All paint themselves as they please, and carry "ʇahánuʞa [p]éxe" or rattles made of green hide.

§ 269. The Make-no-fight dance.—Má¢a wátcigáxe, the "Napé-śníkaǵápi" of the Dakotas, has not been witnessed among the Omahas for many years, though it used to be common to the Omahas, Ponkas, and Dakotas. La Flèche and Two Crows have heard of it, but have not seen it. [P]a¢iⁿ-naⁿpajĭ says "I have not seen it since I have been grown. It was in use here long before my time." It is a bravery dance. Drums are beaten. The dancers hold gourd rattles, and each one carries many arrows on his back as well as in his arms. The members vow not to flee from a foe. They blacken themselves all over with charcoal. About fifty years ago two members went into a fight armed only with deer's claw rattles that had sharp iron points at the ends of the handles. They rushed among the foe and stabbed them before they could draw their bows.

§ 270. [P]a-ug¢aⁿ Watcí, The dance in which buffalo head-dresses were put on, has long been obsolete. It was a bravery dance. [P]a¢iⁿ-naⁿpajĭ knew about its occurring once when he was very small. Only very brave men could participate. On their heads they put head-dresses to which buffalo horns were attached. They bore shields on their backs; they rubbed earth on themselves. Any one who had stabbed a foe with a spear carried it on his arm; and he who had struck a foe with any weapon did likewise. Those who were only a little brave could not dance.

§ 271. Égi`a<sup>n</sup>-wátcigáxe, The Visitors' dance of relating exploits.—When a friendly visit has been made horses are given to all the visitors who are invited to dance. "Égi`aⁿ wa¢átcigáxe tai," You will dance the dance of exploits. The visitors sit in a circle and the members of the home tribe sit outside. A drum, stick, a "crow," and a club or hatchet are placed inside the circle. There is no singing. When the drum is struck one of the visitors dances. He who has something to tell about himself takes the crow and attaches it to his belt. Then he takes the club or hatchet. When the drummers beat faster all of them say, "Hĭ! hĭ! hĭ!" When they stop beating the dancer tells what he has done. Pointing in one direction with his club or hatchet he says, "In that place I killed a man." Pointing elsewhere, he says, "There I took hold of a man." "I brought back so many horses from that tribe." Sometimes they beat the drum again before he finishes telling his exploits. Sometimes a man recounts much about himself, if very brave, taking four such intervals to complete his part of the performance. When he has finished he hands the crow and weapon to the next dancer. There are four dancers in all. Some tell their exploits two or three times, i. e., they may require two or three intervals or spaces of time after the beating of the drum to tell all that they have to say. When the fourth dancer stops the dance is over. (See the He watci, at the end of the He¢ucka dance, § 217.) This is not danced very often.

§ 272. The Ghost dance.—Wanáxe-í¢ae¢é-ma are those who have supernatural communications with ghosts. The dance is called Wanáxe í¢aé¢e wátcigáxe. Formerly the Ponkas had this dance, and the Omahas saw it and coveted it; so they took it. It has not been danced by the Omahas for about forty years. La Flèche and Two Crows never saw it, but they have heard of it; and they speak of it as "úqtajĭ edádaⁿ ígaxewa¢ájĭ," undesirable; totally unfit for any use. But [P]a¢iⁿ-naⁿpajĭ says that it was an "úwaqube," a sacred thing. No women participated. A feast was called, the men assembled, a drum was struck, and they danced. The dancers made their bodies gray, and called themselves ghosts.

§ 273. The Padanka dance.—The Pádañka watcí (Camanche dance?) has not been held among the Omahas since [P]a¢iⁿ-naⁿpajĭ can remember. The Omahas bought it from another tribe, and had it a long time. When Mr. J. La Flèche was small, he saw a little of it. He and Two Crows have heard about it. The drum was struck; the dancers reddened their bodies with Indian red; they wore head-dresses of crow feathers or of the large feathers of the great owl. Bach one carried the "ʇacáge" or rattles of deers' claws.

§ 274. The Hekána dance.—This was introduced among the Omahas by the Otos when they visited the former tribe in August, 1878. The Otos call it "He-kaⁿ´-yu-há." It is found among the Sacs and other Indians south of the Omahas. This is the dance in which the young people of both sexes participate, and it is called "úmiⁿ¢íg¢aⁿ," as it leads the young men to think of courting the girls.

When a young man wishes to have a chance for saying something to a girl whom he admires he boils for a feast, and invites the guests. All the young men assemble, and the unmarried girls and boys attend, though the girls never go without a proper escort. Mothers take their daughters, and husbands go with their wives.

The dance is held in a large earth-lodge, in the middle of which a fire is kept up, and candles are placed on supports around the walls. Sometimes the boys blow out the lights all at once after a preconcerted signal, and great confusion ensues. All wear their gayest clothing and plenty of ornaments. Fine ribbon is worn on clothing, hats, etc.

When a youth wishes to court a girl, he waits till the girl approaches him in the dance. Then he takes her by the hands, and dances facing her. As there is great confusion, no one else can hear him addressing her, his face being very close to hers. Every time the drumming stops, the dancers in each pair change places, but they still face each other.

When a woman or girl wishes a man as a partner, she takes him by the hands when he gets close to her in the dance.

When a distant "mother's brother" meets one whom he calls his niece, he may address her thus in sport: "Aⁿwátcigaxe taí, wihé!" i. e., "Second daughter of the family, let us dance." She replies, "Give me pay." So he makes her a present of a necklace or of some other ornament, and she dances with him. A real uncle never acts thus.

