This Ode is written with great care, and was probably one of those compositions by which Horace brought himself into public notice. It has more the appearance of having been written for fame than any other in the book. Probably it was written at the outbreak of the Perusian war, B. C. 41. Horace mourns over the civil wars, and proposes that all good citizens shall migrate to the Fortunate Islands.
Argument.—Another age is wasting in civil wars. She whom no enemy could tame, shall be destroyed by her own accursed children; the wild beast shall devour her; the barbarian shall trample upon her, and scatter the dust of her Romulus to the winds.
What are we to do? Go forth like the Phocæans, leave our homes and our temples to be the dens of beasts, and go wherever the winds shall waft us. Shall it be so? Then why delay? But let us swear:—When rocks shall swim, and the Po shall wash the tops of Matinus, and the Apennine be cast into the sea; when the tiger shall lie with the hind, and the dove with the hawk, and the herds fear not the lion, and the he-goat shall love the waves,—then we will return to our home. Thus let the nobler spirits resolve, while the craven clings to his couch. For us there are those happy isles where the earth yields her harvests and the trees their fruit, unbidden; where honey drops from the oak, and the stream leaps babbling from the hills; where the goat comes unbidden to the milk-pail, and udders are full, and the fold fears no beasts, and the ground bears no vipers; where the rain-flood and the drought are not known; whither the venturous sail comes not; where the flock is unhurt by pestilence or heat. Jove destined these shores for the pious, when the golden age had passed away, and thither the pious may resort and prosper.
1. Altera] The last being that of Sulla, which ended about forty years before.
3. Marsi] This refers to the Social War, mentioned in C. iii. 14. 18.
4. Porsenae] The penultimate syllable of this name is usually long, but it is here short. Porsena was king of Clusium, in Etruria. He espoused the cause of Tarquinius Superbus, and attacked Rome with a large army. The Roman legends of Cocles, who defended the bridge, of Clœlia, who with her maidens swam over the river, and of Mucius Scævola, who thrust his hand into the fire, are all connected with this period. Though the Roman historians have thrown disguises over the fact, there is every reason to believe that Porsena reduced the city to submission, and took from her all the territory she had obtained north of the Tiber.
5. Aemula nec virtus] After the battle of Cannæ, Hannibal established himself in Capua, and Livy (xxiii. 6) relates a boasting speech of the Campanians,—how they expected that Hannibal, when he withdrew to Carthage, would leave Rome a wreck and the power over Italy in the hands of Capua. They also sent ambassadors to Rome, and demanded, as a condition of their assistance, that one of the consuls should always be a Campanian. Five years afterwards the Romans took the town, and dealt very severely with it, reducing it to a praefectura (see S. i. 5. 34, n.). As to Spartacus, see C. iii. 14. 19.
6. Allobrox,] The Allobroges, whose country lay on the left bank of the Rhone, between that river and the Isère, had ambassadors at Rome at the time of Catiline’s conspiracy, praying for redress for certain grievances. These men were tampered with by the conspirators, and promised to forward their designs, which, soon repenting, they betrayed, and became the principal witnesses against the conspirators (Sall. Cat. 41; Cic. in Catil. iii. 2-4). This explains Horace’s meaning. Two years afterwards these people, having broken out in war and invaded Gallia Narbonensis, were defeated by C. Pomptinus, governor of that province. Their restlessness is mentioned by Cæsar (B. G. iv. 5).
8. Parentibus] This is like “bella matribus detestata” (C. i. 1. 24).
11. insistet] ‘Insistere’ is followed by the accusative case sometimes, particularly when it implies motion, as ‘insistere viam,’ which peculiarity is found in the Greek καθέζομαι. It more usually governs the dative case, or is followed by the ablative after ‘in.’ See Aen. vi. 563: “Sceleratum insistere limen.” Ezekiel’s prophecy against Tyre declares that Nebuchadnezzar “with the hoofs of his horses shall tread down all her streets” (xxvi. 11); and Jeremiah exclaims (viii. 1, 2): “At that time they shall bring out the bones of the kings of Judah, and the bones of his princes, and the bones of the priests, and the bones of the prophets, and the bones of the inhabitants of Jerusalem out of their graves, and they shall spread them before the sun: they shall not be gathered nor be buried; they shall be as dung on the face of the earth.” Horace does not take account of the apotheosis of Romulus, which he himself refers to elsewhere (C. iii. 3. 16). Porphyrion, on the authority of Varro, says the tomb of Romulus was behind the Rostra.
15. expediat] This belongs to ‘carere’; ‘what course befits us best, that we be free from our vile sufferings,’ where the Greeks would express or (more commonly) understand ὥστε. The story of the Phocæans abandoning their city when Harpagus was besieging it, and declaring that they would not return till a bar of iron they threw into the sea should float, is told by Herodotus (i. 165). It must have been familiar to educated men, and the form of oath may have become proverbial. ‘Exsecrata’ is used in a middle sense, ‘binding themselves under a curse,’ ἐποιήσαντο ἰσχυρὰς κατάρας. So ‘agros’ is governed by ‘profugit,’ not by ‘exsecrata.’
23. Sic placet?] ‘Placetne?’ the usual formula addressed to the people at the comitia. The poet fancies himself addressing a meeting of the citizens. ‘Habet suadere’ is another Greek construction, πείθειν ἔχει.
25. Sed juremus in haec:] ‘but let us take an oath in this form’; to make our departure inevitable.
33. ravos] C. iii. 27. 3, n. ‘Levis hircus amet,’ ‘the goat become sleek, and love.’
41. Oceanus] The Atlantic.
42. divites et insulas,] See C. iv. 8. 25, n.
46. Suamque pulla ficus ornat arborem,] ‘and the purple fig adorns its own tree’; that is, without grafting.
51. vespertinus] See C. 1. 2. 45. Virg. Georg. iii. 538: “Nocturnus obambulat.”
57. Non huc Argoo] He means to say, that no venturous sail has reached these islands; not the Argo, in which Jason sailed for the golden fleece, nor Medea, who returned with him to Greece, nor the Phœnicians, who went everywhere with their merchandise, nor the crew of Ulysses, who wandered about the seas for ten years.
62. aestuosa — impotentia] ‘the burning excess’; that is, ‘the excessive heat.’
65. quorum] This depends on ‘fuga.’ ‘Safe flight from which is offered to the pious, if I be prophet.’
This poem is written with the ironical purpose of making peace between the poet and Canidia. The recantation is not less severe than the libels (see Epodes iii. and v., and S. i. 8). The poet humbly retracts his charges of base birth, sterility, witchcraft, &c., but in such language as to make them worse: and in the latter part of the Epode Canidia makes a reply refusing forgiveness, and vowing vengeance on her traducer.
Argument.—I yield, I yield; I pray thee by Proserpine, by Diana, by thine own mighty spells, Canidia, cease thy charms; stay, stay thy wheel. Achilles had compassion upon Telephus, and healed him. He was entreated, and gave back the body of Hector, and the matrons of Troy anointed him for burial. Circe restored the companions of Ulysses. Surely I have been punished enough, O thou that art loved of sailors and of hucksters! The complexion of youth is gone from me; my hair is white; I rest not day or night, and sighs give me no relief. I now believe what I once denied. What wouldst thou more? O sea and earth, I am on fire, like Hercules with the blood of Nessus, and Ætna’s everlasting flame. As a crucible filled with Colchian drugs, thou wilt burn till I shall be consumed, and my ashes scattered to the winds. What death or what penalty awaits me? Speak, and I will offer a hundred oxen, or praise thy chastity in lying song. The brothers of Helen were entreated, and gave the poet back his eyes; and do thou, for thou canst, loose me from my madness. Indeed thou art not debased by thy parents’ sins; thou dost not scatter the new-buried ashes of the poor; thy heart is kind, thy hands are pure, thy son is thine own, and thy births are no pretence. Why waste thy prayers upon ears that are deaf as the rock lashed by the waves? To think thou shouldst publish and laugh with impunity at our mystic rites, and fill the town with my name! What profit, then, have I of the skill I have learnt? Thus shalt thou live with strength ever renewed for fresh endurance, as Tantalus vainly seeks to be at rest, Prometheus to be delivered from his vulture, and Sisyphus to plant his stone on the top of his mountain. Thou wilt seek death in every form, and it shall not come. I will bestride thee, and spurn the earth in my pride. What! must I, who can move images, bring down the moon or raise the dead,—I, the mingler of love charms,—must I see my spells of no avail for such as thee?
