie great, as a bed, or such like thing: and being raised vp, a man may stirre it with his thumbe; but not with his shoulder or force of his whole bodie.
There is a well not farre from stonie Stratford, which conuerteth manie things into stone; and an other in Wales, which is said to double or triple the force of anie edge toole that is quenched in the same. In Tegenia, a parcell of Wales, there is a noble well (I meane in the parish of Kilken) which is of maruellous nature, and much like to another well at Seuill in Spaine: for although it be six miles from the sea, it ebbeth and floweth twise in one daie; alwaies ebbing when the sea dooth vse to flow, and in flowing likewise when the sea dooth vse to ebbe; wherof some doo fable, that this well is ladie and mistresse of the ocean. Not farre from thence also is a medicinable spring called Schinant of old time, but now Wenefrides well, in the edges whereof dooth breed a verie odoriferous and delectable mosse, wherewith the head of the smeller is maruellouslie refreshed. Other welles and water-courses we haue likewise, which at some times burst out into huge streames, though at other seasons they run but verie softlie, whereby the people gather some alteration of estate to be at hand. And such a one there is at Henleie, & an other at Croidon; & such a one also in the golden dale beside Anderne in Picardie, whereof the common sort imagine manie things. Some of the greater sort also giue ouer to run at all in such times, wherof they conceiue the like opinion. And of the same nature, though of no great quantitie, is a pit or well at Langleie parke in Kent, whereof (by good hap) it was my lucke to read a notable historie in an ancient chronicle that I saw of late. What the foolish people dreame of the hell Kettles, it is not worthie the rehearsall; yet to the end the lewd opinion conceiued of them may grow into contempt, I will saie thus much also of those pits. There are certeine pits, or rather three little pooles, a mile from Darlington, and a quarter of a mile distant from the These banks which the people call the Kettles of hell, or the diuels Kettles, as if he should séeth soules of sinfull men and women in them. They adde also, that the spirits haue oft beene heard to crie and yell about them, with other like talke sauoring altogether of pagan infidelitie. The truth is, and of this opinion also was Cutbert Tunstall late bishop of Durham, a man (notwithstanding the basenesse of his birth, being begotten by one Tunstall vpon a daughter of the house of the Commers, as Leland saith) of great learning and iudgement, that the cole-mines in those places are kindled, or if there be no coles, there may a mine of some other vnctuous matter be set on fire, which being here and there consumed, the earth falleth in, and so dooth leaue a pit. Indéed the water is now and then warme (as they saie) and beside that it is not cléere: the people suppose them to be an hundred fadam déepe. The biggest of them also hath an issue into the These, as experience hath confirmed. For doctor Bellowes aliàs Belzis made report, how a ducke marked after the fashion of the duckes of the bishoprike of Durham, was put into the same betwixt Darlington and These banke, and afterward séene at a bridge not farre from master Clereuax house. If it were woorth the noting, I would also make relation of manie wooden crosses found verie often about Halidon, whereof the old inhabitants conceiued an opinion that they were fallen from heauen; whereas in truth, they were made and borne by king Oswald; and his men in the battell wherein they preuailed sometimes against the British infidels, vpon a superstitious imagination, that those crosses should be their defense and shield against their aduersaries. Beda calleth the place where the said field was fought, Heauen field; it lieth not far from the Pictish wall, and the famous monasterie of Hagulstad. But more of this elsewhere. Neither will I speak of the little hillets séene in manie places of our Ile, whereof though the vnskilfull people babble manie things: yet are they nothing else but Tumuli or graues of former times, as appeareth by such tooms & carcasses as be daily found in the same, when they be digged downe. The like fond imagination haue they of a kind of lunarie, which is to be found in manie places, although not so well knowen by the forme vnto them, as by the effect thereof, because it now and then openeth the lockes hanging on the horses féet as hit vpon it where it groweth in their féeding. Roger Bacon our countrieman noteth it to grow plentiouslie in Tuthill fields about London. I haue heard of it to be within compasse of the parish where I dwell, and doo take it for none other than the Sfera Cauallo, whereof Mathiolus and the herbarists doo write, albeit that it hath not béene my lucke at anie time to behold it. Plinie calleth it Aethiopis: and Aelianus, Oppianus, Kyramis, and Trebius haue written manie superstitious things thereof, but especiallie our Chymists, who make it of farre more vertue than our smiths doo their ferne séed, whereof they babble manie woonders, and prate of such effects as may well be performed indéed when the ferne beareth séed, which is commonly Ad calendas Græcas, for before it will not be found. But to procéed. There is a well in Darbieshire called Tideswell (so named of the word tide, or to ebbe and flow) whose water often séemeth to rise and fall, as the sea which is fortie miles from it dooth vsuallie accustome to ebbe and flow. And hereof an opinion is growen that it kéepeth an ordinarie course as the sea dooth. Howbeit, sith diuerse are knowne to haue watched the same, it may be that at sometimes it riseth, but not continuallie; and that it so dooth I am fullie persuaded to beléeue. But euen inough of the woonders of our countrie, least I doo seeme by talking longer of them, woonderouslie to ouershoot my selfe, and forget how much dooth rest behind of the description of my countrie. As for those that are to be touched of Scotland, the description of that part shall in some part remember them.