Sometimes when a girl spies among the spectators an aged man who is a kinsman, she will rush to him in sport, take him by the hands, pull him to his feet, and make him dance with her. On the other hand, when a young man spies an aged female relative looking on, he may rush to her, in sport, and pull her into the ring making her dance with him.

There is a feast after the dance. If there is but a small supply of food only the women and girls eat; but if there is plenty, the men wait till the others have eaten awhile, then they partake. After the feast the guests go home; but they sleep nearly all of the following day, as they are very tired.

§ 275. The Mandan dance.—The Ponkas obtained this dance from the Dakotas and the Omahas learned it from the Ponkas. None but aged men and those in the prime of life belong to this society. All are expected to behave themselves, to be sober, and refrain from quarreling and fighting among themselves. (For an account of one of their feasts, see § 111.)

This dance is celebrated as a bravery dance over the bodies of any warriors who have been slain by the enemy. Each body is placed in a sitting posture in the lodge, as if alive, and with a rattle of deers' claws fastened to one arm. (See Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, Vol. VI, Part I, pp. 431, 452.) This dance has been obsolete for some time among the Omahas. It was danced in 1853. (See § 218.)

§ 276. The Tukála dance was obtained from the Dakotas by the Ponkas, who taught it to the Omahas. This dance is for boys what the Mandan dance is for aged men and men in the prime of life. Its rules resemble those of the other dance, but the songs and dances are different. The behavior of the members is not as good as that of the members of the Mandan society, though quarreling is forbidden. This is a bravery dance. Two women attend as singers. Two men who do not fear death are the leaders in the dance. Each one carries a "wahékuzi" or "waq¢éxe-¢áze", of which the end feather on the bent part of the pole is white, and the pole is wrapped in a piece of otter skin.

§ 277. The Sun dance has not been practiced among the Omahas. They can give no account of it, though some of the ceremonies of the Hede-watci, such as the procession to the place for felling the tree, the race for the tree, the felling of the tree, the manner in which it is carried to the village, and the preparation of the "ujéʇi," agree very remarkably with the account of the Sun dance read by Miss A. C. Fletcher before the American Association for the Advancement of Science, in August, 1882. The Ponkas obtained this dance from the Dakotas.

§ 278. The "Waná wátcigáxe," or Begging dance, is not found among the Omahas; but among the Ponkas, Dakotas, etc., the members of any dancing society do dance at times in order to get presents.

§ 279. Ponka dancing societies.—The Ponka men have two other dancing societies: the Gak'éxe (which the Omaha Duba-maⁿ¢iⁿ says is the same as the Hiⁿská-yuhá of the Dakotas) and the ₵adúxe. No information has been gained respecting these societies.

The Ponka women have three dancing societies: the Pa-¢átaⁿ, the Gat'ána, and the Maⁿ´zěskă naⁿ´p'iⁿ (Those who wear silver necklaces).

CHAPTER XI.
REGULATIVE INDUSTRIES.

THE GOVERNMENT.

§ 280. Regulative industries are such as pertain to the government of the tribe, embracing all organizations which are "wewaspeaʇa¢icaⁿ," i. e., such as are designed to make the people behave themselves.

Everything that can be thus used is a "wewaspe." Among the former are the gentile system (Chap. III), religion, and government, with the last of which is associated the law. With the latter may be classed the sacred tents, sacred pipes, chiefs, etc. A term of broader significance is "Wakandaʇa¢icaⁿ," Pertaining to or derived from Wakanda, the Deity or Superior Being. Most of the things which are wewaspeaʇa¢icaⁿ are also Wakandaʇa¢icaⁿ, but there are things which are Wakandaʇa¢icaⁿ that are not directly connected with the government of the state, e. g., the law of catamenial seclusion.

§ 281. Governmental instrumentalities.—The following wewaspe or government instrumentalities are regarded as Wakandaʇa¢icaⁿ: The sacred pipes, including the war pipe, the calumet pipes, the sacred pole, the sacred ʇe-saⁿ-ha, or hide of a white buffalo; the clam shell, the chiefs, the keepers of the three sacred tents, the seven keepers of the sacred pipes, the gentes, subgentes, and taboos. The following are considered of human origin: The policemen and the feasting societies. "The way to a man's heart is through his stomach" is a familiar saying. So feasting societies tend to promote the peace of the community, as those who eat together, or give food to one another, are bound together as friends. (See § 246.)

§ 282. Government functions.—Government functions are of three classes: legislative, executive, and judicial; but these are not fully differentiated in the Omaha state. There is a still further functional division running through the legislative, executive, and judicial departments, giving civil, military, and religious government. Among the Omahas civil and religious government are scarcely differentiated; but military government is almost entirely so. (See War Customs, Chapter IX.)

§ 283. There does not seem to be a distinct order of priests who perform all religious functions. Some of these functions are performed by the regular chiefs, others by the keepers of the sacred pipes, others by the four wa¢aⁿ during the buffalo hunt, and others by the leaders of the dances. Conjurors also pretend to perform mysterious or sacred rites. At the same time, the functions thus performed by the chiefs, keepers of the sacred pipes, and the wa¢aⁿ are of a civil character. The chiefs are religions officers during the buffalo hunt; they are always praying to Wakanda, and showing the pipes to him. They do not act as leaders of the hunt, which is the office of the wa¢aⁿ, though they can make suggestions to the latter. They cannot draw their robes tightly around them, when they are thus praying, and they must be sober and gentle.

