Solomon Pinheiro, Juniata.

Wounded in the attack on Fort Fisher (1863-1866).

Milton Joseph Rosenau,

Past Assistant Surgeon in the Marine Hospital Service.

Acting Ensign Albert P. Sampson (1862-1865).

Acting Ensign Isaac P. Sampson (1863-1865).

J. Schlesinger, U. S. Steamer Pocahontas.

M. J. Siesel, U. S. Steamer Hartford.

Sergeant Siegmund Silverburg, U. S. Marine Corps.

Midshipman Benjamin Solomon (1809-1810).

Purser Ezekiel Solomon (1814-1816).

Charles Stein, Marine Corps,

Died of exposure in the service.

Lieutenant Edward Taussig,

served fourteen years on sea and did seven years' duty on land.

Charles Wiener

served four years.

Leo Wise, U. S. Steamer Springfield.

A PAGE FROM THE SECRET HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR.

As a fitting prelude to the record of Jewish activity in the War of the Rebellion, there may be cited here an episode in its history which has had no counterpart in the course of the world's affairs. Recondite and romantic incidents are present in the annals of all nations, and the history of the Jewish people especially is fraught with many striking instances of unhoped and unexpected deliverance from impending calamity, but they were largely the outcome of times and conditions widely at variance with those of the present day. The narrative of Haym Salomon's sacrifice in behalf of American freedom and the cause of human liberty forms a singular chapter in the annals of the American Revolution. But a yet more remarkable incident, one that appears wholly foreign to the laisser-faire spirit of our modern time, and which is likely in the future to centre a much greater degree of attention than it has yet received, is a transaction that has but lately become part of the history of the Civil War.

On October 2, 1863, the British Government seized in the shipyard of the Lairds, at Birkenhead, two armored vessels which had ostensibly been built for the government of China, but which, according to constantly reiterated reports, had been built for the Southern Confederacy in rebellion against the United States. The contemporary chronicles of the Civil War contain at most only such reports of that incident as became public in the course of the controversy over the subject, but the inner details of the occurrence, notable enough even in its most obvious features, remained for many years a diplomatic secret until revealed by the then Register of the Treasury, Mr. L. E. Chittenden, in his "Recollections of President Lincoln."

The two vessels had indeed been embargoed by the British Government, but under conditions which had been settled upon by the advisers of the Crown with the almost clearly manifest purpose of permitting the vessels to escape, while at the same time apparently complying with the requirements of international law and the representations of the American Minister. The sympathies of the ruling powers in Great Britain were strongly with the Southern cause; the fact that the success of that cause meant the perpetuation of negro slavery, against which the English people had constantly inveighed, was held by many of the leaders of the party in power to be of small moment in comparison with the advancement of British interests, which these leaders believed would result from the disruption of the American Republic. They were accordingly ready to take advantage of a virtual breach of international comity and law, under cover of a technical compliance with its provisions, and incur the risk of all the terrible outcome of a war between the two great Anglo-Saxon nations of the world. That such a war would surely have resulted if the two armored corsairs had eventually been let loose upon this country, no student of history can doubt. It was being busily fomented by that arch enemy, both of England and America, Napoleon III., who had assiduously been seeking an adequate pretext to recognize the independence of the Confederate States. He was actively conferring with British parliamentary leaders with the purpose of a joint intervention in our struggle, and if these ships were liberated to prey upon our commerce, lift the blockade of the Confederate ports, weaken the Federal power and strengthen that of the Rebellion, he would then assuredly be able to build up his empire in Mexico. That empire was already planted on the soil of the Mexican Republic, and the triumph of the Southern cause meant the success of the foolhardy and villainous undertaking which Napoleon III. had established under Maximilian. If the outcome of British co-operation for the disruption of the American Union were eventually to be a war between England and the United States, it would but be further grist for the mill of the French usurper.

From all of this procession of possible and unmeasured evils it appears that the world was saved through the timely and powerful interposition of a single will. It was the will of a man who was manifestly near enough to the mainspring of affairs to be aware of its primary movements, who was yet so hidden from public view that his action would remain as secret as he himself determined it to be; whose purpose was clearly in opposition to the motives of the ruling powers, and who possessed the means with which to effect his purpose.

Who was it that so signally changed the current of the world's affairs? Whose influence yet remains as mysterious as it was far-reaching? The question has been often asked and still remains unanswered. He still remains unnamed on the page of history. His position, his motive and his means of action appear to be defined, and it was clearly with these considerations in view that Mr. Chittenden wrote the letter which is here subjoined. The "process of exclusion" to which he so pointedly adverts leaves but very few among whom he is to be sought, and to the almost unerring indication which Mr. Chittenden has given is to be added a still nearer one which the author of the present work obtained from another source. Miss Kate Chase, daughter of Salmon P. Chase, the then Secretary of the Treasury, while assuring Mr. Wolf that the name of the mysterious personage was unknown to her, was yet able to inform him that the man was a Jew. That it was a Jew, one well known for his outspoken admiration and love for our country as the home of religious liberty, a man who was not of the unsympathetic government, nor of the hostile aristocracy, nor of the jealous manufacturing class, might well be surmised from all the circumstances of this remarkable occasion, and his identity can scarcely be misinterpreted in the light of Mr. Chittenden's indications.