1. Jam jam] The repetition denotes haste and eagerness, ‘See, see I yield.’ They are said ‘dare manus,’ who give their hands to the chains of a conqueror. The phrase is common enough. See Virgil (Aen. xi. 568): “neque ipse manus feritate dedisset.” Cæsar (B. G. v. 31): “tandem dat Cotta permotus manus; superat sententia Sabini.” Cicero uses it repeatedly. The speaker invokes Proserpina and Hecate, as the divinities with whom the witch has most communication.
4. Per atque libros] This position of ‘atque’ is peculiar to the poets.
5. Refixa] Virgil says (Aen. v. 527) “Caelo ceu saepe refixa Transcurrunt crinemque volantia sidera ducunt.”
7. solve, solve turbinem.] ‘Turbo’ is a wheel of some sort used by sorceresses, often alluded to by the poets: ῥόμβος is the Greek name for it. Threads of various colors arranged artificially were spun round the wheel, and formed a magical web, supposed to involve somehow or other the affections or fortunes of him who was the object of the spell. ‘Retro solvere’ means to relax the onward motion of the wheel, which will then of itself roll back.
8. Movit nepotem] Telephus was king of Mysia, during the Trojan war, and his country being invaded by the Greeks, he was wounded by Achilles. It having been declared by an oracle that Troy could not be taken without the help of Telephus, and Telephus having learnt that his wound could only be cured by Achilles, he gave his services to the Greeks, and was cured. Achilles is called ‘nepos Nereius’ because he was the son of Thetis, the daughter of Nereus. Propertius refers to the story (ii. 1. 63). See also Ovid (Trist. i. 1. 99, sqq.).
11. Unxere] Achilles, moved by the entreaties of Priam (Il. xxiv. 510), gave back Hector’s body, which he had threatened the dogs should devour (Il. xxiii. 182). Homer does not mention the fact that the Trojan women anointed Hector’s body; but Horace only makes them do what the Greeks did for Patroclus (Il. xviii. 350), καὶ τότε δὴ λοῦσάν τε καὶ ἤλειψαν λίπ᾽ ἐλαίῳ. ‘Homicidam’ is a literal version of ἀνδροφόνον, Homer’s epithet for Hector. The rhythm of the line in which it occurs is without a precedent in Horace.
16. Laboriosi] This epithet is repeated from the last Epode (v. 60).
17. Circa] In the Epodes, Satires, and Epistles, Horace uses the Latin terminations, and in the Odes only the Greek.
20. Amata nautis] While he professes to flatter and pacify her, he provokes her by saying she was the admiration of vulgar shipmasters and shop-men. See C. i. 28. 23, n., and C. iii. 6. 30, n., as to ‘nauta’ and ‘institor.’
21. Fugit juventas] From this description of himself, it has been supposed that Horace was advanced in years when he wrote this. But the whole is ironical. He says the bloom of youth has left him, he is nothing but skin and bone, has lost his color, and is gray, all through her poisonous drugs or ointments.
23. odoribus;] This is equivalent to ‘unguentis’ or ‘venenis.’
24. ab labore] This preposition is used like ἀπό, ‘after,’ and ‘est’ in the next verse like ἔστι for ἔξεστι.
27. Ergo negatum] ‘Therefore I am compelled, poor wretch, to believe what I once denied, that Sabine charms are lashing my heart, and that my head is splitting with Marsic spell.’ ‘Increpare’ is used in a singular way. It is used elsewhere for the dashing of waves against the shore, and in almost every sense connected with loud noises. It is difficult to give it its exact meaning here. The Sabine, Pelignian, and Marsican women had credit above others for witchcraft. See S. i. 9. 29, and below, v. 60, and Epod. v. 76. ‘Nenia’ is used for a charm, as in Ovid (A. A. ii. 102). “Mixtaque cum magicis nenia Marsa sonis.” For its other meanings, see C. ii. 1. 38, n.
31. Quantum neque atro] See Epod. iii. 17.
33. Virens] This probably means ‘undying,’ ‘ever fresh.’
tu donec cinis] ‘Thou dost burn as a crucible filled with Colchian drugs (“venena Medeae,” Epod. v. 62), till, reduced to dry cinders, I shall be carried away by the insolent winds.’
36. stipendium?] It is possible this may mean ‘service,’ which is its military sense; or it may be ‘penalty,’ but the meaning is doubtful. ‘Quae finis’ means ‘what death?’ Captives led in triumph were always put to death. See C. iv. 2. 35, n.
40. sonari:] ‘Sono’ is used as an active verb only by the poets, after the manner of ἠχεῖν. The satire of what follows is very amusing. In his plea for forgiveness he repeats his offence, implying that to call her chaste he must lie, which, however, he is willing to do. The following words are the substance of what he promises to say in her praise, placing her, like Ariadne and other virtuous women, among the constellations.
42. Infamis Helenae] The story is, that Stesichorus (C. iv. 9. 8, n.) was struck with blindness for writing a libel on Helen, and that on writing a recantation (παλινῳδία) he was restored to sight by Helen, or, as Horace here says, by her brothers, Castor and Pollux. ‘Vicem’ means ‘on behalf of.’ In this independent form the word often occurs in Livy. The Greek poets used χάριν and μοῖραν in the same way.
45. potes nam,] This is a common formula in entreaties both in Greek (δύνᾳ γάρ) and Latin.
46. O nec paternis] ‘O thou who art not debased by the sins of thy parents, who art not an old witch skilled in sprinkling on the ninth day the ashes on the tombs of the poor.’ In this way, while he pretends to recant, he makes his language more libellous than ever.
obsoleta] This is applied in an unusual sense. It usually signifies that which is gone to decay (out of use), as clothes, houses, faded pictures, &c. (see Forcell.), and so it comes to mean generally that which is spoilt and worthless, as here. See C. ii. 10. 6.
48. Novendiales] It appears, if we are to believe the old commentators, to have been the practice to bury the ashes nine days after death. Therefore, Horace means to say that the witch dug up the ashes of the dead immediately after their burial, while they were fresh, and better suited on that account for magical ceremonies. The ashes of the poor are fixed upon, perhaps, because they were not watched as the rich man’s were. ‘Novendiales’ usually signifies ‘of nine days’ continuance,’ but it cannot have that meaning here. Hector was buried after nine days (Il. xxiv. 784).
50. Tuusque venter Pactumeius,] In Epod. v. 5 it is insinuated that Canidia is childless, that the children she pretends to have are not hers, and her childbirths are a fiction, perhaps to extract money from her lovers, on whom her pretended children were affiliated. Here the libel is withdrawn, but in such a way as to leave it untouched, for in the last line he insinuates that her travail is at least not very difficult. ‘Venter’ is used by the law-writers to signify the child in the womb, or a woman with child. ‘Pactumeius’ is a Roman name; why Horace uses it, no one can tell. There is some allusion that would have been intelligible at the time.