The keepers of the sacred pipes are regarded as chiefs in some sense, though they are not allowed to speak in the tribal assembly. "Each chief is a member of the tribal assembly, though he is not a chief by virtue of such membership, but by choice of the members of his gens." While the chieftainship is not hereditary, each chief tries to have one of his near kinsmen elected as his successor.

§ 284. Head chiefs.—Those of the highest grade are the "nikagahi uju," or principal chiefs. There have always been two of this rank among the Omahas till the late change of the government in 1880. The head chiefs have generally been chosen from the Hañgacenu gentes, though there is no law forbidding the selection of a member of one of the Ictasanda gentes.

The following is the succession of the principal chiefs of the Omahas from the time of the celebrated Black Bird:

I. Gahige-ʇañga, The Elder Gahige, commonly called Wajiñga-sabe, Black Bird, of the Maⁿ¢iñka-gaxe (an Ictasanda) gens; and [T]e-saⁿ iⁿc`age, The Elder [T]e-sa<sup>n</sup>, or The Venerable man, Distant-white Buffalo, of the ₵atada (Hañgacenu) gens. II. [T]e-sa<sup>n</sup> i<sup>n</sup>c`age (continued), and Aⁿpaⁿ-skă, White Elk, of the Wejiⁿcte (a Hañgacenu) gens. III. [T]e-saⁿ iⁿc`age (continued), and Aⁿpaⁿ-ʇañga, Big Elk, of the Wejiⁿcte gens, subsequently known by his Pawnee name, Ta-i´-ki-ta´-wa-hu. This was the celebrated Big Elk mentioned by Long, Say, and others in 1819-'20. IV. Taikitawahu, and Úhaⁿ-jiñga or Waháxi, called Icta-ʇañga, Big Eyes, by the white men. The latter was an Ictasanda man. He married a sister of G¢edaⁿ-najiⁿ, and this was one reason why the latter succeeded him as one of the principal chiefs. V. In 1843, Aⁿpaⁿ-ʇañga jiñga, the Younger Big Elk, of the Wejiⁿcte gens, and G¢edaⁿ-najiⁿ, Standing Hawk, of the ₵atada gens. Another reason for the appointment of the latter was the friendship existing between his father, [T]e-saⁿ, and Taikitawahu. VI. On the death of Aⁿpaⁿ-ʇañga, his adopted son, Icta-maⁿzě, Iron Eyes, or Joseph La Flèche, was made his successor, and so he and G¢edaⁿ-najiⁿ were the principal chiefs till the former was set aside. Since then there has been confusion about the head chieftainship, as well as about the chieftainship in general, ending in the election of seven chiefs of equal rank in 1880.

§ 285. Subordinate chiefs.—Next to the nikagahi uju are the under chiefs, or nikagahi, of whom the number in each tribe varies from time to time. When both of the head chiefs retire from office or die there is an entire change of the subordinate chiefs; all must resign, and others must be elected to fill their places. Thus when Aⁿpaⁿ-ʇañga jiñga and G¢edaⁿ-najiⁿ succeeded to the head chieftainship, in 1843, fully sixty subordinate chiefs were appointed. Among these were Aⁿba-hebe, of the [T]a-[p]a gens; Icta-duba, of the Wasabe-hit`ajĭ subgens; [P]asi-duba and Zaⁿzi-mandě, of the [K]aⁿze gens; Taⁿwaⁿ-gaxe, of the Maⁿ¢iñka-gaxe gens; and [P]a¢iⁿ-gahige, of the [T]a-[p]a. Some chiefs have been appointed by the United States Government, and so have been recognized as chiefs by the United States agent in his councils with the tribe; but these are distinct from the regular chiefs. In 1878 the writer found three of this kind of chiefs among the Omahas. They had been appointed by the United States about the year 1869. Cañge-skă was made chief in the place of Taⁿwaⁿ-gaxe; Ibahaⁿbi, instead of his father, Wanuʞige, of the Ictasanda gens; and Waniʇa-waqě, the keeper of the sacred pipe of the [T]a-[p]a was the third.

In 1878 the following were the chiefs who met the agent in councils: G¢edaⁿ-najiⁿ and his brother, [P]ede-gahi, who were considered the head chiefs by some; Maⁿtcu-naⁿba, of the Hañga; Gahige, of the Iñke-sabě; Mahiⁿ-¢iñge, of the Wejiⁿcte; Wackaⁿ-maⁿ¢iⁿ, the third ₵atada chief; Cañge-skă, Waniʇa-waqě, and Ibahaⁿbi. The last three always appeared to stand together, forming a third party in the tribe, as opposed to the chiefs' party (to which the others belonged), and that of the young men or progressives.

§ 286. Omaha chiefs elected in March, 1880.—These were elected by an assembly of the whole tribe, in open council, and by a show of hands. All are of equal rank, there being no principal chiefs:

[P]ede-gahi (of the chiefs' party) and Naⁿpewa¢ě or Cyu-jiñga (of the young men's party), of the ₵atada (G¢edaⁿ-najiⁿ and Wackaⁿ-maⁿ¢iⁿ were deposed). Gahige (of the chiefs' party) and Duba-maⁿ¢iⁿ (of the young men's party), of the Iñke-sabě. [K]axe-¢aⁿba, or Two Crows (of the young men's party), and Icta-basude (of the chiefs' party), of the Hañga. The latter was substituted for his aged father, Maⁿtcu-naⁿba. The only Ictasanda chief elected was Cañge-skă, of the Maⁿ¢iñka-gaxe. Mahiⁿ-¢iñge, Waniʇawaqě, and Ibahaⁿbi were ignored.