The following is a copy of Mr. Chittenden's letter, which may well serve as an author's preface to the chapter of his "Recollections" to which it refers, in which the incident is narrated in detail, and which we shall quote in full:

11 Pine St., New York, May 7, 1892.

Dear Sir:—

It would give me great pleasure to answer your letter of April 26th and a large number of others on the same subject. You will readily see that the name may be reached by a process of exclusion as definitely as by its direct statement. The extraordinary character of the incident did not occur to me at the time, or I should have probably suppressed it. As it is I have no alternative but silence.

However, it gives me pleasure to say one thing. The experience of an active life now drawing to its close has taught me that race prejudices have no place in the heart of a true American, and I am certainly not conscious that I have ever entertained a shadow of them against any one of Hebrew origin. On the contrary I have found much in the history of that persecuted race to respect and admire. Illness has delayed this reply to your note.

Yours truly,
L. E. Chittenden.

Mr. Simon Wolf,
Washington, D. C.

A REMARKABLE EPISODE.

(Chapter XXV, Pages 197-203. N. Y., Harper & Brothers, 1891.)

Mr. Charles Francis Adams (our minister) had for several weeks been aware, and had communicated the fact to his government, that the Messrs. Laird, extensive ship builders, were building at their yards in Birkenhead, near Liverpool, two armored vessels for the Confederate government. They were to be furnished with powerful engines, and capable of great speed. When completed they were to proceed to a small unfrequented British island in the West Indies, where they were to be delivered to the agents of the Confederacy. They were then to receive their armament, previously sent thither, take their crews on board, and then set forth on their piratical cruises, after the example of the Alabama. After sweeping our remaining commerce from the seas, by burning and sinking every merchantship bearing our flag, they were to come upon our own coast, scatter our blockading fleet, and open all the Southern ports to British commerce, which would no longer be required to take the great risk of breaking the blockade. This feat was to be accomplished by vessels which had never entered a Confederate port, nor, indeed, any harbor which was not covered by the British or some other flag which protected the ironclads against pursuit or capture by vessels of the United States Navy.

Greater danger than these vessels never threatened the safety of the Union. In tonnage, armament and speed, they were intended to be superior to the Kearsarge, and every other vessel of our navy. Their armor was supposed to render them invulnerable. If the blockade was not maintained, an immediate recognition of the belligerent character of the rebels by Great Britain was anticipated. Even if that did not take place, all the cotton gathered in Confederate ports would be released and find a profitable market, while the old wooden vessels, now principally constituting the blockading fleet, would not resist one of these iron-clad vessels long enough for a second broadside.

The impending danger was fully appreciated by Mr. Adams. With his accustomed energy, notwithstanding the secrecy in which all the Confederate movements in Great Britain were shrouded, he had collected and laid before the English authorities clear proofs of the rebel ownership, and intended unlawful purpose of these vessels. He had even procured copies of the contracts under which the Messrs. Laird were building them, and had ascertained that payments on their account had been made from proceeds of cotton owned by the Confederacy. He had represented that the evidence furnished by him, verified by the oaths of credible witnesses, was sufficient not only to justify their seizure, but to secure their condemnation in the courts, and he had insisted with a force apparently unanswerable, that it was the duty of Great Britain to prevent the vessels from leaving the Mersey and setting forth upon their piratical career.

But, unfortunately, the sympathies of the party in power in England were not with the Union cause. It suited the view of of the law-officers of the Crown not to interfere, and to excuse their inaction by raising objections to the legal sufficiency of the evidence. The situation was perfectly comprehended by the President and his Cabinet, but remonstrance appeared to be unavailing, and the departure of the vessels was expected at an early day.

Hopeless as the task appeared to be, neither Mr. Adams nor his active agents relaxed their efforts for a moment. Their recent investigations had been prosecuted with such energy that the minister had finally been able to furnish the British premier with the sworn affidavits of some of the officers and men actually enlisted in Liverpool, and other English cities, for service on these vessels; that the advance payments to these men had been made by Confederate agents, that the ships were to leave the Mersey at an early appointed date for an island near Bermuda; that their guns and ammunition had already been sent thither. Mr. Adams had also secured the names of the ships' officers, with copies of their commissions, bearing the signature of President Davis and the seal of the Confederacy.

The last instalment of affidavits forwarded by our minister proved to be more than the crown lawyers could digest. They covered every defect named in their former objections; they could not be answered even by a special demurrer. They were reinforced by the caustic pen of Mr. Adams, whose arguments so clearly pointed out the duty of the English government in the premises that it would obviously be regarded as conclusive by every one but these lawyers, who possessed the exclusive power to move the slow authorities of the customs to action. The crown lawyers finally decided that the demand of Mr. Adams must be complied with, and that an order must issue, prohibiting the departure of these vessels from the Mersey until the charges of the American minister had been judicially investigated.

