Sire:
For the last eleven years that I have been serving your Majesty in these regions of the Indias, I have continually written what has occurred to me regarding your royal service and the benefit and increase of the treasury; and although nothing of notoriously great convenience has been enacted, I shall not neglect to inform your Majesty of the things that occur to me at present in order that I may fulfil my obligation and discharge my conscience so that your Majesty may enact what measures are most advisable.
Your Majesty will have heard from Nueva España of the depredations that the English pirates have committed, and that two extremely small ships—one of one hundred and fifty toneladas, and the other of one hundred, and carrying seventy men in both ships—captured your Majesty’s ship “Santa Ana”1 of six hundred tons’ burden, on the coast of Nueva España. It contained two thousand three hundred marcos of gold belonging to private persons and one million [ducados’] worth of merchandise with which it was laden. Then they burned the vessel. Inasmuch as your Majesty will have as definite information as that known here, I shall only relate what happened to the English later according to what has been learned from them themselves and what we have seen. After they had burned the ship, they sailed toward these islands, but the smaller vessel went adrift in the open sea. The other arrived in January of this year at the island of Capul, the first island of these Filipinas, which forms a strait with this large island of Luzon. The captain bought some food from the Indians at Capul, for which he paid them very liberally and did them no damage. He hanged a Spaniard whom he had brought from the ship “Santa Ana,” one Alonso de Valladolid, because he found on him a letter in which he advised the president of the royal Audiencia of all that had happened. The Indian who was to carry the letter and who was the servant of the said Spaniard, escaped by swimming and concealed himself so securely in the island that the English were unable to find him. They told the Indians of the island that they were hostile to the Spaniards, and that they had left their country for the sole purpose of harming us. They said that they would return with a fleet within three years, in order to colonize these islands and drive us out of them; and that they did not care for any tribute from the Indians, but only for their friendship and trade. After a stay of eleven days they set sail and went to another island called Panae, more distant from this settlement of Manila, and toward the south. There is a small city in that island called Arevalo of which Captain Don Juan Ronquillo is alcalde-mayor. A large ship was being built nearby at the expense of the royal treasury. The Englishmen arrived between the hamlet and the shipyard where the ship was building on the seventh of February, where he captured by means of his ship’s boat a sailor who was coasting along in a boat quite inapprehensive of any such danger. All the information that could he desired was learned from that sailor. Next day the Englishman landed the sailor with a letter for one Manuel Lorenço, who had the construction of the ship in charge. The letter contained some threats and arguments of little moment and was signed Tomas Candis of Trimbley, as your Majesty will see by the original in the papers sent by the president. At that time that sailor learned of the disaster to the “Santa Ana,” from one of the Portuguese who had been captured and from certain Flemish sailors whom he knew. It was also learned immediately from the Indian who had escaped in Capul. Both of them declared the captain to be a youth of twenty-two or twenty-three, and that the ship contained scarcely forty Englishmen. After having done that the English set sail and laid their course toward the island of Vindenao, the last one of these Filipinas lying toward Maluco. They will necessarily be forced to winter in some desert island near Maluco (as Francisco Draque did) until the month of December, for they can not make use of the brisas of this year for the voyage to, and the doubling of, the cape of Buena Hesperanza, as it is already very late. And especially since it would take all the rest of February and March to sail to the Javas, where one disembogues from this archipelago into the open sea, for that distance is more than four hundred leguas, and one can sail only by day because of the great labyrinth of the many shoals, channels, and doublings which are encountered, where one needs a small boat to go ahead especially to sound the shoals of this archipelago; it is therefore a foregone conclusion that they are now wintering in some one of the islands between here and the Javas.