53. Quid obseratis] From this point Canidia is supposed to reply.
56. ut tu riseris] ‘Ut’ is an exclamation of scorn. ‘To think that you should.’ It occurs again (S. ii. 5. 18): “Utne tegam spurco Damae latus!” The festival in honor of Cotys or Cotytto was of Thracian origin, and transferred to Corinth and other Greek states. It found its way into Sicily, but was never introduced into the Italian states, and was unknown at Rome except to the learned. The rites of this goddess were very impure, and, like other works of darkness, professed secrecy, as Juvenal says (ii. 91):—
“Talia secreta coluerunt orgia taeda
Cecropiam soliti Baptae lassare Cotytto.”
Canidia is made to call her witch’s orgies Cotyttia, by which the libel that runs through the poem is maintained.
58. Et Esquilini pontifex venefici] She charges him with thrusting himself upon the orgies as if he were the priest, who alone of men might attend them. As to the Campus Esquilinus, where the witches were supposed to hold their midnight meetings, see Epod. v. 100, and S. i. 8, Introduction.
60. Quid proderat ditasse] ‘What good, then, did I get by spending money upon the old Pelignian witches (i.e. to teach me my craft), and mingling for thee a more quick and potent draught? But though it be quick and potent, yet the death that awaits thee shall be slower than thou wouldst have it.’ The country of the Peligni lay to the north of the Marsi, who bordered on the Sabini. See note on v. 27.
63. in hoc] ‘For this purpose.’
65. Pelopis infidi] See C. i. 6. 8, n.
66. Egens benignae] The poets of the Augustan age, in relating the punishment of Tantalus, refer only to that legend according to which, standing in the midst of water with fruit-trees over his head (‘benigna dapes’), he is not able to reach either (Hom. Odyss. xi. 582). The other story, followed by Pindar and other Greek poets, of a great stone suspended over his head, and ever threatening to fall on him, the Roman poets do not allude to. But Cicero does, and only to that (De Fin. i. 18; Tusc. Disp. iv. 16). See S. i. 1. 68.
67. Prometheus] Horace is not inconsistent in respect to Prometheus, whom in C. ii. 13. 37, 18. 85, he places in Tartarus. The story, as related prophetically by Hermes in the play of Æschylus (P. V. 1016, sqq.), is, that the Scythian rock on which Prometheus was first bound by Hephæstus was struck down, with him upon it, by Zeus into Hades, and that he was brought thence after a long time (μακρὸν μῆκος ἐκτελευτήσας χρόνου) to undergo upon earth the punishment awarded to Tityos in hell, of having his liver devoured by an eagle.
68. Sisyphus] See C. ii. 14. 20, n., where his punishment is called very aptly ‘longus labor.’
71. Norico] The steel of Noricum (Carynthia and Styria) is mentioned elsewhere (C. i. 16. 9).
74. Vectabor humeris] She threatens to bestride his hated shoulders in triumph, and to spurn the earth in the pride of her revenge.
76. movere cereas imagines,] To give life to waxen images made to represent an absent youth, and inspired with the tenderness or the pains he should feel. In S. i. 8. 30 such an image is introduced (see note), and the witch in Theocritus (ii. 28) melts a waxen image, and says:—
ὡς τοῦτον τὸν καρὸν ἐγὼ δαίμονι τάκω,
ὡς τάκοιθ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἔρωτος ὁ Μύνδιος αὐτίκα Δέλφις,
which Virgil has imitated in his eighth Eclogue (v. 80):—
“Limus ut hic durescit, et haec ut cera liquescit
Uno eodemque igni, sic nostro Daphnis amore.”
And Hypsipyle says of Medea (Ovid, Heroid. vi. 91):—
“Devovet absentes simulacraque cerea figit,
Et miserum tenues in jecur urget acus.”
80. Desideri — pocula] Love potions.
81. in te nil agentis] ‘Of no avail against thee.’
The professed purpose of this Satire, or that with which Horace seems to have begun, may be gathered from the first two lines. Discontent with the condition that Providence had assigned them; disappointment with the position many years’ labor, and perhaps dishonesty, have gained them; envy of their neighbors’ circumstances, even if they be worse than their own; dissatisfaction, in short, with what they have and are, and craving for something they have not and are not,—these are features common to the great majority of men. For this vice of discontent the Greeks had a comprehensive name, μεμψιμοιρία. It will be seen that, after propounding the whole subject in the shape of a question to Mæcenas, Horace confines himself to one solution of it, and that not the most comprehensive (see notes on vv. 28, 108). Avarice is the only reason he assigns for the universal disease, and any one will see that hereby he leaves many untouched who are as culpably restless as the avaricious, but not in their sordid way.
The Satire is put first in the order of this book, not as an introduction (of which it bears no signs), but because it is addressed to Mæcenas.
1. quam sibi sortem] See note on C. i. 9. 14, as to ‘sors’ and ‘fors.’ These two are opposed, as effect and cause, the condition and that which produces it. ‘Fors’ and ‘ratio’ are opposed as that which a man cannot help, and that which he carves out for himself. ‘Fors’ is ‘accident,’ ‘ratio’ is ‘choice.’
3. laudet] This sense of ‘laudare,’ ‘felicem praedicare,’ μακαρίζειν is repeated below, v. 9, and in v. 109, where it occurs in combination with, and as equivalent to, ‘probare.’ So Cicero (De Am. c. 7) says: “Ex quo illorum beata mors videtur, horum vita laudabilis.”
laudet diversa sequentes?] This is briefly expressed, for ‘sed quisque laudet.’ In the transition from negative to positive statements, the positive element which is contained in the former is often carried on in the mind, so as to affect the latter, as in those sentences which are coupled by ‘nec’ and ‘et,’ οὔτε and τε. ‘Nemo vivit’ is ‘quisque non vivit’. ‘Diversa’ indicates, not merely different, but ‘opposite’ careers.
4. gravis annis] Virgil says (Aen. ix. 246): “Hic annis gravis atque animi maturus Aletes.” And ‘gravis’ is one of the commonest words applied to old age, as may be gathered from Cicero’s treatise De Senect.; and βαρύς is equally common in the same connection. Horace, in his own campaigning, had undoubtedly heard many a veteran grumbling at his condition.
7. Quid enim, concurritur:] See C. ii. 18. 23, n.
horae Momento] ‘Horae momento’ is a common phrase in Livy and other writers. Horace has below, ‘puncto mobilis horae.’ ‘Punctum’ is perhaps a little more precise than ‘momentum,’ which signifies the progress of time, though conventionally its smallest division. Pliny draws a distinction between them (Panegyr. iv. c. 56): “Quod momentum, quod immo temporis punctum aut beneficio sterile aut vacuum laude?”
9. juris legumque peritus] ‘Jurisperiti,’ ‘jurisconsulti,’ were persons who expounded the law. Their expositions were called ‘responsa,’ and they gave them gratuitously. They were distinct from the professors or teachers (‘advocati’) and others, who were paid for their services, and from ‘oratores,’ though the ‘consultus’ sometimes combined with his calling as such that of the ‘orator’ or ‘patronus.’ If we are to believe this statement of Horace, and another to the same effect (Epp. ii. 1. 103), we must suppose that these learned persons sacrificed their own convenience to the anxiety of their clients, and received them at a very early hour in the morning. ‘Jus’ embodied all law. As to ‘leges,’ see Epp. i. 16. 41, n. On ‘laudat,’ see v. 3, n.
11. datis vadibus] ‘Vades’ were sureties provided by the defendant, to secure his appearance before the prætor at a time agreed upon between the plaintiff and himself. If he did not appear, he forfeited the amount of the ‘vadimonium’ or agreement, and his ‘vades’ were liable to pay it if he did not (see S. 9. 36, n.). The person here represented, therefore, is the defendant in an action, going up reluctantly to Rome, to appear before the prætor according to his agreement. ‘Ille’ is as if the man were before us.