A few months later three more were elected: Sĭnde-xaⁿxaⁿ instead of Waniʇa-waqě, of the [T]a-[p]a; Wahaⁿ-¢iñge, of the [T]e-sĭnde; and Ibahaⁿbi, of the Ictasanda, making ten chiefs.

§ 287. Keepers of the sacred pipes.—These have been chiefs among the Ponkas, and it seems probable that they are reckoned as such among the Omahas. (See the account of the inauguration of Ponka chiefs, § 289.)

Though no council could be opened without their assistance, they were not allowed to take part in any of the deliberations. (See § 296.)

§ 288. Who can be elected chiefs.—As a rule, they must be such as have won a good reputation in the tribe. A generous man, one who has given more presents or feasts than his kinsmen, stands a chance of being elected a chief by and by. The presents, however, must be made to the poor and aged, of those who are not kinsmen. Sometimes a man is elected who has not led a good life; but they make him chief with the hope that the new responsibilities resting on him may sober him, and make him a wise man. Sometimes a man succeeds to the chieftainship through the efforts of some kinsman or affinity who is a chief or head chief.

Occasions of such elections.—The resignation or death of one of the principal chiefs; the resignation of both of the principal chiefs, or the resignation of one and the death of the other.

§ 289. Sacred or mysterious rites pertaining to the initiation or inauguration of chiefs.—(1). Among the Ponkas. Maⁿ`egahi, of the Hisada, told the following: Muxa-naji<sup>n</sup> of the Wacabe, Ce-naji<sup>n</sup> of the Maka<sup>n</sup>, ₵a`egaⁿ of the Nuqe, Si-¢iñge of the Makaⁿ, Maⁿze-si-ugadaⁿ (of the half-breed band), and Canugahi of the ₵ixida, carry the six sacred pipes four times around the tribal circle. Muxa-najiⁿ puts up a large tent (in the middle of the circle), unwraps the bundle containing the six pipes, and then the five other men accompany him around the circle.

The sacred pipes are feared by all except those who are to be made chiefs, sometimes four, five, or six men. These are outside (of their lodges), and as the old men come around, if they have agreed to become chiefs, they put the pipe-stems to their mouths, but they do not inhale any of the smoke. When the old men have gone around the fourth time the chiefs assemble in the large tent. The women and children stay outside or back of the circle, as they are afraid of the pipes. Even the horses are sent to the rear. When the chiefs elect enter the large tent they give many horses to the retiring chiefs. Then they put the pipes to their mouths and inhale the smoke, for if they should refuse to inhale it, they would die very soon thereafter, before the end of the year.

Nudaⁿ-axa's account of the ceremonies at the time of his election is as follows: When an old chief resigns, a tent is set up in the middle of the circle. They bring back some wild sage, which is used as a bed for the sacred pipes. These are laid on the wild sage in the middle of the tent, next to the sacred buffalo skull. The hañga-ʞi`a<sup>n</sup>ze or privileged decoration is painted on the skull, into the nostrils of which some sprigs of wild sage are thrust. All the chiefs paint the hañga-ʞi`aⁿze on their faces, and stick plumes in their hair. They wear buffalo robes with the hair outside, and redden their arm-pits, elbows, and the toes of their moccasins. They redden blankets at the elbows and next to the arm-pits, in imitation of the buffaloes. The retiring chiefs say to their successors, "Qubéʞi¢ái-gă!" i. e., "Cause yourselves to be sacred by means of the animals that you see in your dreams when you fast." When they have left the large tent, and have returned to their respective lodges, they sit with their robes over their heads, and before they leave their lodges again, they must make new tent-flaps, which is a sacred act. The bearers of the sacred pipes are Ce-najiⁿ of the Makaⁿ, He¢icije of the Nuqe, [P]a¢iⁿ-gahige (of the Wajaje?), Muxa-najiⁿ of the Wacabe, a Nika[p]aᴐna man, and Canugahi of the ₵ixida. As the old men reach the tents of each gens it is announced by some of the spectators, "They have reached the Nuqe!" for example. When Cenajiⁿ arrives at the tents of each gens, he says, "Ho! I have come to you." The pipes are handed in succession to the candidate who sits at the end. Muxa-najiⁿ addresses a few words to each of the candidates who are not the sons of chiefs, but to those who are the sons of chiefs many words are spoken. I belonged to this latter class, so all the old men said to me, "Níʇa í¢ib¢aⁿ taté! Iⁿc`áge cí taté! ₵iádi gáhi, ¢ijiⁿ´¢e gáhi, ¢iʇígaⁿ gáhi, ámustáqti ¢idaⁿ´bemaⁿ¢iⁿ´taí! Wágazuqti maⁿ¢iⁿ´ gaⁿ´¢a-gă." i. e., "You shall have your fill of life! You shall live to be an aged man! Your father was a chief, your elder brother was a chief, and your grandfather was a chief; may they continue to look directly down on you! Desire thou to walk very honestly." At length they say, "Caⁿ," Enough! Then the crier proclaims, "Caⁿ´ á¢a, u+!" i. e., "It is indeed enough, halloo!" Then all the people walk rapidly to the tent in the middle of the circle, each one trying to get there before the others so as to get a good seat. So they reach there and pass around the tent. At the time of my inauguration I sat at the door of the large tent. Those who had no seats within, (i. e., as chiefs) sat outside. They were addressed thus: "Gí¢iʞaⁿ ité¢a-gă! Égi¢e ě´di ¢ag¢iⁿ´ te hă!" i. e., "Make room! Beware how you sit there!" By and by the two principal chiefs came, stepping very deliberately, and took their places at the head of the circle of those within the large tent.