The greatest damage and injury that can be received from this occurrence is that a robber should dare with so few forces to pass among these islands so leisurely; and since he was able to pass without us forming his acquaintance, that he should try to make so much outcry, to boast of his capture, and to utter threats for the future. If your Majesty be so pleased you may consider that the royal Audiencia boasts that there are here in these Filipinas Islands six Spanish settlements, one master-of-camp, thirty-five captains, three galleys, and three ships with high freeboard, the smallest of which is of three hundred tons’ burden, besides many fragatas and native ships, powder and weapons, and four hundred soldiers, all of which has not served or serves for an affair of so little difficulty and one so necessary. I was constantly of the opinion that the pirate should be pursued immediately, and some others were of the same opinion, but the governor and the majority (which always temporizes in regard to following their opinion) held contrariwise, and said that it was possible that a fleet was coming from Inglaterra after the ship, and that if we pursued the latter, this city and fort would be left with insufficient defenders. It was better to attend to the relief and defense of this city than to pursue the pirate. With a determination so illy founded nothing but the strengthening of the fort was thought of, and that with great diligence as if all Ingalaterra were coming to attack us. A few days later I was sick in my bed, and grieving over this so manifest error, I had the bishop and the rector of the Society of Jesus, who are weighty individuals and very skilled and zealous in the service of God and of your Majesty, asked to come to my house. I asked them to treat with the governor since he had not exercised diligence in pursuing the Englishman at that time, to at least assemble the fleet at the island of Çubu (which is near Bindanao), since it is a foregone conclusion that the pirate will have to winter in this archipelago; and, since he would be assured soon that no other English ships were coming, to send the fleet from that island to pursue the enemy. Although the fleet should sail with west and northwest winds, which prevail during August and September and are favorable for our navigation and contrary to that of the Englishman, they could sail in pursuit of him and it would be easy to find him, for the Indians of the islands would immediately report him wherever we went, as the vessel was a foreign one and the men of a race never before seen. We could especially take so many light-oared vessels that they could search for the English ship anywhere. It would not be difficult to capture it with a single galley, and the capture would be much easier with twelve or thirteen fragatas that could be assembled. I also asked him that even if he did not wish to take that upon himself, to at least send word to Juan de Silva, governor of Malaca, and the chief captain of the sea, Don Paulo de Lima, who came from Goa with twenty oared vessels and ships of high freeboard and five hundred soldiers to make war on the king of Joor—one reason being so that they might go or send men along the coasts of the Javas to look for that pirate, as that would be a very easy thing; and another so that the ship which should leave Malaca to sail to Portugal might be warned; and another so that the governor of Malaca might advise the viceroy of India. The latter could despatch the ships or a portion of them early and they could await that enemy at the island of Santa Elena, and at least they would be on the lookout during all their voyage, for the route is necessarily the same until near the vicinity of the Azores Islands. All those warnings are so evident that if your Majesty orders pilots to be assembled, no matter how little they know, they will agree in their account of this voyage. But the governor and his captains held a council, and it was voted in writing (and all were in accord) that not a single one of the above precautions ought to be taken. The one who is least to blame is the governor, for since it is a matter that is foreign to his profession and the manner in which he has lived until his old age, he took counsel with those who understand it or at least ought to understand it. The latter (some of them in order not to go upon this expedition and the others because they had no further news), gave that opinion to the governor nemine discrepante. Finally, the Englishman will return scotfree to his country on this account, while if there were any energy displayed here (I do not mean the precautions abovesaid, but a ship well equipped), a ship might be sent in pursuit of him as far as England, for he is sailing so carelessly that it would be easy to overtake and capture him.
Although the remedy that your Majesty orders to be taken in order to punish the audacity of those Englishmen by making war on Ingalaterra is the best and surest remedy, yet for any event I proposed what seems the most convenient and the easiest method of driving the English from this sea of the south. All the men who have sailed through the sea of Magallanes in order to return [home] by way of the cape of Buena Esperanza (namely, Magallanes himself, Francisco Draque, and this pirate) sail by way of the island of Vindenao, as far as the Javas where they disembogue from this archipelago into the ocean sea. There are many straits and channels between islands along this route (which must necessarily be taken), some of which are not one-half mile wide. If they should be in those districts from the first of February to the end of June (the season for the brisas, by which the pirates must navigate), two fragatas of high freeboard with their lanchas and well equipped with artillery and carrying two hundred men, would infallibly be sufficient to prevent the enemy from passing; and would allow them no method by which they could pass through the strait of Magallanes to these parts. For if the ships should coast along Piru and Nueva Hespaña, and this passage were taken, and the ships attempted to return by the same path, it would be very difficult for them, and the viceroy of Piru would have time to pursue them. The cost of such fragatas and lanchas in these islands would be six thousand pesos de Tipusque2 all finished and ready for sailing. Twenty-four pieces of bronze artillery of thirty quintals will cost here a total of eleven or twelve thousand pesos or thereabout in addition to the salary of the founder. The pay that could be given to the soldiers and to sixty sailors is ten pesos per month while two captains will receive twenty-five apiece. Thus not only would this fleet serve for the above mentioned effect but also to pacify the islands between Vindenao and Maluco and those between Maluco and Java, and to reduce and collect the tribute from the island of Ternate which has been in revolt for many years. From that island the cloves are sent all over the world. That reduction could not be effected by placing a settlement there since the island is not well fitted for a settlement, but by preventing commerce of the Moros of Java who trade for cloves and carry away almost all of them. That would be very easy for the Moros do not carry any artillery with which to make attacks, and the king of Ternate would be completely ruined if he had no outlet for his cloves. For the men of Java take him rice and other food, saltpetre, metal, and powder, by which he maintains and defends himself. If he lacks those things he must immediately surrender because of hunger and necessity. All the abovesaid could be accomplished by the governor of these islands if money were sent him from Nueva España, and if he had the men necessary to take part in it and who could carry out the plan.
