[109] See an illustration to Chapter X. for similar ivories, still more interesting, from their greater depth, than those mentioned in the text, which are very imperfectly shown on the original photograph.
[110] See the Plate of Idols, p. 36.
[111] See Cut, No. 13, p. 35.
[112] Dr. Schliemann is here speaking of the “cups” which he afterwards decided to be covers, which of course represent only the head, the body being on the vase.—[Ed.]
[113] See Cut, No. 54, p. 86.
[114] Ithaque, le Péloponnèse et Troie. Dr. Schliemann’s subsequent change of opinion on this point is explained in subsequent chapters, and in the Introduction.
[115] The various types of whorls spoken of here and throughout the work are delineated in the lithographic Plates at the end of the volume, and are described in the List of Illustrations.
[116] These “rising suns” are the arcs with their ends resting on the circumference of the whorl, as in Nos. 321-28, and many others on the Plates. M. Burnouf describes them as “stations of the sun.”
[117] For the type of whorls with “sôma-trees” or “trees of life” (four, or more, or fewer), see Nos. 398, 400, 401, 404, &c. In No. 410 the four trees form a cross.
[119] This falcon seems to be represented by rude two-legged figures on some of the whorls:—e. g. on Plate XLV., No. 468 (comp. p. 135).
[120] Abhandlungen der K. bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1846, S. 127.
[121] A. Kuhn, ‘Herabkunft des Feuers.'
[122] Geschichte der Kunst.
[123] See the cut No. 75 and also on Plate XXX., No. 382. M. Burnouf describes the animal to the right as a hare, the symbol of the Moon, and the other two as the antelopes, which denote the prevailing of the two halves of the month (quinzaines).
[124] See Plate XXXV., No. 414. The same symbol is seen on several other examples.
[125] Iliad, XIV. 346-351. An English writer ought surely to use our old-fashioned form Jove, which is also even philologically preferable as the stem common to Ζεύς and Ju-piter (Διο = Ζεϝ = Jov), rather than the somewhat pedantically sounding Ζεύς.—[Ed.]
[126] Essays, II. 93.
[127] Iliad, XX. 216-218:—
[128] See Plate XXII., No. 327.
[129] Essays, II. 324.
[130] Herabkunft des Feuers, p. 59.
[131] See, for example, Iliad, XI. 633-635, Odyssey, XV. 116, 446.
[132] Dr. Schliemann found afterwards that these fragments did not belong to double cups. (See Chap. XXII., p. 313, and ‘Introduction,’ p. 15.)
[133] As the device on a seal may be presumed to be significant, and as patterns strikingly similar to this occur on some of the whorls (e.g. on Plate XLIV., No. 461), we have a strong argument for the significance of the latter class of devices.—[Ed.]
[134] See Plate XXII., No. 321.
[135] That is, belonging to the lowest stratum.
[136] Chapter VII., p. 121.
[137] See No. 380, on Plate XXIX.
[139] Plate XXIX., No. 379. The front bears 4 卐; on the back are the emblems described, which are shown separately in detail, and of which M. Burnouf gives an elaborate description. (See List of Illustrations.)
[140] Plate XXVIII., No. 377; compare Plate XXVII., No. 367.
[141] See Plate XXII., No. 328; the depth (14 M.) deserves special notice. The wheel-shape, which is characteristic of the whorls in the lowest stratum, is seen at No. 314, Plate XXI.
[142] Chapter IV., p. 84. See Plate XXII., No. 326, from the Atlas of Photographs, and Plate XLVIII., No. 482, from M. Burnouf’s drawings.
[144] Page 83, and Plate LI., No. 496. This is one of the inscriptions examined by Professor Gomperz. (See Appendix.)
[145] See Cut, No. 81, and Plate XXVII., No. 369. The latter is an inscription, which Professor Gomperz has discussed. (See Appendix.)
[146] Iliad, VI. 168-170:—
[147] Chapter IV., see p. 83-84. Though not Phœnician, these are Cyprian letters, and they have been discussed by Professor Gomperz, who found in this very whorl his experimentum crucis. (See Appendix.)
[148] Chapter IV., p. 87.
[149] Some examples of these jars, still more interesting on account of the great depth at which they were found, are seen in Plate XI., p. 290.
[151] For a further description and discussion of this splendid relief, see the Introduction, see p. 32-34. An acute critic has suggested to us that the metopé is a sculpture of the best age of Greek art, before or about the time of Alexander, inserted in a Doric frieze of late debased work, as is proved by the difference of styles, and by the evident fact that the metopé was originally too large for the space between the triglyphs. The temple to which it belonged, in Dr. Schliemann’s final opinion, was a temple of Apollo, which he discovered later (comp. Chap. XIV., p. 223, and Chap. XVII., p. 257).—[Ed.]
[152] Iliad, VI. 302-304:—
[153] The reader should bear in mind that Dr. Schliemann finally came back to this opinion. It is not “second thoughts” (say the authors of ‘Guesses at Truth'), but first and third thoughts, that are “best.”—[Ed.]
[157] Dr. Schliemann afterwards pronounced these “wedges” to be battle-axes. See Introduction, p. 21.
[158] Here, as well as in what goes before, Dr. Schliemann writes on the supposition, which he afterwards abandoned, that the remains in the lowest stratum are those of the Trojans of the Iliad.—[Ed.]
[159] We believe that naturalists are now agreed that such appearances of toads imprisoned for long periods are deceptive. Into what depths cannot a tadpole (whether literal or metaphorical) wriggle himself down?—[Ed.]