There are now two prouinces onelie in England, of which the first and greatest is subiect to the sée of Canturburie, comprehending a parte of Lhoegres, whole Cambria, & also Ireland, which in time past were seuerall, & brought into one by the archbishop of the said sée & assistance of the pope; who in respect of méed, did yéeld vnto the ambitious desires of sundrie archbishops of Canturburie, as I haue elsewhere declared. The second prouince is vnder the sée of Yorke, and of these; either hath hir archbishop resident commonlie within hir owne limits, who hath not onelie the cheefe dealing in matters apperteining to the hierarchie and iurisdiction of the church; but also great authoritie in ciuill affaires touching the gouernement of the common wealth: so far foorth as their commissions and seuerall circuits doo extend.
In old time there were thrée archbishops, and so manie prouinces in this Ile; of which one kept at London, another at Yorke, and the third at Caerlheon vpon Uske. But as that of London was translated to Canturburie by Augustine, and that of Yorke remaineth (notwithstanding that the greatest part of his iurisdiction is now bereft him and giuen to the Scotish archbishop) so that of Caerlheon is vtterlie extinguished, and the gouernement of the countrie vnited to that of Canturburie in spirituall cases: after it was once before remoued to S. Dauids in Wales by Dauid successor to Dubritius, and vncle to king Arthur, in the 519 of Grace, to the end that he and his clearkes might be further off from the crueltie of the Saxons, where it remained till the time of the Bastard, and for a season after, before it was annexed vnto the sée of Canturburie.
The archbishop of Canturburie is commonlie called primat of all England; and in the coronations of the kings of this land, and all other times, wherein it shall please the prince to weare and put on his crowne, his office is to set it vpon their heads. They beare also the name of their high chapleins continuallie, although not a few of them haue presumed (in time past) to be their equals, and void of subiection vnto them. That this is true, it may easilie appéere by their owne acts yet kept in record; beside their epistles & answers written or in print; wherein they haue sought not onelie to match but also to mate them with great rigor and more than open tyrannie. Our aduersaries will peraduenture denie this absolutelie, as they doo manie other things apparant, though not without shamelesse impudencie, or at the leastwise defend it as iust and not swaruing from common equitie; bicause they imagine euerie archbishop to be the kings equall in his owne prouince. But how well their dooing herein agreeth with the saieng of Peter, & examples of the primitiue church, it may easilie appéere. Some examples also of their demeanor (I meane in the time of poperie) I will not let to remember, least they should saie I speake of malice, and without all ground of likelihood.
Of their practises with meane persons I speake not, neither will I begin at Dunstane the author of all their pride and presumption here in England. But for somuch as the dealing of Robert the Norman against earle Goodwine is a rare historie, and deserueth to be remembred, I will touch it in this place; protesting to deale withall in more faithfull maner than it hath heretofore beene deliuered vnto vs by the Norman writers, or French English, who (of set purpose) haue so defaced earle Goodwine, that were it not for the testimonie of one or two méere Englishmen liuing in those daies, it should be impossible for me (or anie other) at this present to declare the truth of that matter according to hir circumstances. Marke therefore what I saie. For the truth is, that such Normans as came in with Emma in the time of Ethelred, and Canutus, and the Confessor, did fall by sundrie means into such fauor with those princes, that the gentlemen did grow to beare great rule in the court, and their clearkes to be possessors of the best benefices in the land. Hervpon therefore one Robert, a iolie ambitious préest, gat first to be bishop of London, and after the death of Eadsius, to be archbishop of Canturburie by the gift of king Edward; leauing his former sée to William his countrieman. Ulfo also a Norman was preferred to Lincolne, and other to other places, as the king did thinke conuenient.