(2) Among the Omahas, as told by La Flèche and Two Crows:

Only one old man goes once around the tribal circle. He starts from his own gens, the Iñke-sabě, and enters but a single tent of each gens. He tells the people of that gens to question all their fellow gentiles who wish to be chiefs. The old man enters the Wejiⁿcte tent last of all. The men of each gens assemble by themselves. Some are afraid to undertake the chieftainship, saying, "It is difficult; I am unwilling." If a candidate is "naxíde-¢iñ´ge," or "wáspajĭ," i. e., disobedient or ill-behaved, the men of his gens can prevent his acceptance of the office. The next day the chiefs assemble in a large tent. The decorations of the chiefs, the disposition of the sacred pipes and buffalo skull are similar to what happens among the Ponkas, with a few exceptions. The chiefs do not redden their arm-pits, elbows, and the toes of their moccasins, and the hañga-ʞi`aⁿze is slightly different.

The only clothing worn by the chiefs during this ceremony consists of moccasins, leggings, breech-cloths, and buffalo robes, with the hair outside. The place of meeting is the earth-lodge belonging to one of the principal chiefs. Besides the chiefs, only a few very brave men are admitted to witness the ceremony and to act as servants. The keepers of the sacred pipes are there; and the two old men of the Hañga who keep the sacred tents, sit by the door, as the wag¢a, to get wood and water, and to attend to the boiling of the food for the feast. The rest of the people, including the brave men and the young men, are not invited to the feast, but they can sit outside the lodge. When the crier says, "Caⁿa¢a, u+!" the candidates know that he refers to them, so they and the people hasten to the earth-lodge. (See Fig. 2, § 18.)

The brave young men may be selected from each gens to hand around the food; and one of the principal chiefs calls on two by name to lade out the food.

The principal chief who is about to retire tells each new chief where he must sit in the circle of chiefs, and to whatever place he is thus assigned he must regard that as his seat in the assembly from that time on. The seat in question is resigned to the new chief by one of the retiring chiefs, except when some of the subordinate chiefs vacate their places to move nearer to the head chiefs, in which case the new chiefs are told to take the places thus vacated.

When one of the head chiefs resigns all of the subordinate chiefs change their places in the council, moving nearer to the seats of the principal chiefs. But should the principal chiefs so desire it some of the new chiefs may occupy the seats near them, being promoted over some of the subordinates. A new chief did not always succeed a retiring chief of the same gens.

The retiring head chief then exhorts each new chief thus: "If you get in a bad humor Wakanda will do so to you. Do not lie lest the people speak of you as lying chiefs and refuse to obey you."

§ 290. The tribal assembly or council.—This is composed of the chiefs alone. The common people have no voice in it. When there is any very important business the young men and all the people are informed of it after the meeting of the council. When the chiefs are thus assembled, they are not always invited to a feast; but the two sacred pipes were always carried around the circle. (See § 18.)

The principal chiefs did not act without consulting the other chiefs. They used to call them together and submit to them any important questions that had arisen, saying first to one then to another, "What do you decide on?" or "Do you decide what shall be done." If one after another refused to express an opinion, the two principal chiefs continued their questioning till they found one who gave a decision.

§ 291. The Gentile Assembly.—A gens could assemble as a whole when there was any special occasion for such action, e. g., if they had any grievance against the members of another gens.

§ 292. Powers of subordinate Chiefs.—Chiefs had certain rights, among which were the following: 1. The right to sit in the tribal assembly, and to join in the deliberations. 2. The right of each to retain his office till his death or resignation. 3. The right to regulate the buffalo hunt with the aid of the directors and the keepers of the Hañga sacred tents. 4. The right to approve or disapprove of the organization of a small war party, and to prevent the departure of the same. 5. The right to form a party to go on a friendly visit to another tribe; this includes the right to go with a sacred pipe to the village or camp of a hostile tribe in order to make peace. 6. The right to stop quarreling or fighting between two or more persons, by putting the two sacred pipes between the combatants and begging them to desist. 7. The right to assemble at the sacred tent of the Elk gens, and regulate the sending out of scouts in case of a sudden alarm. 8. In modern times, the chiefs have exercised the right to sell all or a portion of the land occupied by the tribe, to the United States Government; but such a right was, from the nature of the case, unknown in ancient times.

No chief had a right to interfere with the food or other property of private individuals, such as that belonging to the head of a household. So when visitors came from another tribe the chiefs could not compel members of their tribe to entertain them or make presents to them; all they could do was to ask such things of the people as favors. No chief had a right to deprive a hunter of an animal that he had killed, nor could he claim even a part of the animal. (See § 147.)