14. Delassare valent] Though ‘delasso’ does not occur elsewhere, there is no reason to suspect the word, or alter it. The intensive force of ‘de’ is well added to ‘lasso.’ It corresponds to κατά, which has the same force. Who Fabius was, it is impossible even to conjecture with probability.
15. Si quis Deus,] This is not a Roman way of speaking but Greek, εἰ δαίμων τις. ‘En ego’ does not belong to ‘faciam,’ but is absolute: ‘Here am I.’ ‘Eia’ is an exclamation of haste, ‘Away!’ ‘Nolint,’ ‘they would not’ (οὐκ ἐθέλοιεν ἄν), is the apodosis to ‘si quis Deus.’ Compare S. ii. 7. 24. “Si quis ad illa deus subito te agat, usque recuses.” ‘Atqui’ is another form of ‘atquin,’ and ‘quin’ represents ‘qui,’ with a negative particle affixed.
18. partibus:] An expression taken from the language of the theatre: ‘the part you have to play’ in life.
21. Iratus buccas inflet,] An obvious, but not very reverential, representation of passion.
25. olim] See C. ii. 10. 17, n.
27. Sed tamen amoto] ‘Sed,’ ‘sed tamen,’ ‘veruntamen,’ are often used, and especially by Cicero, not to express opposition, but after a parenthesis or digression, as here and C. iv. 4. 22. See, for another instance among many, Cic. in Verr. ii. 3. 2.
28. Ille gravem] The cause of that discontent which was spoken of at the beginning is here traced to the love of money, each man thinking that his neighbor is getting it faster than he is, and wishing therefore to change places with him. But Horace does not mean that to be the only solution of the universal discontent. That would be absurd, and one at least of his own examples would contradict his theory, the jurisconsultus, who did not pursue his laborious vocation for pay. He therefore shifts or limits his ground a little, and dwells upon that which he supposes to be the most prevalent cause of discontent; and with his ground he changes his examples. ‘Nauta’ and ‘mercator’ here are the same person, the trader navigating his own ship. (See C. i. 28. 23.) ‘Perfidus caupo’ appears again in ‘cauponibus atque malignis’ (S. i. 5. 4). ‘Per omne Audaces mare qui currunt’ is repeated from C. i. 3. 9, sqq.
32. cibaria:] This word, which is generally used for the rations of soldiers or slaves, is used here ironically for the humblest provision that can be made for the latter years of life, as if that was all that these men set before their minds.
33. nam exemplo est,] ‘for this is their model.’
35. haud ignara ac non incauta futuri.] Experience tells her that times will change, and instinct teaches her to provide against that change; she knows what is coming, and provides accordingly. This is what Horace means; but the ant is torpid in the winter, and lays up no store in her house for that season, though no error is more common than to suppose she does. These animals work hard during the warmer months of the year, but the food they gather is consumed before the winter.
36. Quae, simul inversum] ‘Quae’ is opposed to ‘quum te’ (v. 38): ‘now she.’ ‘Inversum annum’ is compounded of the two notions ‘inversum caelum’ and ‘mutatum annum.’ The sun enters Aquarius in the middle of January. Virgil uses the word ‘contristat’ (Georg. iii. 279): “unde nigerrimus Auster Nascitur, et pluvio contristat frigore caelum.” The ant is one of the “four things which are little upon the earth, but they are exceeding wise,”—the ants, the conies, the locusts, and the spiders. (Prov. xxx. 24, sqq.)
39. ignis, mare, ferrum,] This is a mere proverbial way of speaking, common to all languages. No obstacles are too great for a man who has a selfish purpose to serve, if he has set his heart upon it. The second person is used to give force to the language. The self-deceiver is confronted with his own illustration.
43. Quod si comminuas] The miser is supposed to interrupt, and say, “But if you were to take from it, it would soon dwindle to a paltry ‘as.’” ‘Quod’ is always the neuter of the relative, but here, as often elsewhere, it is used to connect a new sentence with what precedes, and is not connected with ‘pondus’ as its antecedent.
45. Millia frumenti] ‘Modiorum’ must be supplied. As to ‘millia,’ ‘mille,’ see S. ii. 3. 197, n. On ‘area,’ see C. i. 1. 10, n. ‘Triverit,’ ‘suppose that it threshes.’ This is the concessive use of the subjunctive. The practice of putting a note of interrogation in such sentences as this is exploded. The older editions generally have it. Similar constructions are S. 10. 64, “Fuerit Lucilius inquam Comis et urbanus; fuerit limatior — sed ille,” etc.; S. 3. 15, “Decies centena dedisses:—quinque diebus nil erat in loculis”; S. ii. 6. 50; Epp. i. 1. 87; and many other places.
46. plus ac meus:] This construction occurs again, S. i. 6. 130; 10. 34, 59; ii. 3. 270. Cicero likewise uses ‘ac’ with the comparative (Ad Att. xiii. 2), “Diutius abfuturus ac nollem.” ‘Plus quam’ occurs immediately below. The scene that follows is that of a rich man’s household preceding him to the country, a pack of slaves (‘venales’), some carrying provisions and particularly town-made bread in netted bags (‘reticula’), and others with different burdens, and some with none at all. The man who carried the bread would not get any more of it on that account, when the rations were given out, but all would share alike.
49. Quid referat — viventi,] ‘Refert’ is ‘rem fert,’ and the construction ‘mea,’ ‘tua,’ etc.; ‘refert’ is no more than a corruption of ‘meam,’ ‘tuam,’ etc., ‘rem fert.’ So ‘magni refert’ is ‘rem magni fert,’ ‘it brings with it a matter of great price,’ and ‘refert viventi’ signifies ‘it brings something that concerns him who lives,’ that is, it affects him, and ‘quid refert’ is ‘wherein does it affect him?’
51. At suave est] ‘At’ introduces the supposed answer to the preceding question. A rejoinder immediately follows to this effect: “You might as well say, if you only wanted a pitcher of water, you had rather draw it from a broad stream, like the Aufidus, than from the little spring by your side. The consequence of which might be that you would be drowned.”
53. cumeris] Acron explains ‘cumera’ as a large basket of wicker-work, or earthen-ware vessel like a ‘dolium,’ in which the poorer sort kept their wheat.
54. liquidi] This word is used for ‘aqua’ by Ovid (Met. v. 454): “Cum liquido mixta perfundit diva polenta.” The ‘urna,’ one of the Roman liquid measures, contained half an ‘amphora,’ or twenty four ‘sextarii.’ As observed before (C. iii. 19. 14), the ‘cyathus’ contained one twelfth of a ‘sextarius,’ which was one forty-eighth of an ‘amphora.’
55. malim] ‘Malim’ simply means ‘I would rather’; ‘mallem’ (the reading of the early editions), ‘I would have done it if I could, but the time is past.’ The Aufidus (Horace’s native river, C. iii. 30. 10) is still described as a rapid and violent stream at some seasons.
61. bona pars] ‘The greater part’. A. P. 297: “Bona pars non ungues ponere curat.” On ‘cupido,’ see C. ii. 16. 15, n.
62. quia tanti quantum habeas sis.] ‘because you are valued according to your wealth.’
63. illi?] ‘Such a man as this.’ ‘Quatenus’ signifies ‘since.’ ‘Bid him be miserable, since he likes to be so.’ ‘Facio’ is sometimes used in this way. See C. iii. 24. 30. The story that follows may have been picked up by Horace at Athens, or invented by him. The language (‘sibilat — plaudo’) is taken from the theatre.
68. Tantalus] See Epod. xvii. 66, n.
69. Quid rides?] The miser is supposed to laugh at Horace’s trite illustration, and the solemn way in which it is announced.
71. tamquam parcere sacris] This appears to have been a proverbial expression. See S. ii. 3. 109, sq.