There were, however, some incidents attending this most important decision, which prevented its communication from giving to Mr. Adams a satisfaction wholly unalloyed. The decision had been withheld until the vessels were on the very eve of departure. The order must be immediately served, and possession taken by the customs authorities, or the vessels would escape. The crown lawyers, properly enough, observed that the affidavits furnished by Mr. Adams were ex-parte—the witnesses had not been cross-examined. If Mr. Adams should fail to prove his charges by evidence which would satisfy the judicial mind, and the vessels be released, the damages caused by arresting them might be very heavy. It was a settled rule of procedure in the courts in such cases to secure the payment of such damages beyond any peradventure. The restraining order would, therefore, be issued, but it would not be enforced against the vessels until these damages had been secured by a deposit of £1,000,000 sterling in gold coin.

The situation was well known to be critical. Within three days the vessels were to sail for their destination; if necessary, they might sail forthwith. The cable was useless, broken or disabled—and Mr. Adams could not communicate with his own government. Without such communication he had no authority to bind his government as an indemnitor, or to repay the money if he could borrow it. Even if he had the fullest authority, where was the patriotic Briton who would furnish a million pounds on the spur of the moment to a government which was believed by the party in power in Great Britain to be in articulo mortis? Unless, therefore, the crown lawyers supposed our minister to have anticipated their decision by providing himself with this money, they must have known that this condition could not be complied with, and that they might just as well have declined to interfere. If they had intended that these ships should not be prevented from making their intended crusade against our commerce and our cause, no better arrangement could possibly have been devised. It is not to be denied that suspicions existed that such was their purpose.

But the unexpected sometimes happens. The event which prevented these floating engines of destruction from entering upon their intended work was as unanticipated as a miracle. It constituted, possibly, the most signal service ever rendered by a citizen of one country to the government of another. It was all the more noble, because it was intended to be anonymous. The eminently unselfish man who performed it made a positive condition that it should not be made public, that not so much as his name should be disclosed, except to the officers of our government, whose co-operation was required in order to transact the business in a proper manner and upon correct principles. So earnest was his injunction of secrecy that his identity will not even now be disclosed, although he has long since gone to his reward.

Within the hour after the crown lawyers' decision, with its conditions, had been made known to Mr. Adams, and when he had given up all hope of arresting these vessels, a quiet gentleman called upon him and asked if he might be favored with the opportunity of making the deposit of coin required by the order? He observed "that it had occurred to him that if the United States had that amount to its credit in London, some question of authority might arise, or Mr. Adams might otherwise be embarrassed in complying with the condition, especially as communication with his government might involve delay; so that the shortest way to avoid all difficulty would be for him to deposit the coin, which he was quite prepared to do."

Had a messenger descended from the skies in a chariot of fire, with $5,000,000 in gold in his hands, and offered to leave it at the embassy without any security, Mr. Adams could not have been more profoundly surprised. He had accepted the condition as fatal to his efforts; he had concluded that nothing short of a miracle could prevent the departure of the vessels; and here, if not a miracle, was something much like one. He made no secret of the pleasure with which he accepted the munificent offer, provided some method of securing the liberal Englishman could be found. The latter seemed indisposed to make any suggestion on the subject. "It might be proper," he said, "that some obligation might be entered into, showing that the American government recognized the deposit as made on its account; beyond that he should leave the matter wholly in the hands of Mr. Adams."

The existing premium on gold was then about sixty per cent. in the United States. It would have been largely increased by the departure of these ironclads. The "five-twenties" or "sixes" of 1861, as they were popularly called, were then being issued, and were the only securities upon "long time" then authorized by Congress. The best arrangement that occurred to Mr. Adams, and which he then proposed, was that $10,000,000, or £2,000,000, in these bonds, to be held as collateral security for the loan of £1,000,000 in gold, should be delivered to the lender, to be returned when the loan was paid or the order itself was discharged and the coin returned to the depositor. The proposition of Mr. Adams was satisfactory to the gentleman, but he said that to prevent the disclosure of his name the deposit should be made in coupon and not in registered bonds. The coupons were payable to bearer; the registered were required to be inscribed on the books of the Treasury in the owner's name.

Mr. Adams then volunteered the assurance that these bonds, to the amount of $10,000,000, should be transmitted to London by the first steamer which left New York after his despatch concerning the transaction was received at the State Department at Washington.

It was this assurance of Mr. Adams which the President and both of the Secretaries desired should be made good. They regarded the faith of the government as pledged for its performance, and that faith they proposed should not be violated.

All the details of this transaction were not then disclosed. They reached the government in private, confidential despatches from Mr. Adams, some of them long afterwards. The despatch in question was understood to be confidential; certainly that part of it which related to the deposit and security proposed. It was necessarily brief, for in order to reach the steamer the special messenger had to leave London within a very few hours after the proposition of the deposit was made. There was enough in it to show that an inestimable service had been rendered to the country by some one to whom Mr. Adams had pledged the faith of the nation for the transmission of these bonds by the next steamer which left New York. There was no dissent from the conclusion that the pledge of Mr. Adams, if it were in the power of the government, must be performed.