Many useless expenses to the royal treasury result from the poor administration in many things in the government of these islands, especially in the cost of the ships of this line. All of the ships belong to your Majesty, although they could belong to private persons. In the former year of eighty-five, Captain Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa brought a new ship of three hundred toneladas to the port of this city, in order to freight it for Nueva España; but instead of encouraging and aiding him in it, he was denied all protection, so much so that in order that the ship might not rot in the port, he was obliged to sell it for a certain exploring expedition which was made at your Majesty’s expense by order of the archbishop of Mexico. Consequently, all those who intended to build ships were discouraged. The reason for this is that since the governors engage in trade and traffic, they do not want any ships belonging to private persons where heavy freights have to be paid. It is known what goods are exported and whose they are if they do not belong to your Majesty, and that his merchandise goes under false pretense and that he does not pay so heavy freight duties. Consequently, in order that the governors may gain one real, it must cost your Majesty one hundred. Two of your Majesty’s ships are being despatched this year, one of six hundred toneladas and the other of four hundred, at an expense of more than fifty thousand pesos. It is unnecessary to despatch more than one ship, for one ship of one hundred toneladas is sufficient to bring the ammunition and soldiers to be sent from Mexico. However in order that those two might be laden with merchandise they are sent, and this is one of the incongruities above mentioned. If the merchants of Mexico and of these islands wish commerce they should build ships, and not all carry on their business to the so great harm and loss of the royal treasury. Finally these islands have never been or are of further use than to enrich the governor, and to enable him to gain two hundred thousand ducados, while your Majesty loses ten times as much. Things will constantly get worse in this direction, unless your Majesty orders the matter corrected. I am serving your Majesty as factor and treasurer, but I have no part in anything, for the governor manages things to suit himself. I have always advised your Majesty of these and other incongruities, but no relief has ever been given to anything that I have mentioned touching your royal service, and my letters cannot have had the credit that my faithfulness merits. However, I shall at least have performed my duty as your Majesty’s servant and vassal, and to my conscience.
A stone fort is being built in this city of Manila at the governor’s order and at the cost of the royal treasury and of certain imposts on the Indians and Spaniards. All that is spent in this is time and money lost, for as your Majesty will see by its model, it is a rounded pile of stones in the old style, having seven arms on top, covered with tiling. If it were to be beaten down from above, those inside would perish with the stones and tiles which would fall on them. A modern fortress with three ramparts could be built with the amount that it is costing, and not a defense so useless that any Englishman or Frenchman who might besiege it would take it the first day that he bombarded it. For as I say above, the same ruin that strikes the upper works must be the death-blow of its defenders. Besides that there are some towers with stone houses which are built nearby. The fort has no moat or platform, while the artillery cannot be easily handled, for there are only some round loopholes through which the pieces protrude. Consequently, all parts of the fort cannot be commanded or even one curtain aided from another. It is a shame to us that we are building such a fort. Will your Majesty please order the matter examined and corrected? May our Lord preserve your Majesty many years with the increase of kingdoms and seigniories that we your subjects and vassals desire. Manila, in the Filipinas, July 2, 1588.
1 See the account of Candish’s expedition in VOL. XV, pp. 291–299. ↑
2 Pesos de Tipusque: Pedro Gutiérrez de Santa Clara says (i, p. 171) in his Historia de las guerras civiles del Perú—called also Quinquenarios—(Madrid, 1904; published for the first time from the original MS.): “and it was all gold de minas, ten pesos of which are worth sixteen and one-half pesos and four granos, of the money called common gold or gold of Tepuzque in Nueva España.” See also VOL. II, p. 221, and VOL. XII, p. 46, note 6. ↑
Although I am awaiting the ships and in them a letter from your Grace with good news of the health and prosperity that I desire for your Grace, yet I have wished because of the shortness of the time and because these ships are about to sail, to write this present letter to your Grace, in order to inform you of the condition of affairs here. I wrote your Grace last year, although briefly, for I had only been in this country for twenty days. Now that I have lived here one year, and know more about conditions here, I say that in regard to the camp and soldiers that I found here, the condition was very imperfect, and they had no organization or [knowledge of] military art. For there was no greater force or difference between our men and the natives of the country than the advantage of weapons and arquebuses. Even those the Indians were accustomed to carry, as was the case in a review that was held here at my order of all the soldiers here before my arrival. Since then I have managed to give this matter the best system and organization possible. Accordingly, the soldiers who came with me appoint their guards daily, and attend to their posts, sentries, and patrols with concert and punctuality—a matter that has been introduced and maintained since my arrival. The soldiers are cheerful and well paid, for they received one aid in Mexico and another one here a few days ago. I trust that this matter will be thoroughly perfected, notwithstanding the not slight obstructions and opposition to the new soldiers in the slight aid and vile persuasions of those who were here before. The latter asked them why they tired themselves out in this work, and said that it was unnecessary, and worth nothing except to make them fall sick and die. It is because they have so honorable thoughts, that although they see that the pay is drawn now from the king and so punctually, yet with the new system that has been ordered, not a single one of them has ever wished to concur in it, although they are perishing of hunger, and besides have nothing to do except to suffer themselves to come to submit in order to receive pay. For they are good for nothing else than to do bad turns to the others, and notwithstanding that, they publish more services than those of the duke of Alva;1 and together with that they act in so unbridled a manner to the others in the guardhouse that it became advisable to punish them slightly for some offenses that could not be passed by especially in these beginnings. Those punishments consisted of tying the hands behind the back and suspending the soldier, imprisonment, exile, and other things. The matter even went so far that one day a certain soldier gave the lie to his corporal of the guard and raised his hand against his alferez and resisted him. Any of those actions merited death, and he was accordingly executed, in order that the soldiers might understand that I was in earnest and that the matter had gone farther than was desirable. That had a very salutary effect, and acted as a check to all, for from that time, there has been no disturbance but all has been quiet and good discipline prevails.