72. Cogeris] ‘you force yourself.’
74. sextarius,] See v. 54, n. A ‘sextarius’ of wine would be enough for one temperate man’s consumption in a day.
78. compilent fugientes,] ‘rob you, and run away.’
79. pauperrimus — bonorum.] C. iii. 30. 11: “Pauper aquae Daunus.” S. ii. 3. 142.
80. At si condoluit] This is an argument urged by the avaricious man: ‘If you have money, you will have anxious friends to nurse you in sickness.’ The answer is, ‘Your nearest relatives have no wish you should live, and no wonder either, since you prefer your money to all the world.’
tentatum frigore] ‘Tentatum’ is the word commonly used in connection with diseases.
85. pueri atque puellae.] This, which appears to be a proverbial sort of expression, occurs again S. ii. 3. 130.
86. argento post omnia ponas,] i.e. ‘postponas omnia argento.’
88. An si cognatos,] ‘But say, if you seek to retain and keep the affection of those relations whom nature gives you without any trouble of your own, would you lose your labor, like the luckless fool that tries to turn an ass into a racer?’ Training an ass to run in the Campus Martius among the thorough-bred horses that were there exercised (see C. i. 8. 5; iii. 12. 8) was perhaps a proverbial way of expressing lost labor. ‘Amicos’ belongs to ‘cognatos’ in the way I have translated it, and ‘servare amicos’ is ‘to keep them fond of you.’
92. quaerendi,] ‘money-getting.’ ‘Plus’ means ‘a superfluity.’
94. ne facias] ‘Lest you fare,’ μὴ πράσσης.
95. Ummidius quidam;] Who this person was, is unknown. All that can be safely said of him is what Horace says, that he was very rich and mean, and that he was murdered by one of his freedwomen (his mistress probably), who, Horace says, was as stout-hearted as Clytemnestra, the bravest of her family, who killed her husband Agamemnon. ‘Tyndaridarum’ is masculine: ‘Tyndaridum’ would be the feminine form. The sons of Tyndarus, therefore, as well as his daughters, should, strictly speaking, be included.
97. adusque] Forcellini gives only two other instances of this word from writings of Horace’s day,—Virgil (Aen. xi. 262), and Horace himself (S. i. 5. 96). It is only an inversion of ‘usque ad,’ ‘every step to.’
101. ut vivam Maenius?] The construction is the same as “discinctus aut perdam nepos” (Epod. i. 34), where it has been proposed to insert ‘ut’ before ‘nepos.’ Mænius and Nomentanus appear to have been squanderers of money, and good livers, according to the obvious meaning of this passage. They are united again in S. i. 8. 11, ii. 1. 21, where the former appears under the name Pantolabus, one who lays his hands on anything he can get (πάντα λαβών), or borrows money from any one who will lend it. He spent his money and turned parasite. Both Mænius and Nomentanus are names used by Lucilius for characters of the same kind, and Horace may very probably have only borrowed the names to represent some living characters, whom he does not choose to point out by their own names. Nomentanus was the name of one of the guests at the dinner of Nasidienus (S. ii. 8. 25). He appears again, S. ii. 3. 224, sqq.
103. Frontibus adversis componere:] These words go together, ‘to bring face to face, and compare or match.’
104. vappam] ‘Vappa,’ wine which has got flat and sour, expresses a worn-out debauchee: ‘nebulo,’ a frivolous fellow, light as a mist (‘nebula’).
105. Tanaïn — socerumque Visellî.] The Scholiast says that Horace has conveyed under these names a well-known Greek proverb. What the distinction between them may have been, is unknown.
108. nemo ut avarus] ‘I return to that point from which I have digressed, how that no covetous man is satisfied with himself.’ The reading is not certain, and the hiatus is unusual. Horace qualifies the general assertion he made at the outset, by limiting his remark to the avaricious. See note on v. 28; and on ‘laudet,’ see v. 3.
114. Ut, quum carceribus] These lines are a little like the last three verses of Virgil’s first Georgic.
119. Cedat uti conviva satur,] These are so like the words of Lucretius (iii. 951), that perhaps Horace remembered them when he wrote,—
“Cur non ut plenus vitae conviva recedis,
Aequo animoque capis securam, stulte, quietem?”
120. Crispini scrinia lippi] We know nothing about Crispinus. The fertility of his pen has profited him nothing. He was more anxious to write much than to write well. See S. i. 4. 14, sqq. Crispinus appears in the third Satire of this book (v. 139), where he is the only attendant of the would-be ‘rex.’ He appears again in S. ii. 7. 45. ‘Lippi’ is used for mental blindness.
This Satire, the coarsest of all written by Horace, seems to have been suggested by the death of Tigellius, a celebrated musician of the time. It is directed against the tendency of men to run into extremes, and to pass from one extreme to the other. Illustrations of this subject are drawn from the social life of Rome. The ideas and the language are marked by a grossness which is unusual with Horace.
The last Satire was, as has been said, written on the death of one Tigellius, an eminent musician, a native of Sardinia, and a friend of Julius Cæsar. Some of the vices and follies of the age are attacked in strong language, and besides Tigellius, who was dead, it is probable many living persons felt injured by that Satire, and perhaps by others that have not come down to us. We may infer from the present poem, that Horace wished to clear himself from the imputation of a censorious spirit, and so to set himself right with Mæcenas and his friends. The connection between the two Satires is seen in the opening of this, in which Tigellius is again introduced, and the peculiarities of his character described, for no other reason, as it would seem, than to serve as a text for the discourse that follows, on the duty of judging others charitably, as we wish to be judged ourselves. In the course of his remarks on this subject, Horace falls upon two of the Stoic absurdities; one, that all faults are alike (v. 96, sqq.), which he meets by the Epicurean absurdity that expediency is the foundation of right; and the other, that every wise man (that is, every Stoic) is endowed with all the gifts of art and fortune, from the skill of the mechanic to the power of a king. With a jest upon this folly the Satire closes.
4. Tigellius] See Introduction. This person is described as a capricious, inconsistent man, of whom you never could tell what he would do next.
6. ab ovo Usque ad mala] The ‘promulsis,’ otherwise called ‘gustus,’ preceded the regular meal, and consisted of things calculated to provoke the appetite, of which a list is given in the eighth Satire of the second book, v. 8, sq., where, however, eggs are not mentioned, but they were usual, and ‘ab ovo usque ad mala,’ ‘from the eggs to the dessert,’ was a common way of speaking. The ‘gustus’ was eaten with a draught of ‘mulsum’ (S. ii. 2. 15, n.) sometimes before they sat down, or even before they left the bath.
7. citaret, Io Bacche!] This use of ‘citare,’ ‘to shout,’ is not common. There were convivial songs among the Greeks to which they gave the name ἰόβακχοι. Several fragments of such songs by Archilochus have been preserved. The final syllable in ‘Bacche’ is lengthened, and should properly be pronounced as the singer might be supposed to pronounce it.
modo summa] The strings in the tetrachord, or harp with four strings, which continued to be used even after the heptachord was invented (see A. P. 83, n.), from which the low notes proceeded, were uppermost as the player held it in his hand, and the notes of the voice which corresponded with these are expressed by ‘summa voce.’ For the same reason, the high notes would be those which harmonized with the lowest of the strings. The ‘summa chorda’ was called in Greek ὑπάτη, and the ‘ima’ νήτη. ‘Chordis’ is the dative case, the literal translation being, ‘that voice which is the lowest (where, for the above reason, those notes are called the lowest which we should call the highest), and that echoes to the four strings.’
11. Junonis sacra ferret;] This refers to the ‘canephoroe,’ damsels who carried the basket of sacred instruments on their head at sacrifices. Those of Juno are mentioned here; but the practice was observed at all sacrifices.
habebat saepe ducentos,] Ten slaves were a very small household for a rich man, and Tigellius was rich. The number of slaves in wealthy houses in primitive times was small, but afterwards grew to an extraordinary number.