Since the publication of the foregoing facts in Harper's Magazine for May, 1890, I have been solicited by many correspondents to give the name of the gentleman who offered to perform such a signal service to our country. It must be obvious that nothing could give greater pleasure than to publish his name, and to secure for him the enduring gratitude of the American people. I have, however, a special reason for my present determination not to disclose it, nor to permit myself to speculate upon the consequences of the disclosure. When we were informed that the emergency had passed, it became necessary to make a change in the entries of this large amount upon the books of the register. This was found to be a difficult matter, unless a plain statement of the issue, to the gentleman in question, and its purpose was made with its subsequent cancellation. This course I proposed to Secretary Chase. He was decided in his opinion that the value of the service would not have been enhanced if an actual deposit of the money had been required, and that, as the gentleman himself had imposed the obligation, he was the only authority who could possibly release it. While I regarded his conclusion as incontrovertible, I did suggest that our first duty was the official one, to our own obligation to conceal nothing, and to make our official records strictly conform to the fact.

"We should have thought of that at the time," said the Secretary. "We might have declined his offer, coupled as it was with the obligation to conceal his name, but I do not remember that we considered that question. Do you?"

"No," I said. "Nothing was discussed in my presence except the possibility of compliance with his conditions to the letter."

"Then, I think, we must continue to keep his secret whatever the consequences may be, until he releases us from the obligation," was the final conclusion of the Secretary.

I am, I believe, the only survivor of those to whom this gentleman's name was known. I have hitherto declined to discuss the question of his name or its disclosure. I depart from my practice far enough to say that I do not believe he was interested in the price of cotton, or that he was moved in the slightest degree by pecuniary motives in making his offer. More than this, at present, I do not think I have the moral right to say. If I should at any time hereafter see my way clear to a different conclusion, I shall leave his name to be communicated to the Secretary of Treasury, who will determine for himself the propriety of its disclosure.

JEWISH SOLDIERS IN THE CIVIL WAR.

The consciousness of the imperfect nature of the several rosters included under our present head has been the only influence that has detracted from the satisfaction which the preparation of this work in general has afforded the author. This feeling has already been adverted to in the introduction to this work and will not further be dwelt upon beyond the hope that the present volume may become the forerunner of a more complete and perfected result in the future.[25]

The unquestionably large proportion of Jewish soldiers in both the Union and Confederate armies is vouched for by such statistics as have been thoroughly verified and by the statement of many individual observers. In this connection the following communications to the author may well be quoted as having a definite bearing on this subject, and as coming from sources whose authority is beyond question:

My Dear Judge:

I have your favor of the 22nd instant, asking for some expression of opinion from me regarding the bravery and faithfulness of Hebrew soldiers in the War of the Rebellion. There were many Hebrews under me while serving as Brigade and Division Commander; and, while the great lapse of time renders it impossible for me to recall names or recount specific acts of gallantry, I take pleasure in saying that I always found the soldiers of Jewish faith as firm in their devotion to the cause of the country they were serving as any others, and ever ready to perform any duty to which they might be assigned.

To Hon. Simon Wolf,
Washington, D. C.

Dear Mr. Wolf:

It is impossible for me to do justice to those who served with me under my command who are known to be of Hebrew extraction. I would hardly be justified without their permission to give their names. I had a Jewish Aide-de-Camp, one of the bravest and best, in the first battle of Bull Run; he is now a distinguished officer of the army, a man of high scientific attainment. I had another aide who was killed at the battle of Chancellorsville, a true friend and a brave officer. Two of my brigade commanders, who answer to the above description, one of whom you have mentioned, served ably and faithfully at Gettysburg and in other great battles of the war. So many of the German officers and men, the Poles and the Hungarians, were of Jewish lineage that I am unable to designate them. I can assure you, my dear sir, that, intrinsically, there are no more patriotic men to be found in the country than those who claim to be of Hebrew descent, and who served with me in parallel commands or more directly under my instructions. I have always greatly esteemed the Jewish people, and in fact, the highest hopes I have in the great future are derived from him whom I think justly claimed to be the spiritual king of the Jews. So far as bravery is concerned, bravery often carries to rashness. History affords no example superior to those of the Maccabees and other leaders of the Jews, back to the time of Jacob, the prince, who prevailed with God.

Simon Wolf, Esq.,
Washington, D. C.

Further testimony of a like character with reference to the Jews in the Union Army might be adduced from numerous sources if space limits would permit, but the following citations regarding the Jewish soldiers in the Southern Armies are not only warranted by the occasion but by the exceptionally interesting data which they contain.

"Among the delegates to the recent Convention of the B'nai B'rith there were thirty who were old enough to take up arms during the late war. Of this number twenty-five had shouldered their muskets in defence of their country, twenty-four belonging to the Confederate and one to the Federal Army. This shows that the Israelite is as much of a patriot as any other man when the liberties of his country are endangered. In this connection the following letter will be read with interest."

Leo N. Levi, Esq., Galveston.

Dear Sir:—

"My attention having been called by you to the published remarks of a writer in disparagement of the patriotism and gallantry of the Jew as a soldier, and having had the honor to command a force composed to a considerable extent of Israelites, I feel impelled by this attempted injustice to the race to give my experience with them as soldiers.

"Under a commission from the Government I organized 'Waul's Texas Legion,' upon the express terms that they were to leave the State, cross the Mississippi River and join in the fray where the blows fell heaviest and thickest. The Legion consisted of ten companies of infantry, five companies of cavalry and two companies of artillery. Two of the infantry companies had a large number of Jews in their ranks, and the largest company in the command—120 men—was officered by Jews, and three-fourths of the rank and file were of that faith. There were also a number of Jews scattered through the command in the other companies.