There are very few soldiers here, for I only brought 270, and about 40 of those have died already. Before they reach here, those who are sent die and desert on the way. In fact the soldiers of Nueva España are not suitable, and consequently, it will be advisable for those who come here to be sent from España.
The pay also that is given here to captains, officers, and soldiers is very little toward their maintenance. Therefore I petition your Grace to favor this, so that they may increase in service to his Majesty, and so that I may have more leeway in rewarding them and encouraging them to [exert themselves] in his service.
There was no ammunition here nor a house for it, or any magazines or money to get ammunition or other very important things. There were no barracks for the soldiers, who were quartered on the houses of the citizens, to the great discomfort of the latter. That also gave opportunity to the soldiers themselves to live loosely and sensually. Consequently, I have built a barracks that will accommodate 400, and they will be readily accessible for guard duty and for anything that arises.
I have surrounded the city with a suitable stone wall, that stretches from the point of a fort which is being built to another which was built in a very improper manner, and will only serve now for show. This wall is about one thousand brazas long and has a foundation below ground of about one and one-half estados. It is about 16 feet broad, [at ground level] while above ground level it tapers in another one and one-half estados from the 16 feet, to twelve feet. From the 12 feet thickness it tapers to about one vara of slope if one measures from the level of the ground. Then begins the right curtain, and it has a width of 8 feet—a space sufficient to drag a piece of artillery along it. At the very least it will serve for a good entrenchment on any occasion. At present all the seacoast side is in some state of security and suitability. I trust, God helping, that in one year’s time, it will have so much security that it will be seen that it will not be as heretofore; for one would believe that we have been here only as guests, and have been awaiting no more than the arrival of the hour of departure, and to leave it as it was.2
In regard to the soldiers here before my arrival, such as they were, I have done what his Majesty orders me, namely, rewarded them and given them whatever there was of importance and interest, all in accordance with the memoranda of my instructions;3 although in that regard I am sure that there was some manipulation and that an evil report was given to his Majesty. Although hitherto everything has been given to the soldiers here, I must tell your Grace that I brought very honorable captains and soldiers with me who have served his Majesty considerably in Ytalia and Flandes. I also brought excellent gentlemen, to whom, since no posts or encomiendas of the country have as yet been given to them (at least of posts of war on sea and land), I would like his Majesty to permit me to assign such posts according to the rank of each and to support them, for as yet they have had no other support than that of being near my person, and that I may in this manner assign them suitable pay. I petition your Grace to protect and favor me before his Majesty, for this is a post that needs men, and it costs so much to conduct them here, and there is no other kind of support for them, except the power and faculty that his Majesty gives in this, so that it might be had here; for since his Majesty entrusts other things to me, he might well entrust this, being assured that I shall not spend one real improperly for his Majesty, nor more than what I may deem advisable.
When I arrived here I found a province called Zambales which was in strong revolt, and many thefts and murders had been committed there. I endeavored to attract the people to make peace by good means; hut having found that none of them availed, I determined to send two captains there, one by sea and the other by land. I ordered them to build two presidios in the districts most suitable for aiding the people from, and for making them obedient to his Majesty. One of the presidios is called Tarla, and the other Las Arenas. The Zambals seeing that the presidios were so located that they restrained their steps and thoughts, and that active measures were being taken, by those means more than two thousand five hundred men have been reduced and have settled near the presidios.4 By means of that reduction, another province called Pampanga has been assured.5 All this city is supplied with food from the latter province, which was greatly harassed and troubled by the Zambals. Besides the abovesaid the Zambals are slowly being reduced fifty by fifty, and that work will continue until they all come in.
I also found another province called Cagayan which had been in revolt from his Majesty’s service after they had rendered homage for some years. I sent a captain and 80 soldiers there, and after the same methods employed toward the Zambals had been used, and after having seen that the latter refused to render obedience, it was necessary to open war. By that means all the inhabitants of that province were reduced in the space of six months, and came to pay the tribute to his Majesty—they and others who had never been discovered until then. It is said that there are many people still to discover. Good methods will be used toward them so that they may come into the service of his Majesty. The last-named province has a port located near the cape of Bojador and that of El Engaño. One may enter that harbor without passing amid these islands, and the exit from it is so good that one has only to take to the open sea on leaving it. It is so near China that one can reach that country in three days and return in another three. I believe that we could annually despatch a ship hence with merchandise for España, and it would be very advisable to have a good Spanish settlement in that port. I propose that matter to your Grace, petitioning you to please order such a settlement to be made if it seem suitable, since it is good for the future to have a settlement so near to China.