12. modo reges atque tetrarchas,] ‘Modo,’ as an adverb of time, signifies ‘now,’ or some time not far from the present. It is the ablative of ‘modus,’ ‘measure,’ and ‘modo’ is ‘within measure,’ and therefore its sense is confined to limited quantities. Compare the use of ‘modo’ and ‘admodum’ in Terence (Hec. iii. 5. 8): “Advenis modo? Pam. Admodum.” ‘Are you coming now?—Just now.’ ‘Modo’ thus comes to have the meaning of ‘nunc,’ and to be used in the same combinations, as here ‘nunc reges — loquens; nunc, sit mihi mensa tripes’ would have the same meaning; and likewise in S. 10. 11. Tetrarchs were properly governors of a fourth part of a province or other territorial division; but the title was not so limited in practice. It was a title originally confined to the petty princes of Asia Minor; the Romans gave it to different members of Herod’s family, who succeeded to different parts of his dominions.
13. mensa tripes] This was the simplest and most old-fashioned shape, and the tables were small, only suited to a person dining by himself, or with one or two companions. The wealthy Romans were very extravagant about their tables. See S. ii. 2. 4, n. The salt-cellar was usually, except among the poorest sort, of silver, and an heirloom. It stood in the middle of the table, and had a sacred character. See C. ii. 16. 14. As to ‘concha,’ see C. ii. 8. 23, n. ‘Puri’ means ‘clean.’
15. Decies centena] ‘A million of sesterces,’—a common way of expressing the largest number. The sestertium was a sum of money equal to 1,000 sestertii, each sestertius being of the value of twopence and a very small fraction, of English money. After ‘centena’ must be understood ‘millia.’ On the construction, see above, S. 1. 45, n. ‘Erat’ is used in an uncommon way; ἦν ἄν would be the Greek equivalent. It is a loose, conversational way of speaking.
19. Nunc aliquis dicat mihi:] Here we leave Tigellius, and enter upon the subject of mutual charity in judging of each other.
20. Immo alia] Professor Key has given the precise meaning of ‘immo’ here (L. G. 1429): “‘Immo’ seems to have signified properly an assent with an important qualification.” This explanation is borne out by the etymology of the word, which is compounded of ‘in’ and ‘modo.’ The qualification is found in ‘et fortasse minora.’ Horace means to say, he admits he has his faults, though they may not be so glaring as those of Tigellius, and he is not so selfish and foolish as Mænius (see S. 1. 101 of this book), who reviled the man Novius behind his back, and, when told to look at his own faults, said he made excuses for himself which he would not make for others. Novius may be anybody: we know nothing about him. Whether he has any connection with the Novius mentioned in the sixth Satire of this book, v. 40, the plebeian tribune, or the usurer in v. 121 of the same Satire, it is impossible to say. ‘Dare verba’ means to give words in the place of facts, to deceive.
24. improbus] See C. iii. 24. 62, n. ‘Amor’ means ‘self-love.’ As to ‘notari,’ see S. 6. 14.
25. Cum tua pervideas] ‘While you see through your own faults, as well as a blear-eyed man sees with his eyes smeared with ointment.’
27. serpens Epidaurius?] The serpents of Epidaurus (on the Sinus Saronicus) were proverbial, in consequence of Æsculapius having been conveyed in the form of a serpent from that place, where above others he was worshipped, to Rome, to avert a pestilence. (See Liv. Epit. lib. xi.)
29. Iracundior est paulo,] Horace is illustrating here the tendency of those quick-sighted critics of their neighbors’ characters to magnify the faults they find. The first instance is of a man who is sensitive under (‘not suited for’) the sharp judgment of the men of that day (‘horum hominum’), men who had the keenness of a bloodhound’s scent in finding out defects, and no delicacy in proclaiming them. ‘Rusticius’ belongs to ‘tonso,’ and ‘defluit’ is absolute, ‘hangs down.’ ‘Male’ belongs to ‘laxus.’ (See v. 45, and C. i. 17. 25, n.) To be slipshod (μείζω τοῦ ποδὸς ὑποδήματα φορεῖν, Theophr. Char. 4) has always been the proverbial characteristic of a sloven. “Nec vagus in laxa pes tibi pelle natet” (Ovid, A. A. i. 516). ‘At’ is often repeated in the same way as here by Cicero.
34. hoc sub corpore.] He speaks as if the man were before him.
35. Concute] The metaphor is probably derived from the shaking of a cloak, or anything of that sort, to see if there is anything hid in it. It means ‘to search,’ as suspected persons are searched by the police. ‘Excutio’ is used in that connection. See Phædrus (Fab. v. 16):
“Sic porcelli vocem est imitatus sua
Verum ut subesse pallio contenderent
Et excuti juberent.”
37. Neglectis urenda filix] This has the appearance of a proverb. Virgil calls the fern “curvis invisam aratris.”
38. Illuc praevertamur,] ‘Before we go further, let us first turn our attention to this, namely, how lovers are blind to the faults of their mistresses.’ Balbinus and Hagna are persons unknown. The former is a Roman name. Hagna is derived from ἁγνή, ‘pure.’ The first syllable of ‘polypus’ is always long, though derived from πολὺς ποῦς, the Æolic form, πωλύς, being followed rather than the Attic.
42. nomen virtus posuisset] The Romans used ‘ponere nomen,’ after the Greek ὄνομα τιθέναι.
44. strabonem Appellat paetum] The difference between ‘strabo’ and ‘paetus’ is one only of degree; ‘strabo’ signifies ‘squinting’; ‘paetus,’ ‘a slight cast of the eye,’ which is by some considered a beauty, whence Venus had the epithet ‘paeta’ applied to her. Sisyphus was the name of a dwarf kept by M. Antonius. Dwarfs were kept by the rich to amuse them and play to them, for they were generally instructed in music. That ‘varus’ is a soft term for those who have bent legs, and ‘scaurus’ for one whose ankles are ricketty, we may gather from this passage. From ‘varus’ is derived ‘praevaricari,’ ‘to shuffle.’
49. frugi] See S. ii. 5. 77, n.
Ineptus] This word signifies want of tact. Cicero thus defines the word (De Or. ii. 4): “Qui aut tempus quid postulet non videt, aut plura loquitur aut se ostentat — aut denique in aliquo genere aut inconcinnus aut multus est, is ineptus dicitur.” Such a man’s failing is to be softened down, Horace says, into a wish to make himself agreeable to his friends. ‘Truculentior’ means coarse and approaching to brutality in his behavior. ‘Acres’ means ‘high-spirited.’
56. Sincerum cupimus vas incrustare.] ‘We are ready and even anxious to foul the clean vessel.’ This is the original meaning of ‘sincerus.’
57. multum demissus homo:] ‘Demissus’ is used in a bad sense: ‘a very abject fellow,’ ‘a driveller.’ Compare v. 147 of S. ii. 3, “multum celer atque fidelis”; “multum similis metuenti” (S. ii. 5. 92).
58. Tardo cognomen] ‘Another because he is slow we call fat, lazy.’ The dative ‘pingui’ is correct, as “cui nunc cognomen Iulo Additur” (Aen. i. 267). It is the common construction, in prose as well as poetry, to put the name in the dative.
59. malo] This is masculine: he lays himself open to no malignant person, gives him no handle. ‘Hoc genus vitae’ means men who live on the principles of the present day; like ‘horum hominum’ (v. 30).
63. Simplicior quis et est,] By ‘simplicior’ Horace means ‘unsophisticated’: one who in the simplicity of his feelings may perhaps sometimes obtrude himself upon those he likes, thinking he must be welcome because he is himself pleased to meet them. He says he has often acted in that way with Mæcenas.