§ 293. Powers of principal Chiefs.—Among their powers are the following: 1. The right to order the policemen to strike the disobedient. 2. The right to order the crier to proclaim the decisions of the tribal assembly. 3. The right to call on two of the brave young men by name, and tell them to lade out the food for the feast. 4. The right to the principal seats in the tribal assembly. 5. The right of one of them to determine the place for each newly-elected chief in the tribal assembly, and also to give any chief a higher place in the circle, promoting him to a place above some of his seniors.

§ 294. Deposition of Chiefs.—Chiefs were not deposed. They always continued in office till their deaths or resignations. But when both head chiefs died, or one died and the other resigned, all the subordinate chiefs were obliged to resign.

§ 295. Powers of the Keepers of the Sacred Tents.—They had certain duties to perform during the buffalo hunt. They had the care of the sacred tents, with their contents, the pole, and sacred skin. They acted as wag¢a for the tribal assembly, in which they had seats, but without the right to join in the deliberations. They were expected on such occasions to attend to the fire, to bring in wood and water, and to superintend the boiling of the food for the feast, whenever one was given to the assembly. (See § 8.)

§ 296.—Powers of the Keepers of the Sacred Pipes (see Chapter III).—They could not join in the deliberation of the tribal assembly, though no council could be opened without their assistance. (See § 287.)

§ 297. Powers of the Policemen.—When not traveling on the buffalo hunt they acted as messengers for the chiefs. There were no special policemen for each chief. They could strike any of the disobedient persons, even when not ordered to do so by the principal chiefs. Such disobedient ones were those who quarreled and fought, stole, or scared off the buffalo.

§ 298. Religion.—Religion may be considered as not fully differentiated from the government (see §§ 280 to 283>). The chiefs are the religious as well as the civil rulers of the state. A full account of the religion of the Omahas cannot be given in this paper. It is connected with the practice of medicine, mythology, war customs, gentile system, etc.

CHAPTER XII.
THE LAW.

§ 299. The law, which is the body of rules that the State endeavors directly or indirectly to enforce, may be properly classed as follows: 1. Personal law. 2. Property law. 3. Corporation law. 4. Government law. 5. International law. 6. Military law. 7. Religious law.

Crimes may be committed against personal law, property law, corporation law, government law, international law, military law, and religious law. So there are as many divisions of criminal law.

PERSONAL LAW.

§ 300. A large part of personal law belongs to gentile or family law. Certain degrees of consanguinity and affinity are considered as bars to intermarriage. The marriage of kindred has always been regarded as incestuous by the Omahas and kindred tribes. Affinities were forbidden to Self in certain places which are explained in the description of the kinship system and the marriage laws.

Marriage by elopement has been practiced, but marriage by capture or by duel are not known. (See § 82.)

Nage, quarreling and fighting.—It used to be a custom among the Omahas, when two men engaged in a fight, that he who gave the first blow was beaten by the native policemen.

T´e¢ai, accidental killing, and "t´eki¢ai," intentional killing or murder, are also crimes against religious law, which see in §§ 310, 311.

Witchcraft.—When the supposed victim has died and the offender has been detected his life may be taken by the kinsman of the victim without a trial before the assembly or any other tribunal.

Slavery was not known. Captives taken in war were not put to death. (See § 222.)

§ 301. Social vices (a), Adultery.—Sometimes a man steals another man's wife. Sometimes he tempts her, but does not take her from her husband. The injured man may strike or kill the guilty man, he may hit the woman, or he may deprive the offending man of his property. If a woman's husband be guilty of adultery with another woman she may strike him or the guilty female in her anger, but she cannot claim damages. In some extreme cases, as recorded by Say, an inexorable man has been known to tie his frail partner firmly upon the earth in the prairie, and in this situation has she been compelled to submit to the embraces of twenty or thirty men successively; she is then abandoned. But this never happened when the woman had any immediate kindred, for if she had any such kindred in the tribe the husband would be afraid to punish his wife in that manner. A woman thus punished became an outcast; no one would marry her.

(b) Prostitution.—In 1879 there were only two or three women in the Omaha tribe that were known as miⁿckeda or public women. Of late years, according to La Flèche and Two Crows, there have been many miⁿckeda, but it was not so formerly, when the Indians were the only inhabitants. A father did not reprove his daughter if she was a miⁿckeda. He left that to her elder brother and her mother's brother, who might strike her with sticks. Sometimes, if very angry with her, they could shoot an arrow at her, and if they killed her, nobody could complain.

(c) Fornication.—This is not practiced as a rule, except with women or girls that are miⁿckeda. So strict are the Omahas about these matters, that a young girl or even a married women walking or riding alone, would be ruined in character, being liable to be taken for a miⁿckeda, and addressed as such. No woman can ride or walk with any man but her husband or some immediate kinsman. She generally gets some other woman to accompany her, unless her husband goes. Young men are forbidden to speak to girls, if they should meet two or more on the road, unless they are kindred. The writer was told of some immorality after some of the dances in which the women and girls participate. This has occurred recently; and does not apply to all the females present, but only to a few, and that not on all occasions. When girls go to see the dances their mothers accompany them; and husbands go with their wives. After the dance the women are taken home.

(d) Schoopanism. or pæderastia.—A man or boy who suffered as a victim of this crime was called a miⁿ-quga, or hermaphrodite. La Flèche and Two Crows say that the miⁿ-quga is "g¢aⁿ¢iⁿ," foolish, therefore he acts in that manner.

(e) Rape.—But one Omaha has a bad reputation in the tribe for having frequently been guilty of this crime. It is said that one day he met the daughter of Giaⁿze-¢iñge, when she was about a mile from home, driving several ponies. He pulled her off her horse, and though she was not over seven or eight years old, he violated her. The same man was charged with having committed incest with his own mother.