"They were all volunteers, and I know there was not a Jew conscript in the Legion. As soldiers they were brave, orderly and well-disciplined and in no respect inferior to the gallant body of which they formed a prominent part. Their behavior in the camp, as in the field, was exemplary. No Jew in the command was arraigned before a court-martial, and, in proportion to their numbers, there were fewer applications for leaves of absence, and their regular habits caused very few of their names to appear on the hospital rolls.

"In battle, without distinction of race or religion, all were apparently willing and eager for the contest. I will say, however, I neither saw nor heard of any Jew shrinking or failing to answer to any call of duty or danger.

"I regret I cannot go more in details, but am unwilling to permit an aspersion that remotely may affect the Jews who served with me to pass unnoticed, as, to a considerable extent, the reputation won by the command and personally obtained by myself was acquired by their conduct, courage and soldierly qualities. I state without hesitation that in no attribute suited to the soldier, whether as an officer or in the ranks, will the Jew suffer by comparison with the best and bravest of our army.

"As these happenings were before your time, I jot down these recollections that you may have the testimony of one Gentile to attest the courage, endurance and patriotism of the Jew as a soldier.

The discussion of the question of Jewish participation in the Civil War elicited the following expression from a Charleston newspaper:

"The list of South Carolina Jews who remained true to their country and to their country's cause in the darkest hours and who proved their fidelity and patriotism by laying down their lives upon the field of battle could be greatly extended. Their names are graven upon many a monument throughout the land, and their prowess in arms is a part of the military glory of the country. As Montaigne says, the virtue and valor of a man consist in the heart and in the will, and by this rule the Hebrew soldiers of South Carolina may be fairly judged. What they had they gave freely to the State and on many a bloody field did they prove the high quality of their courage. They possessed, what Napoleon called "the two o'clock in the morning courage" and they followed the flag with superb loyalty to victory and defeat. When the history of South Carolina's part in the great struggle is written and the books are finally posted, we are sure that the Hebrew soldiers of this State, who wore the grey will have their full meed of praise."

Another communication which is at hand, originally made to one of our Jewish weeklies, may also be quoted as affording an effective side light on our present subject:

"From the beginning of the late war until its close I was connected with the War and Navy Departments of the Confederate States as a contractor for side arms and accoutrements. In this capacity I became acquainted with the organization and direction of the Army and Navy and also became well acquainted with the governing officials of the State, War and Navy Departments.

"Shortly before the Fall Festivals of our Jewish observance in 1864 I came to Richmond, Va., and as usual, met my late old friend, the Rev. Mr. Michelbacher. After receiving an assurance of my readiness to aid him in the purpose which he outlined to me, he detailed his request as follows:

"'There are right around here and in our other armies many Jewish soldiers who would like to keep Rosh Hashanah but especially Yom Kippur according to our law and ritual. I am trying to get a furlough for these soldiers over these Holy Days, but do not know how to go about it. Here is a petition to the Secretary of War; you know him well; will you present it or will you go with me to introduce me? or will you get Mr. Benjamin to recommend it?' I informed Mr. Michelbacher that as far as Mr. Benjamin was concerned it did not come within the scope of his special office; that if his recommendation was needed I could pledge it, and that the whole matter was for Mr. Seddon to decide. Next morning Mr. Michelbacher and myself went to Mr. Seddon, who received us, as he did all his petitioners, with kindness. He read the petition quietly and talked the matter over with us for some time, even at more length than the pressing duties upon him seemed to warrant. After mature deliberation he spoke about as follows: 'Well, gentlemen, as far as I am concerned I will give my consent, but must refer the matter to the Adjutant and Inspector-General. Whatever he does, I will sanction.' He thereupon wrote his endorsement on the petition and Mr. Michelbacher and I took it up to General Cooper, who, like Mr. Seddon, received us kindly, and with great interest discussed the proposition with us. He would gladly, he said, grant the furloughs, but, 'gentlemen,' he added, 'look, we have here a roster of all our soldiers and we know, as far as possible from their names, how many of them belong to your religious denomination, and astonishing it is that we count about 10,000 to 12,000 Jews who are serving in our Army. Now should I grant the furloughs you request, you will readily see, that for the time being, it would perhaps disintegrate certain commands in the field and might work to a bad effect; besides, the commanders of the different army corps should certainly be consulted. On the whole it would be impracticable, as you, Goldsmith (turning to me) will readily acknowledge. In fact,' he pleasantly added, 'you will admit that if your forefathers had fought Titus on the Sabbath day, during the siege of Jerusalem they most certainly would have beaten him. You see, therefore, I cannot conscientiously grant your request.' So it ended, but we had the satisfaction of having learned that out of the small number of Jews then living in the South, it was believed that over 10,000 were serving in the Confederate Army. Those who would not serve left the country. For many of these latter I myself procured passports and permits, deeming it better that they should leave quietly and unmolested than that they should be forced into the ranks where they would have made unwilling defenders of the country.

"I am still a living witness and can, from my own memory, give you many names of gallant Jewish soldiers of the Confederate army. I had ample opportunity to see and to know. Many a wounded Jew have I met in the hospitals of Richmond and administered to his wants, and many a Jewish soldier have I seen walking on his crutch or having his arm in a sling, travelling to and from his command during the war. And I know further that it was simply a sense of loyalty to their homes and their neighbors that prompted them to fight for the South. If not, they could readily have left this country at any time as well as I myself could have done, had I so chosen. But love for our adopted country kept us here and we offered all we had in its behalf.