65. impellat] ‘Impellere’ means here ‘to interrupt’ or ‘intrude upon’: he breaks in upon one when reading or meditating, with some irrelevant talk. ‘Common sense,’ for which the Greeks had the expression ὁ κοινὸς νοῦς, is so called, not as being exercised upon common, every-day things, but as being supposed to be common property, and not confined to the learned.
67. legem sancimus] ‘Sancire legem’ is properly to give full effect to a law, by inserting a penalty for the breach of it. See Cic. de Am. c. 13 (Long): “Haec igitur prima lex amicitiae sanciatur.”
70. Cum mea compenset vitiis bona;] ‘Cum’ belongs to ‘vitiis.’ ‘Compensare’ is a legal term. ‘Compensatio’ is a ‘set-off.’
72. trutina] This word applies equally to the ‘libra,’ a balance with two scales (‘lances’), and to the ‘statera,’ or steelyard, both of which were in common use among the Romans. ‘In trutina ponetur eadem,’ ‘he shall be weighed in the same balance,’ is another, but not very exact, way of saying, he shall be tried by the same standard, his character shall be estimated in the same way. ‘Hac lege’ is ‘on this condition.’
76. quatenus excidi penitus] He now draws his conclusion from the preceding remarks. ‘In short, inasmuch as (C. iii. 24. 30) the vice of passion and all other vices that cleave to us fools cannot be entirely eradicated, we ought to judge others as we judge ourselves, and visit each fault with no more than its due censure.’ Literally, ‘Why does not our judgment use its own weights and measures, and, according to the circumstances of each case, check faults with their penalties?’ All were fools with the Stoics, who were not wise after their fashion.
80. patinam] ‘Pisces patinarii’ were boiled fish served up with sauce in an open dish.
82. In cruce suffigat,] Cicero has the expressions ‘in crucem sublatum’ (Verr. ii. 5. 3), ‘ad palum alligatos’ (Ib. c. 6), which have the same meaning. In the latter place he has the construction “damnatis crucem servis fixeras.” See Dict. Antt. art. ‘Crux,’ for an account of the punishment by crucifixion, which was only inflicted as a general rule upon slaves or the worst sort of malefactors. A master might put his slave to death, or punish him in any other way he pleased.
Labeone insanior] Different persons are identified with this Labeo, but it is impossible to say who is meant.
84. paulum deliquit amicus,] ‘Say your friend has committed a small fault; such that, if you do not excuse it, you must be looked upon as harsh; you hate him in your bitterness, and run away from him.’ ‘Concedo’ is used in this way by other writers.
86. Rusonem] Ruso, whoever he was, seems to have made a stipulation with his debtors that they should, besides paying interest, listen to his recitations of his own writings. ‘Historias’ means tales or narratives of some sort. See C. iii. 7. 20.
87. tristes — Kalendae] See note on Epod. ii. 70. ‘Merces’ is used only by Horace in the sense of ‘usurae,’ ‘interest’ (S. 2. 14). It signifies money paid for rent (see S. ii. 2. 115), or for the use of anything.
90. catillum Evandri manibus tritum] A plate that had been used by Evander, the old king and ally of Æneas; an exaggeration meant to heighten the absurdity of the man.
92. Aut positum ante] The words are not very regularly placed. ‘Or because to the chicken served on my part of the dish he helps himself before me, in the eagerness of his hunger.’ The meats were cut up on a side table by a slave called ‘structor,’ and the guests helped themselves with their fingers, and threw the bones and remnants on the floor. The man who had a dish before him, and fancied a particular part of it, might count it unmannerly if his neighbor stretched out his hand and took what he had set his heart upon.
95. fide] This is a form both of the genitive and dative. See C. iii. 7. 4: “Constantis juvenem fide.” As to ‘sponsum,’ see S. ii. 6. 23.
96. Quis paria esse fere] See Introduction. This common doctrine of the Stoics is noticed by Cicero (De Fin. iv. 19) and condemned on the principles of common sense and truth, as here. ‘Laborant,’ ‘they are in a dilemma.’
98. justi prope mater] In making expediency the parent of justice, or something like it (‘prope,’ S. ii. 3. 32), Horace follows an Epicurean notion. One of the dogmas of Epicurus appears to have been, that justice was nothing by itself, but merely a social compact, by which men bound themselves to abstain from injuring one another: a very narrow view of the case. The Stoics had more true notions of Justice, whom they held to be the daughter of Zeus.
99. Cum prorepserunt] He goes on to illustrate this doctrine, saying that men lived at first like beasts, till expediency taught them to make laws.
102. usus,] Here this signifies ‘need.’ It generally occurs (in this sense) in combination with ‘est’ or ‘venit.’
103. Donec verba] ‘Verba nominaque’ embraces all the parts of speech, like the Greek ὀνόματα καὶ ῥήματα. (A. P. 234.) ‘Notae’ are symbols, as in short-hand writing for instance; and this line may perhaps be most accurately rendered, ‘till they invented language, whereby they could give a symbolical form to the sounds of their voice, and to their feelings.’
110. Viribus editior] ‘Superior in strength.’ ‘Editus’ is used for ‘exalted,’ ‘high.’ It nowhere else appears in the sense Horace gives it here.
111. Jura inventa metu injusti] If this be admitted, as of course it must be, then Injustice—and, if so, Justice—was anterior to any laws or social compact, express or implied; so that the doctrine above laid down falls to the ground; and that justice of which expediency is said to be the mother, turns out to be nothing more than magistrates’ justice,—the justice of statutes, which may be just or unjust.
112. evolvere] This word which signifies ‘to read,’ is taken from the unrolling of a parchment ‘usque ad umbilicum.’ See Epod. xiv. 8, n. As to ‘fastos,’ see C. iii. 17. 4, n. Epp. ii. 1. 48, n.
114. bona diversis,] ‘Bona’ means things which it is good to have and to get, not virtues, but the gifts of fortune and such like.
115. Nec vincet ratio hoc,] ‘Nor will any logic prove this.’ ‘Vincere causam’ is an ordinary expression for winning a cause. ‘Idem’ is explained by ‘tantundem,’ the same in degree of guilt.
117. sacra divum legerit.] ‘Legere’ is not uncommonly used in the sense of robbing. Hence our word ‘sacrilege.’
119. Ne scutica dignum] The epithet ‘horribili’ belongs to ‘flagello,’ which was a severer instrument than the ‘scutica,’ and was sometimes constructed with horrible cruelty, and fatal in its application. The ‘scutica’ had but one thong, of leather. ‘Ferula’ was a switch, usually from the vine. The Latin derivatives from σκῦτος are short in the first syllable. There are other instances (as ‘anchŏra’ from ἄγκῡρα, ‘crĕpida’ from κρηπίς, etc.) in which the quantity of the Greek vowel is changed in the Latin.
120. ut ferula caedas] The rule in respect to verbs of fearing is that “the Latin inserts a negative where the English has none, and vice versa,” that is, ‘vereor ne’ means ‘I fear it will’; ‘vereor ut,’ ‘I fear it will not.’ There is no deviation from the rule here; for the position of ‘ut’ makes it independent of ‘vereor.’ ‘For that you should beat,’ or ‘as to your beating with a switch one who deserves to undergo a severer flogging, of this I have no fear.’
122. Furta latrociniis] This is not strictly a technical distinction, nor is ‘latrocinium’ a technical term. All robbery was ‘furtum,’ whether attended with violence or not; but Horace means to distinguish between thefts without violence and robbery with violence (‘rapina’). ‘Cum dicas,’ ‘though you do say.’