The above is all that occurs to me at present of which to inform your Grace. In the one year and ten days now since I came to these islands, I can say that in most of that time, I have been busy settling oppositions and innovations of the bishop and the doubts and inventions of him and his friars who do nothing except to obstruct and embarrass everything that is done here. Although whenever the bishop came to me with new causes, for anger he left me well satisfied and content, that condition did not last longer, on account of his age and inconstancy, than the arrival of any other person who influenced him to whatever side he would. Consequently, he has proved only a constant opposition to my office, and I have been unable to do my duty with any sort of liberty as the royal jurisdiction has no weight here. For besides that this is so little and new, it was all seized by the many justices appointed by the bishop, who had an infinite number of fiscals and alguacils all over, and a vicar and protector at every step. They were appointing alguacils, building prisons, and setting up stocks, arresting and lashing Indians, and were very domineering and meddlesome in all things. The bishop, although I have opposed his journey as much as possible, is going there.6 However, he says obstinately that it cannot be avoided; and his heart is full of venom and he is desirous of doing harm. But since he cannot in truth say anything that can touch me one jot and prove disservice to my king, his imaginings give me no concern for I know how he usually succeeds in them. The ships have now arrived, and with them Diego Ronquillo, who gave me your letter. I am well satisfied with it, and will reply to it in another letter. May our Lord, etc. Manila, June 21, 1591.
I enclose herewith a copy of the letter which I am writing to his Majesty in regard to the affairs of the bishop and his friars, so that your Grace may be forewarned about it, and able to show me favor in everything.
[Endorsed: Letter from Governor Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, treating of the condition of the soldiers in that country. Manila, June 21, 1591.”]
1 Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, Duke of Alva, the “hangman of the Netherlands” (1508–82 or 83) was specially trained by his grandfather for war and politics. He served under both Charles V and Felipe II; and will always be remembered by his cruelty and atrocities in the Netherlands. Motley’s estimate of him is interesting: “Such an amount of stealth and ferocity, of patient vindictiveness, and universal blood thirstiness has never been found in a savage beast of the forest, and but rarely in a human being.” See New International Encyclopedia. ↑
2 The following royal decree taken from a MS. book of decrees entitled “Cedulas reales dirigidas à estas Yslas Filipinas, Copiadas fielmente de las originales ò authenticas que se guardan en el archivo de la real Audiencia de Manila” (a copy of the seventeenth or eighteenth century) and kindly loaned by Mr. E. E. Ayer of Chicago, is interesting. “The King. Leonardo Furriano, my engineer. Inasmuch as it is desirable for my service that you go to the Philipinas Islands with Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, knight of the Order of Santiago, whom I have appointed as my governor and captain-general of them, so that forts may be built according to your advice and design, which, in accordance with the contents of the instructions of the said Gomez Perez are to be built in the said islands: I order you to go with him, and that you embark very speedily in order not to tarry an instant for the sake of our cause. For that purpose, Don Luis de la Cueva, my governor and captain-general of those islands of Canaria shall aid you. Thus have I ordered him; and the officials of my royal treasury of the said Philipinas Islands shall give and pay you at the rate of one thousand ducados per year from the date when you shall show by signed notarial testimony that you have set sail from any port of the said islands of Canaria, and for so long as you are busied and engaged in the construction of the said forts. When the forts are completed, you shall return to these kingdoms with the design and plan of said forts. Given at San Lorenzo, September twelve, one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine.
I the King
“By order of the king our sovereign:
Juan de Ybarra” ↑
3 See the royal instructions given to Dasmariñas, in VOL. VII, pp. 141–172; and especially pp. 149–151. ↑
4 The opinions of the religious given January 19 and 20, 1592 upon the question of waging war on the Zambals (see VOL. III, pp. 199–233), prove this assertion of Dasmariñas to have been made too soon. ↑
5 The province of Pampanga is still an abundant source of supplies. Of its total area of 224,812 hectares, 105,677 or 47 per cent is agricultural, and of that 63,840 hectares (or 60.4 per cent) are cultivated. It is the second sugar producing province in the archipelago, producing 14,317,776 kilograms in 1902. ↑
6 Morga makes a statement somewhat at variance with this (see VOL. XV, p. 75). ↑
The King. Reverend Father in Christ, bishop of the Philipinas, and member of my Council: I am writing to Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, my governor and captain-general of those islands, to immediately take possession of the hospital of the Indians of that city of Manila and of the hospitals that may be in the other villages of those islands, for me and in my name, as patron, which I am both by right and by apostolic bull of all the hospitals that may be instituted and founded in the Indias;1 and to take the residencia of all those who shall have had charge of the incomes, alms, and other things touching the said hospitals. I have desired to advise you of this in order that you may not prevent it, since you will know it to be my orders, and also, so that if you wish to be present at the taking of the said accounts, you may do so. I am writing to this effect to the said governor. Madrid, January seventeen, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three.