§ 302. Maiming.—This never occurs except in two cases: First, by accident, as when two men wrestle, in sport, and an arm is broken by a blow from a bow or stick; secondly, when the policemen hit offenders with their whips, on the head, arms, or body; but this is a punishment and not a crime. La Flèche and Two Crows never heard of teeth being knocked out, noses broken, eyes injured, etc., as among white or colored men.

Slander is not punishable, as it is like the wind, being "waniajĭ," that is, unable to cause pain.

PROPERTY LAW.

§ 303. Public property, provisions, and stock are not known. Hence, there are no revenue laws.

(a) Tribal property.—Each tribe claimed a certain extent of territory as its own, for purposes of occupancy, cultivation, hunting, and fishing. But the right of a tribe to sell its land was something unheard of. Portions of the Omaha territory were sold because the people feared to refuse the white men. They consented just as a man would "consent" to hand his purse to a highway robber who demanded his money or his life. Land is enduring, even after the death of all of a generation of Omahas; for the men of the next generation succeed and dwell on the land. Land is like water and wind, "wé¢iⁿwiⁿ-¢i`á-wá¢ě," what cannot be sold. But horses, clothing, lodges, etc., soon perish, and these were the only things that they could give away, being personal property. The tribe had a common language, the right to engage together in the chase as well as in war, and in certain rites of a religious and civil character, which are described in connection with the hunting customs, etc.

(b) Gentile property.—Each gens had its special "wewaspe," such as the sacred pipes, chiefs, sacred tents, area in the tribal circle, etc. These "wewaspe" also belonged, in a measure, to the whole tribe. (See Gentile System, Chapter III.)

(c) Household property.—This consisted of the right of occupancy of a common dwelling, the right of each person to shares of fish, game, etc., acquired by any member of the household. When game was killed, it belonged solely to the household of the slayer; members of any other household had no right to take any part, but the slayer of a buffalo or other large animal might give portions to those who aided him in cutting it up. (See §§ 147, 159.)

(d) Personal property.—When a father gave a horse or colt to his child, the latter was the sole owner, and could do what he wished with the property. Each head of a household held a possessory right to such a tract or tracts of land as the members of his family or household cultivated; and as long as the land was thus cultivated, his right to its enjoyment was recognized by the rest of the tribe. But he could not sell his part of the land. He also had a right to cultivate any unoccupied land, and add it to his own. The husband and wife who were at the head of the family or household, were the chief owners of the lodge, robes, etc. They were joint owners, for when the man wished to give away anything that could be spared he could not do so if his wife was unwilling. So, too, if the wife wished to give away what could be spared, she was unable to do it if her husband opposed her. Sometimes, when the man gave something without consulting his wife, and told her afterwards, she said nothing. The wife had control of all the food, and the man consulted her before he invited guests to a feast saying: "Ewéku kaⁿ´b¢a. Iⁿwiⁿ´hañ-gă." i. e., "I wish to invite them to a feast. Boil for me."

Members of the same tribe occasionally exchanged commodities. This right was recognized by all. (See International Law, § 307.)

§ 304. Debtors.—When a man asked another to lend him anything, as a knife, kettle, &c., the owner would not refuse. When the borrower had finished using it, he returned it to the lender, for he would be ashamed to keep it as his own. There never was a case of refusal to return a borrowed article. If the use of the thing had impaired its value, the borrower always returned another article of the same kind, which had to be in as good condition as the former was when it was borrowed. There was no pay or interest on the loan. Sometimes, when the borrower was a kinsman or friend of the lender, and he returned to the latter his property, the lender would say to him, "Keep it!"

§ 305. Order of inheritance.—First, the eldest son, who becomes the head of the household or family; then the other sons, who receive shares from their brother; if there are sisters of these, they receive from their eldest brother whatever he thinks that they should have. Should the deceased leave no children, his kindred inherit in the following order: His elder brother, younger brothers, sisters, mothers' brothers, and sisters' sons. The widow receives nothing, unless she has grown sons of her own, who can protect her. The husband's kindred and the widow's step-sons generally deprive her of all the property, because they fear lest she should go elsewhere and marry.

§ 306. Crime against property law: Theft.—When the suspected thief did not confess his offense, some of his property was taken from him until he told the truth. When he restored what he had stolen, one-half of his own property was returned to him, and the rest was given to the man from whom he had stolen. Sometimes all of the policemen whipped the thief. But when the thief fled from the tribe, and remained away for a year or two, the offense was not remembered on his return; so no punishment ensued.

CORPORATION LAW.

(See Societies, in Chapter X.)

GOVERNMENT LAW.

(See the preceding chapter.) The crimes against government law were violations of the rules of the buffalo hunt, quarreling, and fighting. The violations of the rules of the buffalo hunt were also regarded as crimes against religious law.

INTERNATIONAL LAW.

(See War Customs, Military Law, and Visiting Customs.)