[160] This description itself suggests an inversion of the so-called “cup,” which is, in fact, a vase-cover. For its form see No. 74, on p. 115.—[Ed.]
[161] See Plate XXIII., No. 339; Plate XLVII., No. 478.
[162] According to Dr. Schliemann’s later view these “successors to the Trojans” were, as we have seen, the Trojans themselves.—[Ed.]
[163]The drawing, Plate XLVII., No. 480, shows the sign 20 times in 5 groups of 4 each. This seems to be a similar type to the one described, but from a lesser depth.—{Ed.}
[164] The inscription, which Professor Gomperz has pointed out, is identical with that on Pl. LI., No. 496. (See see p. 83-84 and Appendix.)—[Ed.]
[165] The types here described will be found on the Lithographs.
[166] Similar jewels are depicted among the articles of the Treasure (Chapter XXIII., Plate XX.).
[167] Chapter IX., see p. 132-3.
[168] See Plate LI., No. 493. M. Burnouf’s drawings, from which our engraving is taken, seem to differ from Dr. Schliemann’s description in a few of the minuter details.—[Ed.]
[169] On Plate I., No. 491, this ball is represented from M. Burnouf’s drawings, showing six different faces.
[170] See No. 5, p. 24.—[Ed.] Perhaps they were used to polish the terra-cotta vases.
[171] See No. 13, p. 35.
[172] Compare these with Cut No. 74 on p. 115.
[173] See Plate XLVIII., No. 484.
[174] We do not feel it right to spoil the unity of the following disquisition by striking out the few repetitions of arguments urged in other parts of the work.—[Ed.]
[175] Strabo, XIII. i. p. 103; Lycophron, Cassandra, 1208. See further, on the Simoïs, Note A, p. 358.
[176] Odyssey, XXIV. 80-81:
“We the holy army of the spear-throwing Argives, then raised round these (bones) a great and honourable tomb on the projecting shore of the broad Hellespont, so that it might be seen from the sea by the men who are now born and who shall be hereafter.”—Dr. Schliemann’s translation.
[177] Strabo, XIII. 1.
[178] Plutarch, ‘Life of Alexander the Great'; Cicero, pro Archia, 10; Ælian, V. H., 12, 7.
[179] Dio Cassius, LXXVII.
[180] Iliad, XX. 215-218.
[181] Herodotus, I. 27; Iliad, III. 189-190; Strabo, XIII. 3.
[182] But see further on this point, Chapter XI., pp. 197-8.—[Ed.]
[183] Iliad, XX. 307-308, quoted in the Introduction, p. 19.
[184] See the Plates of Whorls, Nos. 350, 351, 352, 356, 357, 359, &c.
[185] Plate XXVI., No. 362. M. Burnouf calls these “the 6 bi-monthly sacrifices.”
[186] Plate XXXIII., No. 402.
[187] Plate XXXIV., No. 403.
[188] Plate XXII., No. 320.
[190] In the ball here depicted there is no mistaking the significance of the line of 卐, the symbols of fire, as denoting the torrid zone. The three dots are, according to M. Burnouf, the symbol of royal majesty therein residing. The two rows of dots parallel to the torrid zone may possibly represent the inhabited regions of the temperate zones, according to the oriental theory followed by Plato.—[Ed.]
[191] See the qualification of this statement on p. 40.
[192] In the Atlas, Dr. Schliemann describes this and another such as Trojan lamps, but adds that they may be only vase covers.
[193] The one meant seems to be that engraved on p. 115 (No. 74).
[194] See Cut, No. 149, p. 199.
[195] See Cut, No. 1, p. 15.
[196] Iliad, XXII. 145-156:—
[197] See Iliad, II. 811-815, quoted above, p. 179.
[198] Chapter II., p. 69.
[200] Iliad, VII. 452-453.
[202] This opinion was changed afterwards. See Chapter XXII., p. 318.—[Ed.]
[203] Iliad, VI. 386, 387:—
[204] Similar rings are shown among the articles of the Treasure (Chapter XXIII., Plate XX).
[205] Others, even more interesting, were found later (Chapter XX., see p. 279-80).
[206] This last name was afterwards recalled by Dr. Schliemann, and that of “Ilium” or “Troy” confined to the Hill of Hissarlik. See Chapter XXIII., p. 343; and Introduction, p. 18.
[207] Respecting these steps, which are marked No. 6, on Plan II., and c on Plan III., p. 306, see further in Chapter XXII., p. 318, where the idea of an upper storey is rejected.—[Ed.]
[208] The cut represents a vase of this type, with the upper part joined on by Dr. Schliemann, who remarks that it is doubtful whether the owl’s face belongs to this vase, as the Ilian goddess is in no other case represented on vases without the breasts and abdomen. (Description in the Atlas of Photographs.)
[210] According to Mr. Gladstone’s theory, these masses of masonry, and the tradition ascribing them to Poseidon and Apollo, are signs of Phœnician influence.—[Ed.]
[211] This statement is hardly accurate. The greatest depth of débris discovered by the officers of the Palestine Exploration Fund at Jerusalem was not in the valleys, but on the Eastern slope of Mount Moriah. The accumulation reached from the foot of the wall down the slope to the bed of the Kedron, and beyond it some distance up the slope of the Mount of Olives. The usual depth at the wall was 60 or 70 feet, but at the north end it reached as much as 120, owing to the descent of the original ground at that spot. The masons’ marks on the lowest courses of the stones, reached by sinking shafts through these great depths, seemed to show a date nearer that of Solomon than of Titus.—[Ed.]
[212] We leave this, like other such passages, as landmarks of the rapid progress made in the discoveries opened up by Dr. Schliemann.—[Ed.]