I the King
By order of the king our sovereign:
Juan Vazquez
1 See the bull of Gregory XIII, dated February 6, 1578, in VOL. IV, pp. 119–124, where the patronage of the Spanish monarch in ecclesiastical matters is conceded. Libro i, tit. 6, of Recopilación de Leyes de Indias treats of the royal patronage. Law i, promulgated by Felipe II, at San Lorenzo, June 1, 1574, and Madrid, February 21, 1575; and by Felipe IV, June 15, 1654, is as follows:
“Inasmuch as the right of ecclesiastical patronage belongs to us throughout the state of the Indias, both because we discovered and acquired that new world, built and endowed there the churches and monasteries at our own cost, and that of the Catholic sovereigns our ancestors, and because it was conceded to us by bulls of the supreme pontiffs of their own accord, for their conservation and for that of the justice which we have there: we order and command that this right of patronage of the Indias, singly, and in solidum, be reserved forever to us and to our royal crown, and it cannot be deprived of it in whole or in part; and by any grace, reward, privilege, or any other disposition that we or the kings our successors may make or concede, it shall not be adjudged that we concede the right of patronage to any person, church, or monastery, or that we are prejudiced in the said our right of patronage. Further, no person or persons, ecclesiastical or secular community, church, or monastery, can make use of the right of patronage by any custom, rule, or any other title, unless it be the person who exercises it in our name, and with our authority and power. No person, secular or ecclesiastical, order or convent, religious order or community of any estate, condition, rank, and preëminence, judicially or extrajudicially, shall dare, for any cause or occasion, to meddle at all with anything touching the said our royal patronage, or to damage us in our exercise of it, or appoint to church, benefice, or ecclesiastical office, or receive such to which appointments are made throughout the state of the Indias, without our presentation, or that of the person to whom we entrust the same by law or letters-patent. Whoever shall do the contrary, if he be a secular person, shall incur the loss of the rewards that we shall have given him throughout the state of the Indias, shall be declared incapable of gaining and holding others, and shall be exiled from all our kingdoms perpetually. If he be an ecclesiastical person, he shall be considered and regarded as exiled from our kingdoms, and shall be unable to possess or hold any benefice or ecclesiastical office in the said our kingdoms. Both classes shall incur the other penalties established by the laws of these kingdoms. Our viceroys, and royal audiencias and justices shall proceed with all rigor against those who fail in the observance and inviolability of our right of patronage. They shall proceed by virtue of their office or at the petition of our fiscals, or of any other party who pleads it, and shall observe the necessary precautions in the execution thereof.”
Law xliv (dated San Lorenzo, August 28, 1591), treats of the hospitals and is as follows:
“We order the steward or superintendent of the funds of the churches and hospitals of the Indians to be appointed according to the ordinance of the royal patronage, without any innovation. Thus shall it be executed by the viceroys and presidents, and the others who are concerned with the exercise of the patronage.”
See also laws xvi and xvii of this same libro and título which treat directly of the Philippines, and which are given in VOL. XVI, p. 169, note 220. Law xviii (dated San Lorenzo, October 5, 1606) also treating of the Philippines, is as follows: “In order that the bishops of the churches of Nueva Cáceres, Nueva Segovia, and that of Nombre de Jesus of the Filipinas Islands may have persons to aid them in the pontifical ceremonies and in order that they may have the requisite propriety of form in their churches, and the divine worship have more veneration, in view of the fact that there are no tithes by which any prebendaries can be maintained in them, our governor of those islands shall appoint in each one of the said churches two secular priests of good morals and example who shall assist and aid the bishop in the pontifical ceremonies and in everything touching the divine worship. He shall assign to them some moderate sum from our royal treasury for their maintenance, so that they might thereby serve the churches for the present and until there is more faculty for endowing them with prebendaries and supplying whatever else is necessary.” ↑
Petition of Brother Thomas Marquez of the Order of Saint Augustine that the definitorship in the Philippine Islands be maintained in force.
Most blessed Father:
Following is a petition humbly made to your Holiness in the interests of the devout brother of that order, Thomas Marquez,1 professed of the Order of Hermits of St. Augustine, from his twenty-third year a member of the definitorship of the same order of the province of the Philippine Islands in the West Indies,2 and in the name of the said province. Whereas, on account of his great skill in the management of affairs, as well as of his learning, the convents and the provincial definitory of the said order for those regions (as may be seen in the letters addressed by them to your Holiness, and acknowledged by your Holiness), chose him to remedy the very many grievances and scandals which distressed the mission-bands of the brethren of the said order that were sent by royal command to those regions to preach the gospel, which arose through the negligence or malice of their leaders, as well as from the hindrances on the part of the provincials of Castile to prevent such as they deemed useful and necessary to their own province from going thither. Wherefore, he was appointed procurator-general in order to act at your curia, as well as at the Spanish, for the transaction of weighty affairs concerning the order in the said regions, since his superiors in Spain in contravention of the wish and decree of the most reverend prior-general as well as of the general chapter, had usurped the title of vicar-general of the aforesaid Indies, and thereby were guilty of disobedience. Inasmuch as they barred him from exercising his said office of procurator-general, besides taking from him all his papers and reports bearing on the above affairs, which he was carrying with him; moreover, in virtue of holy obedience and under other penalties they enjoined him from applying to the Roman curia or to the general of the said order in the interest of the aforesaid countries; and lastly besides depriving him of his former conventship located him instead at San Felipe of Madrid:3 he now prays your Holiness humbly while making due provision in the premises also to charge the most reverend nuncio of those countries to see that he be reëstablished in the exercise of his said office, that all his papers be restored, and himself enabled in accordance with the tenor and wish of his province to take with him all the brethren of the said order [in Spain] who wish to go with him for the purpose of converting the peoples of those countries and preaching to them the word of God. Moreover your Holiness is implored to restrain under grave penalties and censures all who may hinder him in the exercise of his duty, as well as strive in any way to dissuade the brethren who may wish to devote themselves to the said ministry, for which they shall have been adjudged worthy, from going thither; moreover, to enjoin them [i.e., the provincials of Castile] under the same censures from using their vicargeneralship in opposition to the will and decree of the most reverend prior-general, or from attempting to contravene his mandates. Finally he seeks to be free in the exercise of his said office of procurator-general, according to the decree and command of the prior-general of the order. Wherefore he always will pray God for your health, which may God, etc.