M. Goldsmith."

The closing paragraph of Mr. Goldsmith's letter is truly expressive of Jewish sentiment. It emphasizes the fact that the Jew, while retaining his racial and religious distinctiveness, identifies himself with the people among whom he dwells, if he is not deliberately excluded from the possibility of doing so. Were further evidence of this required beyond the records of earlier times, a convincing proof can be found in the presence of large numbers of Jews in both the Union and Confederate armies throughout the Civil War.

It should not be overlooked that the profession of arms for its own sake is not distinctively a Jewish trait; the business of war having always been taken up as the means to an end rather than the end itself. This phase of the Jewish character finds a significant expression in the large proportion of Jewish combatants in both the Revolutionary and Civil Wars. In both cases the issue was one in which they felt a deep and abiding interest, and they manifested their earnestness in the most positive manner by taking an active and determined part in the decision of the issue. That interest was far from being prevalent during the War of 1812 and the subsequent war with Mexico. The former lacked the support of a large fraction of the people, being held by the Federal party of that time to be a heedless and needless undertaking, which in many respects it was, and the latter, the Mexican War, was regarded by the anti-slavery Whigs as tending to aggrandize the slave power by an extension of its territory. Both these wars were party measures, and in both a decidedly smaller proportion of Jewish combatants took part than would otherwise have been the case. Where home, or liberty or law is at stake the Jewish people have never been chary of the uttermost sacrifice, and the muster rolls of the armies in the great war between the States afford the fullest evidence of their ample share in its burdens and its sufferings.

MEDALS OF HONOR.

(From a paper read by the present author before the American Jewish Historical Society, Washington, D. C., December 26, 1894.)

On the 12th day of July, 1862, President Lincoln gave his approval to an Act of Congress, authorizing the President to cause to be prepared 2,000 "Medals of Honor," to be presented to such non-commissioned officers and privates as would especially distinguish themselves by their gallantry in action, and by other soldierly qualities during the war then in progress.

While I am not prepared to say how many soldiers of Hebrew faith were honored with such medals, I can mention seven who have come under my notice.

First, Leopold Karpeles, Color Sergeant, of the 57th Massachusetts Infantry, at the Battle of North Anna, distinguished himself by a noble defence of the flag under a terrific fire from the enemy. Although seriously wounded, he held the colors aloft until through weakness from loss of blood he had at last to give them to a comrade. Sergeant Karpeles has high testimonials from his superior officers for bravery, daring and discipline, and is at present a clerk in the General Post-Office Department.

Second, Benjamin B. Levy, who enlisted at the age of sixteen as a drummer boy, in the 1st New York Volunteers. He was detailed as Orderly to General Mansfield. While on board the steamer "Express," carrying dispatches to General Wool at Fortress Monroe, the vessel was attacked by the Confederate gunboat, "Seabird." The "Express" with all on board, was in imminent danger of capture, when young Levy saved the steamer by cutting loose a water schooner which was in tow. For his prompt action, Levy was highly complimented by Generals Mansfield and Wool. At Charles City Cross Roads, two of the colors of his regiment were saved by him from capture, for which act he was promoted on the field by General Kearney to Color Sergeant of his regiment. At the expiration of his term, he re-enlisted in the 40th New York (Mozart) regiment, and was seriously wounded at the battle of the Wilderness. He was appointed by President Lincoln to the New York Custom House.

Third, Sergeant Major and Adjutant Abraham Cohn, who enlisted as private in the 6th New Hampshire Infantry. For distinguished services he was gradually promoted to Adjutant; he served until the close of the war. Some time after Adjutant Cohn received the "Medal of Honor," from the Assistant Adjutant General's office, he was addressed the following highly complimentary communication:

Adjutant General's Office,
Washington, August 14, 1879.

The Medal, mentioned within, was given for conspicuous gallantry displayed in the battle of the Wilderness, in rallying and forming disorganized troops, under heavy fire; also for bravery and coolness in carrying orders to the advance lines under murderous fire in the battle of the Mine, July 30, 1864.

(Signed) S. N. Benjamin,
Assistant Adjutant General.

Adjutant Cohn has the most gratifying testimonials from his superior officers. Before enlisting in the 6th New Hampshire he had served in the 68th New York as a private and rose gradually to be captain. Owing to sickness he was honorably discharged, being then, in the opinion of the surgeons, unfit for further duty. Notwithstanding his discharge as Captain, when strong and able again, he re-enlisted as Private, in the 6th New Hampshire, and rose to the rank of Adjutant.

Fourth, David Obranski, of the 58th Ohio Infantry, who received a Medal of Honor for distinguished bravery and coolness under heavy fire at Shiloh, Tennessee, and at Vicksburg, Mississippi.

Fifth, Henry Heller, of Company A, 66th Ohio Infantry. He earned the Medal of Honor for daring bravery at Chancellorsville.

Sixth, Abraham Grunwalt, of Company G, 104th Ohio Infantry, who earned his Medal of Honor, at Franklin, Tennessee, November 30, 1864 in the capture of Corps headquarters' flag.