These Norman clerkes, and their freends, being thus exalted, it was not long yer they began to mocke, abuse, and despise the English: and so much the more, as they dailie saw themselues to increase in fauour with king Edward, who also called diuerse of them to be of his secret councell, which did not a litle incense the harts of the English against them. A fraie also was made at Douer, betwéene the seruants of earle Goodwine and the French, whose maisters came ouer to see and salute the king: whereof I haue spoken in my Chronologie, which so inflamed the minds of the French cleargie and courtiers against the English nobilitie, that each part sought for opportunitie of reuenge, which yer long tooke hold betwéene them. For the said Robert, being called to be archbishop of Canturburie, was no sooner in possession of his sée, than he began to quarrell with earle Goodwine (the kings father in law by the mariage of his daughter) who also was readie to acquit his demeanor with like malice; and so the mischiefe begun. Herevpon therefore the archbishop charged the earle with the murther of Alfred the kings brother, whom not he but Harald the sonne of Canutus and the Danes had cruellie made awaie. For Alfred and his brother comming into the land with fiue and twentie saile, vpon the death of Canutus, and being landed; the Normans that arriued with them giuing out how they came to recouer their right, to wit, the crowne of England; & therevnto the vnskilfull yoong gentlemen, shewing themselues to like of the rumour that was spred in this behalfe, the report of their demeanor was quicklie brought to Harald, who caused a companie foorthwith of Danes priuilie to laie wait for them, as they roade toward Gilford, where Alfred was slaine, and whence Edward with much difficultie escaped to his ships, and so returned into Normandie.
But to proceed. This affirmation of the archbishop being greatlie soothed out with his craftie vtterance (for he was lerned) confirmed by his French fréends, (for they had all conspired against the erle) and therevnto the king being desirous to reuenge the death of his brother, bred such a grudge in his mind against Goodwine, that he banished him and his sons cleane out of the land. He sent also his wife the erles daughter prisoner to Wilton, with one onelie maiden attending vpon hir, where she laie almost a yeare before she was released. In the meane season, the rest of the peeres, as Siward earle of Northumberland surnamed Digara or Fortis, Leofrijc earle of Chester, and other went to the king, before the departure of Goodwine, indeuouring to persuade him vnto the reuocation of his sentence; and desiring that his cause might be heard and discussed by order of law. But the king incensed by the archbishop and his Normans would not heare on that side, saieng plainelie, and swearing by saint Iohn the euangelist (for that was his common oth) that earle Goodwine should not haue his peace till he restored his brother Alfred aliue againe vnto his presence. With which answer the peeres departed in choler from the court, and Goodwine toward the coast.
Comming also vnto the shore and readie to take shipping, he knéeled downe in presence of his conduct (to wit at Bosenham in the moneth of September, from whence he intended to saile into Flanders vnto Baldwine the earle) and there praied openlie before them all, that if euer he attempted anie thing against the kings person of England, or his roiall estate, that he might neuer come safe vnto his cousine, nor sée his countrie any more, but perish in this voiage. And herewith he went aboord the ship that was prouided for him, and so from the coast into the open sea. But sée what followed. He was not yet gone a mile waie from the land, before he saw the shore full of armed souldiers, sent after by the archbishop and his freends to kill him yer he should depart and go out of the countrie: which yet more incensed the harts of the English against them.
Being come also to Flanders, he caused the earle, the French king, and other of his fréends, among whome also the emperour was one, to write vnto the king in his behalfe; but all in vaine: for nothing could be obteined from him, of which the Normans had no liking, wherevpon the earle and his sonnes changed their minds, obteined aid, and inuaded the land in sundry places. Finallie ioining their powers they came by the Thames into Southwarke néere London where they lodged, and looked for the king to incounter with them in the field. The king séeing what was doone, commanded the Londoners not to aid nor vittell them. But the citizens made answer, how the quarrell of Goodwine was the cause of the whole realme, which he had in maner giuen ouer vnto the spoile of the French: and therevpon they not onelie vittelled them aboundantlie, but also receiued the earle and his chiefe fréends into the citie, where they lodged them at their ease, till the kings power was readie to ioine with them in battell.
Great resort also was made vnto them from all places of the realme, so that the earles armie was woonderfullie increased, and the daie and place chosen wherein the battell should be fought. But when the armies met, the kings side began some to flée to the earle, other to laie downe their weapons, and not a few to run awaie out right; the rest telling him plainelie that they would neuer fight against their owne countriemen, to mainteine Frenchmens quarrels. The Normans also seeing the sequele, fled awaie so fast as they might gallop, leauing the king in the field to shift for himselfe (as he best might) whilest they did saue themselues elsewhere.