[Addressed: “Our most blessed pope.”]
[Endorsed: “Case of Brother Thomas Marquez, procurator-general of the province of the Philippines of the Order of St. Augustine in the name of the said province.”]
[Endorsed: “Received, October 13, 1599; sent to our Lord.”]
[Endorsed: “To the Cardinal San Severino [word illegible] to be acted upon in the new congregation.”]
Memorial of Tomás Márquez
Most illustrious Sir:
Following are the reasons advanced by brother Master Thomas Marquez, procurator-general of the province of the most holy Name of Jesus, of the Order of St. Augustine of the Philippine Islands, in the interest and name of the said province, wherefore he seeks to be released from the authority and jurisdiction of the provincials of Castile (who under the claim of being vicars-general seek to govern it), and be subject only to the most reverend general, as the true sole head and father of the whole order, the same as do the other provinces of the West Indies.
The first reason is the avoidance of great confusion and chaos which we have because of a plurality of rulers; inasmuch as being subject to two rulers, namely, the most reverend father general, our true and worthy superior, as well as to the provincial of Castile, who styles himself vicar-general, we thus would receive diverse orders from the two whence confusion would arise. For as we would be in doubt which one to obey, our province would therefore be in grave peril.
1st.4 Because the provinces of the Indies with their numerous religious men of learning and virtue, who through their discretion and wisdom are experts in the government of those countries, are troubled with the orders, mandates, and censures of the provincials of Castile, who to the grave injury and disgrace of the said provinces, being concerned only about their own interests and not those of the community, aim to govern them, now by issuing contrary ordinances that are hurtful to the common good, and again by their unjust mandates that are at variance with our constitutions and laws. For example, they forbid those provinces to send to general chapter as definitor or procurator any one who is prior, and should such a one be chosen, they require him first to resign all his dignities so that should he go he appears merely as one of the brethren. Whereas, they send to general chapter their own brothers and friends, men laden with honors and titles. Should any of Ours appear therein, they are referred to as so many young men with no responsibility, who are wholly unfit to hold office. Such grievance, so dishonoring to the brethren, is not only very aggravating and harmful to all those provinces, but to the whole order itself.
First. Because our constitutions require that every province send to general chapter its own definitor and discreet,5 in order that these report to the chapter fathers relative to the state of their province, the character of their brethren, etc.—a report that as things are now managed is made through trickery, not by the expert representatives of the provinces themselves, but by strangers, chosen in Spain to take their place in the said chapters.
Secondly. Because although the said provinces commission their procurators to go to general chapter, they do not attain the end in view, for the reason that the said provincials of Castile, in concert with the priors of that province, not content with charging the said procurators two silver pieces [numis argentiis] and the remuneration for the mass, which are also two other pieces, given to them for their daily board by those procurators, from day to day, and being suborned with money and gilts which the procurators give unwillingly to them (but which they receive willingly) in order that they may be permitted to carry on the things charged to them and be given associates, they [i.e., the provincials and priors] as abovesaid not content with the above charges, and imagining that the procurators are carrying with them large amounts of money which they are greedy to get into their own hands, worry and harry them by annulling their powers of procuratorship, by forcing them to reveal all their affairs, which thereupon they are inhibited from using, and by forbidding them under censures from applying to the Roman curia or to the most reverend general. Moreover, they are assigned by the provincials for residence certain set convents, wherein, as happened to me, they have to lodge, although I showed them an order from the most reverend general forbidding the provincial of Castile from making any change in this regard, such being the order and sentence of general chapter, confirmed by his Holiness Clement the Eighth. But that was of no avail, for, as appears from the letters and patent of the provincial of Castile, which I have handed over to the reverend father, Brother John Baptist of Piombino,6 procurator-general [of the order], and which are now in his keeping, I have been forced to flee hither.
Third reason. That authority of vicar-general which they arrogate to themselves, serves them only for despoiling all the Indies, and transferring the funds of the convents of the Indies to Spain; for by that authority they send brethren to seek alms in those convents under the title of alms-seeker, supporting their greed [cuditias] and sowing (so that the convents might give readily and they receive) news to the effect that they are about to send visitors to them and that they are already appointed. Under that title they obtained twelve thousand gold escudos from the province of Peru for the Salamanca house.
Lastly. This authority over those provinces is coveted by them in order that thereby their own province may be relieved of restless characters. For whenever the procurators of those countries reach Spain in their search for ministers of the gospel to aid them in their ministry, they are given the scourings of the province—unruly and ill-disciplined brethren—instead of upright and learned persons, such as have been picked out for their need, who, moreover, are not allowed to go thither—a practice most hurtful to the preaching of the gospel, which calls for learned and religious men.