Seventh, Corporal Isaac Gans, of the 2nd Ohio Cavalry, who for bravery displayed on the battle-field was appointed escort to the colors captured by the Third Division.

FAMILIES OF "BROTHERS-IN-ARMS."

[Compiled from a paper read by the present author before the American Jewish Historical Society, Washington, D. C., December 26, 1894.]

One of the most remarkable facts developed by the records of our Civil War, and especially gratifying because unsurpassed, if equalled, is the spontaneous and cheerful alacrity with which our citizens of Hebrew faith entered their country's service in the hour of its need. In a number of families all the male members able to bear arms were enrolled in the army. My list of these may not be complete, and there may be other equally notable examples, but I here name only those which have been definitely reported to me.

North Carolina is to the fore with a host of six militant brothers, united in the cause which they held at heart as well as by the ties of blood. They bear the titular name of the priestly brother of Moses, and their devotion lends it new lustre. The list of these six brothers-in-arms is as follows:

Aaron Cohen,
Jacob H. Cohen,
Julius Cohen,
Edward Cohen,
Gustavus A. Cohen,
Henry M. Cohen.

Mississippi claims a set of five brothers in the field, but, remarkable enough, one of these was arrayed on the side of the Union against his four Confederate brothers, a fair example of the Jewish spirit of loyalty to conviction. The following is the list:

Edward Jonas, 50th Illinois Infantry.
S. A. Jonas,
Julian Jonas,
Major Charles H. Jonas,
Hon. Benjamin F. Jonas (of Louisiana).

South Carolina also had five brothers enrolled in the Confederate army. Their names are:

Percy Moses, Jr.,
Joshua L. Moses,
Horace Moses,
J. Harby Moses,
A. Jackson Moses.

Georgia mustered a family of four, a father and three sons, bearing the same historic name as their South Carolina comrades:

Raphael Moses, Sr.,
Raphael Moses, Jr.,
Israel N. Moses,
A. L. Moses.

Arkansas furnishes an instance of three brothers, namely:

Peter Cohen,
Jacob Cohen,
Po'el Cohen.

Another trio hail from the South, two from Georgia and one from South Carolina:

Isaac A. Goldsmith,
A. A. Goldsmith,
M. M. Goldsmith.

Virginia sent out another three:

Leopold Levy,
Samson Levy,
Solomon Levy.

Louisiana has also a list of three brothers on her muster rolls:

Eugene H. Levy,
Julius H. Levy,
Joseph C. Levy.

And yet another trio went forth from Alabama:

Mordecai Moses,
Henry C. Moses,
Alfred Moses.

This makes a total of nine families on the Southern side, embracing a membership numbering thirty-five, of whom one was enrolled in the Union army.

The preponderance of such instances in the ranks of the Confederates is due to the fact that the Jews of the Southern States were, in a much larger proportion than those of the North, natives of the soil or residents of long standing. While the Jews were doubtless more numerous at the North than at the South, they were, for the most part, immigrants of a comparatively recent date, and therefore less intensely imbued with the spirit of the conflict.

On the Union side, New York, the nucleus of the Jewish population of this country, naturally furnished the largest quota of Jewish soldiers, and among them were three bands of brothers; one of the families being reinforced by the presence of the father. The roll is as follows:

First, a family of five:

Leopold Wenk,
August Wenk,
Joseph Wenk,
Julius Wenk,
Aaron Wenk.

Second, a father and his three sons:

Simon Levy,
Benjamin C. Levy,
Albert Levy,

Hon. Ferdinand Levy, Ex-Coroner and present Register of New York City.

Third, a trio of brothers:

Abraham Feder,
Henry Feder,
Adolph Feder.

Pennsylvania also sent three Jewish brothers to the front:

Lyon L. Emanuel,
Louis M. Emanuel,
Jonathan M. Emanuel.

From Ohio we have another list of three brothers who together took part in the War for the Union:

Herman Koch,
Moses Koch,
Joseph Koch.

We have thus a list of five families on the Union side, containing eighteen men, a total for both the Confederate and Union sides of fourteen families sending fifty-three men to the war.

JEWISH STAFF OFFICERS IN THE UNION ARMY.

Assistant Adjutant-General Myer Asch,

entered the service September 19, 1861, as 2d Lieutenant Company H, 1st New Jersey Cavalry Volunteers; promoted to 1st Lieutenant and Adjutant, December 29, 1861, and Captain, March 24, 1862; served on staff of Major-General John Pope, subsequently appointed Assistant Adjutant-General to Major-General Kautz; also distinguished in other ways; held civic honors, particularly during the Centennial Exhibition of 1876 at Philadelphia.

Doctor Morris J. Asch,

on staff of Major-General Philip H. Sheridan.

Major Newman Borchardt,

enlisted as Private in Company K, 6th New York Volunteers; promoted to serve on staff of Major-General Oliver O. Howard.

Captain Isidore Bush, aide-de-camp to General Fremont.

Captain Max Cohnheim,

enlisted in the 41st New York; promoted with rank of Captain on the staff of General Sigel.

Captain —— Dessauer,

on staff of Major-General Oliver O. Howard; killed at Chancellorsville.