§ 307. Mode of making peace with another tribe.—When the Omahas wished to make peace, which was termed, "making the land good," two or more chiefs and some of the young men took one of the sacred pipes and went unarmed towards the village or camp of the late foe, taking care to go openly and in daylight, when their approach could be seen. They were met by some of the villagers, who conducted them to a lodge, where food was given them. After the meal, they were asked to tell the object of their visit. The leader of the visitors then said, "I have come because I think that we should fight no longer. I have come that we may eat and smoke together." The principal man of the village then replied, "It is good! If you tell the truth, when you come again, we will give a horse to each one of you." At this time, no presents were made by either party. They remained together two, three, or four days, and left for home when their leader decided to depart. The bearer of a peace pipe was generally respected by the enemy, just as the bearer of a flag of truce is regarded by the laws of war among the so-called civilized nations.

When strangers came to visit the Omahas, or when the latter visited another tribe, presents were given by both parties, generally consisting of horses and robes. But there was no commerce, as we understand that term.

MILITARY LAW.

(See the preceding paragraphs, and War Customs.)

RELIGIOUS LAW.

§ 308. The rules of the buffalo hunt, the consecration of the hearts and tongues, the ceremonies pertaining to the anointing of the sacred pole, etc., and those connected with the planting of the corn, were customs which were regarded as laws received by their ancestors from Wakanda; hence, they pertained to religion as well as to the government of the tribe. (See §§ 128-163.)

§ 309. The following are of a religious character: The worship of the thunder, when first heard in the spring (§ 24), and when the men go to war (§ 196); the style of wearing the hair in childhood (§ 30, etc.); most of the governmental instrumentalities enumerated in Chapter XI, and non-intercourse with a woman during her catamenial seclusion (§ 97).

The Omahas were afraid to abandon their aged on the prairie when away from their permanent villages lest Wakanda should punish them.

The most common offenses against religious law were murder and accidental killing.

§ 310. Murder.—Murder of a fellow Omaha has been of rare occurrence. Drunkenness alone has caused two men to kill each other in a few cases; but owing to it there have been more instances of murder and manslaughter. Before liquor was introduced there were no murders, even when men quarreled. The murder of a fellow clansman was unknown, except in a few cases of parricide, caused by drunkenness. Parents never killed their children. About thirty-two years ago a man killed his uncle to avenge the murder of another uncle by a drunken son. Over sixty years ago a Ponka married an Omaha woman, and remained with her tribe. His mother-in-law was a very bad old woman, so he killed her. No Omaha ever killed an affinity.

Murder might be punished by taking the life of the murderer, or that of one of his clansmen. When one man killed another, the kinsmen of the murdered man wished to avenge his death, but the chiefs and brave men usually interposed. Sometimes they showed one of the sacred pipes; but they always took presents, and begged the kinsmen to let the offender live. Sometimes the kinsmen of the murderer went alone to meet the avengers; sometimes they took with them the chiefs and brave men; sometimes the chiefs, braves, and generous men went without the kinsmen of the murderer. Sometimes the avengers refused to receive the presents, and killed the murderer. Even when one of them was willing to receive them, it was in vain if the others refused.

When the life of the murderer was spared, he was obliged to submit to punishment from two to four years. He must walk barefoot. He could eat no warm food; he could not raise his voice; nor could he look around. He was compelled to pull his robe around him, and to have it tied at the neck, even in warm weather; he could not let it hang loosely or fly open. He could not move his hands about, but was obliged to keep them close to his body. He could not comb his hair; and it must not be blown about by the wind. He was obliged to pitch his tent about a quarter of a mile from the rest of the tribe when they were going on the hunt lest the ghost of his victim should raise a high wind, which might cause damage. Only one of his kindred was allowed to remain with him at his tent. No one wished to eat with him, for they said, "If we eat with him whom Wakanda hates, for his crime, Wakanda will hate us." Sometimes he wandered at night, crying and lamenting his offense. At the end of the designated period, the kindred of the murdered man heard his crying and said, "It is enough. Begone, and walk among the crowd. Put on moccasins and wear a good robe." Should a man get a bad reputation on account of being quarrelsome, his gens might refuse to defend him. Even if the kindred were sad when he was slain, they would say nothing, and no one tried to avenge him. The murder of a child was as great a crime as the murder of a chief, a brave, or a woman. There was no distinction in the price to be paid.

Should the criminal escape to another tribe, and be absent for a year or two, his crime would be remembered on his return, and he would be in danger.

§ 311. Accidental killing.—When one man killed another accidentally, he was rescued by the interposition of the chiefs, and subsequently was punished as if he were a murderer, but only for a year or two.

§ 312. Profanity.—Cursing and swearing were unknown before the white men introduced them. Not one of the ₵egiha dialects contains an oath. The Omahas are very careful not to use names which they regard as sacred on ordinary occasions; and no one dares to sing sacred songs except the chiefs and old men at the proper times.

§ 313. Drunkenness became a crime, because it often led to murders; so the Omaha policemen determined to punish each offender. Each one of the ten gave him several blows with a whip, and the drunkard's annuity for that year was taken from him. In 1854 this vice was broken up, and since then there has been no instance of its occurrence among the Omahas.22

§ 314. Falsehood.—In 1879 Standing Hawk and a few others were noted for this vice; but in 1882 La Flèche said that there were many who had lost all regard for the truth. Formerly, only two or three were notorious liars; but now, there are about twenty who do not lie. Scouts were expected to speak the truth when they returned to report to the directors, the keepers of the sacred tents, etc. (See §§ 23, 136, and 137.) Warriors were obliged to undergo the ordeal of the wastegistu (Osage, watse-ʞistu), before receiving the rewards of bravery. If one told a lie, he was detected, as the Indians believed that the stick always fell from the sacred bag in such a case. (See § 214.)