124. Si dives qui sapiens est,] The word ‘regnum’ turns the discourse to another doctrine of the Stoics not connected with the main subject of the Satire, namely, that the sage is the only rich, capable, handsome man, and a king. The absurdity of the doctrine, which is repeated in Epp. i. 1. 107, consists not so much in the statement that the wise man’s intelligence contains in itself the germ of all practical knowledge, and that such knowledge is power, as in the limitation of wisdom to the pale of a sect, and the attempt to give a practical application to a notion of this kind.
127. Chrysippus dicat:] The later Stoics looked to Chrysippus as the founder of their philosophy; but he adhered, with little essential deviation, to the doctrines taught him by his master Cleanthes, and Cleanthes was a devoted disciple of Zeno. He was born at a town in Cilicia, B. C. 280, and was a very voluminous writer. ‘Inquit’ means that some Stoic says this, including from ‘non nosti’ to ‘sapiens,’ and after ‘qui?’ to ‘sic rex’ (v. 133). What he means to affirm in reply to the taunt ‘cur optas quod habes?’ is, that a man may be, in the Stoic sense, a king, and yet not be in a condition to exercise authority, as an artisan or a singer may still be great in his calling, even when he has laid aside the practice of it.
crepidas — soleas] ‘Crepida’ (κρηπίς) was a low shoe or slipper copied from the Greeks and worn in undress: ‘solea’ was a plain sandal fastened over the instep by a strap, and worn by men as the ‘sandalium’ was worn by women. The ‘soccus’ was not materially different from the ‘crepida,’ and the ‘Gallica,’ adopted from Gaul, was like the ‘solea.’ None of these were walking shoes (‘calcei’) fit for wet or dirty roads, but were ordinarily worn only in the house.
129. Hermogenes] This person has been confounded with Tigellius, whose death is mentioned in the second Satire, and whose character is described at the beginning of this. Hermogenes is also called Tigellius in S. 4. 72; 10. 80, 90. But as he is always spoken of as alive, it is impossible he can be Tigellius the Sardinian, to whom there are no grounds for giving the name Hermogenes, though the Scholiasts give it him. Hermogenes Tigellius was a teacher of music (S. 10. 90), and (whether ironically or not it is not easy to say) Horace calls him a first-rate singer here, and implies as much in S. 9. 25. But he had a contempt for him in other respects as appears from S. 4. 72; 10. 17 (where he calls him a coxcomb); and 10. 79 (where he introduces him with a fool for his friend or parasite). He may have had some private pique against him.
130. Alfenius vafer,] Who Alfenius was, is very doubtful, and the reading ‘sutor’ is not quite certain. Some editions have ‘tonsor.’ From ‘erat’ it has been inferred that Alfenius was dead when the Satire was written. It merely means, that, though he threw up his trade, he still continued to be a ‘sutor.’
133. Vellunt tibi barbam] The Romans of this period did not usually wear beards. But those who affected philosophy let theirs grow, and may have been hooted and insulted by the boys in the streets for doing so (see S. ii. 3. 17).
137. Ne longum faciam:] The chief subject of the Satire is a censorious temper. To this Horace returns, and says that, as long as he can live on terms of mutual indulgence with his friends, the Stoics and their crabbed doctrines are nothing to him: he will be happier than all the self-styled kings in the world.
dum tu quadrante lavatum] ‘Quadrante lavari’ (Juvenal, S. vi. 447) was an expression equivalent to taking a public bath, because a ‘quadrans’ was the ordinary fee paid by each visitor. But it may be inferred from Horace’s words, that they who paid this sum were not the richer sort of bathers; for he seems to say, ‘While you, a fine king as you are, go and bathe for a quadrans.’ The rich may perhaps have paid more, and had more privacy and better bathing and attendance. The ‘quadrans,’ which was the fourth of an ‘as,’ and therefore the sixty-fourth part of a ‘denarius,’ after the reduction of the ‘as’ to one sixteenth of that coin, was of the value of about half a farthing of English money, taking the value of the ‘denarius’ at 8½d. The Romans were great bathers.
139. Crispinum] See S. i. 1. 120, n. The bodyguards of kings were called ‘stipatores.’ Horace therefore uses the word ironically in that sense.
Here again Horace is at pains to defend himself from the charge of malevolence. This charge, no doubt, was loudly brought against him by those who were or thought themselves the objects of his satire; and he attributes it, as well as the neglect his poems experienced compared with the inferior poetry of the day and the old poetry of Lucilius, to the jealousy and fears of the multitude, every man apprehending that he may be attacked next; and also in some measure to a false taste, which preferred a wordy, flowing style to the terseness and accuracy of his own. His object is to contrast his own style and pretensions with those of Lucilius and of the Crispinuses and Fanniuses of the day, as well as to quiet the apprehensions of his friends, and disarm the malignity of his enemies. Everybody must admire the way in which he takes occasion, from the necessity of self-defence, to pay a tribute of grateful affection to his father’s memory; and it would be difficult to find a more pleasing picture of paternal solicitude and sound sense, as applied to a boy’s education, than Horace has drawn in the latter part of this Satire.
1. Eupolis atque Cratinus Aristophanesque] He begins by describing the character of Lucilius as a satirist, and says he followed in the steps of the old Greek comedians. The Greek comedy was divided by the Alexandrine grammarians into three periods, the Old, the Middle, and the New. The three persons here named were the chief poets of the Old Comedy. Cratinus was the eldest of the three, and died B. C. 422, when Aristophanes was a young man. He was the last of that period. The other writers of the Old Comedy, whom Horace alludes to with respect, are very little known to us. Horace fixes on the Comoedia Prisca, because the subsequent phases of the Greek Comic Drama were not of the same personally satirical cast, the license granted to the old writers having been taken away by law. The words ‘poëtae’ and ‘virorum’ are used emphatically, as below in S. 10. 16: “Illi scripta quibus comoedia prisca viris est.”
5. multa cum libertate notabant.] During the period of the Old Comedy, the law of Athens did not interfere with the poet’s liberty of speech, except upon two occasions, when psephisms were passed prohibiting the introduction upon the stage of living characters as objects of satire by name,—a restriction of no great force, since the substitution of a feigned name, slightly altered from the true, would make the allusions equally intelligible and more ridiculous. Neither of these psephisms lasted more than a couple of years. See S. i. 6. 14, n., on ‘notare.’
6. Hinc omnis pendet Lucilius,] ‘Hinc’ means ‘upon them,’ as ‘unde’ is elsewhere used with reference to persons. What Horace says of Lucilius is briefly this: that his whole strength was laid out on the satirizing of vice in the persons of living characters, that he especially imitated herein the writers of the Old Comedy, only changing their metre; that he was funny (‘facetus’) and acute (‘emunctae naris’), but harsh in his style of versification; wordy and sometimes vulgar, in consequence of the haste with which he wrote and his impatience of the trouble of correcting. He adds below (S. 10. 3), that the most idolatrous admirer of Lucilius could not deny that his style was uncouth. He there also adds, that Lucilius loved to mix up Greek words with his own language (v. 20), that he was good-tempered, notwithstanding his satirical vein (v. 53), and again that he was very unreserved and frank (S. ii. 1. 30-34). The fragments of Lucilius that have come down to us are too short to form a very accurate opinion upon, but in some points, at least, (such as the absurd mixture of Greek and Latin,) they bear out Horace’s statements.
7. Mutatis tantum pedibus] The writings of Lucilius appear to have been very early divided by the grammarians into thirty books, of which two thirds were written in hexameter verse, and the rest in the iambic and trochaic measures. That Lucilius imitated the comedians in all but their measures, cannot be true. The character of their plays could not be transferred to satirical poems like his, though some of their features might suit, as their coarseness and personalities.
8. Emunctae naris,] ‘Emunctae naris’ is one who has his nose well wiped, and is therefore no driveller. Phædrus explains it in his description of Æsop (l. iii. f. 3, v. 14):—
“Aesopus ibi stans naris emunctae senex,
Natura nunquam verba cui poterit dare.”