Rev. Jacob Frankel,

of Philadelphia, served as Chaplain of United States Hospitals during the Civil War, by appointment of President Lincoln.

Captain Edward Jonas,

enlisted in Illinois on staff of Major-General Prentice.

Major M. Lulley,

formerly on staff of Louis Kossuth, during the Hungarian Revolution of 1848; rendered valuable services during the Civil War, under direction of Secretary of War.

Colonel Isaac May,

aide-de-camp to Governor Andrew G. Curtin, of Pennsylvania.

Sergeant Louis H. Mayer,

enlisted in the 27th Ohio Regiment, served on staff of General Pope; also with Generals Rosecrans and Grant, taking part in various campaigns.

Captain Nathan D. Menken,

on staff of Major-General John Pope, as Commander of his body-guard; he sacrificed his life by remaining in Memphis, Tennessee, and tending to the suffering during a terrible visitation of Yellow fever in 1878.

Isaac Moses,

Adjutant-General 3d Army Corps, staff of Major General Heintzelman; subsequently under General Banks.

Captain Julius Spring,

on staff of General Van Buren.

Lieutenant M. Szegely,

on staff of General Sigel.

Major Joseph Franklin Tobias,

aide-de-camp with rank of Major to Major-General D. B. Birney (April 14, 1862—May 16, 1864).

JEWISH STAFF OFFICERS IN THE CONFEDERATE ARMY.

Jacob Abrams,

on staff of General Elzey.

Doctor I. Baruch, Assistant Surgeon-General.

Marcus Baum,

on the staff of General Kershaw; enlisted as private; wounded at first Battle of Manassas; mentioned in general orders for distinguished bravery; killed at the Battle of the Wilderness.

Captain H. L. Benjamin, General Staff.

Honorable Judah P. Benjamin, Secretary of War.

General David de Leon, Surgeon-General.

The first surgeon-general of the Confederate Army. He was born in South Carolina in 1822. In the Mexican War he twice took the place of commanding officers, who had been killed or wounded and acted with such gallantry and ability as to receive twice the thanks of the United States Congress. In February, 1861, he resigned his rank as Surgeon and Major in the United States Army and was appointed Surgeon-General of the Armies of the Confederacy.

Honorable Edwin de Leon,

Special Confederate States Envoy to Court of Napoleon III.

Captain Joseph Frankland,

on Staff of General Wheeler, 1st Tennessee Battalion of Cavalry; entered as private; promoted step by step; Assistant Provost Marshal.

Orderly Edward Kauffman,

Staff of General Bagly, Green's Brigade.

N. Kraus, Staff of General Miller.

Lieutenant Alexander Levy,

Richmond, Virginia; Staff of General Magruder; wounded at Big Bethel.

Captain M. Levy,

6th Arkansas, Staff of General Baxton Bragg; Enlisted Co. E, 6th Arkansas.

Lieutenant M. J. Marcus, Staff of General Benning.

Victor Meyer, Staff of General Barksdale.

Assistant-Adjutant-General J. Randolph Mordecai

entered the service of the Confederate States as private in the Washington Artillery, South Carolina, December 19, 1860; shortly afterwards was appointed 2nd Lieutenant, when transferred to the C. S. Army, afterward assigned to duty as Assistant-Adjutant-General to General White's Brigade Light Artillery until July, 1863, to A. A. M., C. S. Army, and assigned to General Taliaford's Division.

Captain A. J. Moses, Staff of General Hannon.

Major Alfred T. Moses, Staff of General R. Taylor;

enlisted Co. E, 6th Arkansas.

Altamont Moses, Military Telegraph Service.

F. J. Moses, Assistant Surgeon.

Colonel Raphael J. Moses, Staff of General Longstreet.

Appointed chief commissary for the State of Georgia. Known to Generals Lee and Longstreet as the "honest commissary." He turned over thirty thousand dollars in gold to General Molyneux at the close of the war on condition that it should be used for the benefit of the Confederate soldiers and Confederate hospitals, which was done.

General A. C. Myers, Quartermaster General C. S. A.

Major J. M. Nanez, Staff of General Longstreet.

Major Isaac Scherck, Staff of General Hardee;

enlisted in Mississippi.

Morris Straus, Staff of General Jenkins;

enlisted in South Carolina.

JEWISH OFFICERS IN THE CONFEDERATE NAVY.

Lieutenant Barnham.

Perry de Leon, South Carolina.

Captain L. C. Harby, South Carolina.

When South Carolina seceded he resigned his commission in the United States Navy and entered the Confederate service with the rank of Commodore in the Navy and afterwards distinguished himself in the defence of Galveston, when he commanded the Neptune at the capture of the Harriet Lane, and later on when in command of a fleet of gunboats on the Sabine river.

Louis P. Levy, Gunboat Chicora, Virginia;

A midshipman at the age of fifteen.

Midshipman Randolph Lyons;

detailed as Signal Officer on blockade running.

Lazarus Weil, C. S. Navy.

Simon Weil, C. S. Navy.

Isaac Moise, C. S. Navy.

Paymaster I. C. Moses, Navy.

Lieutenant R. J. Moses, Jr., C. S. S. Merrimac, Georgia.

Z. P. Moses, Navy Department.