For these and other reasons herein omitted for the sake of brevity, the province of the [Philippine] Islands, whose procurator I am, is grievously distressed; wherefore, in the hope of securing a remedy for such evils, it has been moved to send me as its procurator, with power to act as such in Spain and before this curia, as an expert in matters appertaining to those countries for twenty years and upwards. In consideration then of all these plaints, I pray your most illustrious Lordship, in the name of my province, to deign to remedy these grievances, by enjoining the said provincials of Castile from further use of their authority; moreover, in accordance with the mandate of the most reverend father-general, to command them to restore to me all the things they have taken away, besides what I myself left in the convent at Madrid; and again by enjoining them, even under censures, from in any manner hindering the procurators of the said province of the Philippines in their business, which they are to be allowed to carry on freely, or from hindering the brethren of any province whatever of Spain, who may wish to go to the said islands in order to engage in the most holy work of preaching the gospel, whom they are besides, under no matter what pretense, neither to impede, nor harass, nor dissuade from going thither. The execution whereof may be left to the most illustrious nuncio of Spain.
[Addressed: “To the most illustrious lord by brother Master Thomas Marquez, procurator-general of the Order of St. Augustine of the province of the Philippines in the name of the said province.”]
[Endorsed: “Received November 20, 1599.”]
Report of the Nuncio
When the West Indies were brought to the Catholic faith and thereby made subject to the holy Roman Church, his imperial Majesty Charles the Fifth being their master in temporals, the province of Castile of the Order of St. Augustine sent thither twelve religious, who while founding convents in the City of Mexico7 and other places were for some years under the provincial of Castile, who however had no other title of jurisdiction over them than the fact that he had sent thither the first brethren to preach the holy gospel. Subsequently the brethren and convents having increased in number, they became subject to the provincial of their own choice, nor did they ever recognize the provincial of Castile as their chief, but only the most reverend father [general], the same as was always done by other provinces. The reasons wherefore the provinces of the Indies are not subject to the province of Castile are as follows:
First. Because from the foundation of the order, it was divided into provinces, which, no matter how small, never were made subject to one another. All are under provincials, who in turn are under the immediate jurisdiction of the said most reverend father-general as head of the whole order. Otherwise, unless the brethren had recourse to their father-general, disorders and disagreements would spring up among them and they moreover would be distressed and ill-treated.
2d. That every province of the Indies, besides being larger and wealthier than the province of Castile, is every bit as observant and religious, with men of equal worth, who, in short, live there in such perfection and so uprightly. Therefore, it [i.e., subjection to another province] would cause the greatest disturbance and trouble to those brethren who serve the Lord God in the conversion of those new plants with so great sincerity of heart.
3d. That the purpose wherefore the brethren of the province of Castile strove to rule the provinces of the Indies was one of self interest rather than zeal, in that they carried off the wealth of the convents of the Indies to those of Castile, and whenever in need sent brethren thither to get money under the plea of alms, as in fact has happened.
4th. That, as provincials hold office only for three years, they cannot become acquainted with or get information relative to the persons or affairs of those countries. Wherefore, their government of them would be confused. For, as every three years the superior is changed, he could get information of those provinces only once [during his term of office], whence it would follow that he would have to rule blindly in all matters.
5th. That all the provinces of the Indies have entered objections to being subject to the province of Castile, which on many occasions in its endeavor to uphold its mastery over the said brethren of the Indies has harassed them and put their provinces to great expense in their efforts to free themselves from that yoke.
6th. That the provinces of the Indies have no need of the brethren of Spain. Nay, they would rather send to the Philippine Islands their own brethren, such as would wish to go thither in order to apply themselves with zeal in the preaching of the gospel.
7th. And finally, in no way is it right to have so extensive and important a part separated from the body of the order. For, with the increase of leaders an increase of confusion ensues, which in turn leads to the ruin and annihilation of the commonwealth, and of the authority of the father-general, from whom as from a common head all the members depend, to the end that he be recognized and revered, and the order governed well; wherefore, it is not right that the brethren of the Indies, who, besides being so well disciplined, are learned, as well as observant of their constitutions, should be governed by a chief whom they themselves have not chosen. Moreover, to withhold from them the right of selecting their own general, to whom they may apply in need, would be doing them a grave wrong, in that their essential vows, which they profess conformably to our constitutions, would thus be disregarded.
8th. The provincials of Castile received express mandate and command from the father master, Thaddeus of Perugia,8 general for the time being, and from the most illustrious Cardinal of Mont Claro when in Spain, not to busy themselves with the government of the provinces of the Indies, by not only giving up the office of vicar but also the use of that title.
Lastly. In general chapter held in Rome in 92, a petition was presented in the interest of the province of Mexico and of other provinces. The reasons whereof having been considered, the definitors of the province of Castile having been summoned, and the reasons of each side heard, a decree was passed which, while enjoining the provincial of Castile from any longer busying himself with the said government, ordered him under pain of being treated as a rebel, as well as under divers other penalties and censures, to hold his peace for all time—a sentence that was confirmed through the goodness of Pope Clement the Eighth. Of this, notice was sent to the provincial of Castile and the procurator-general of the province [of the Philippine Islands?]. From that day to this no change has been made and [the decree] is faithfully observed at present.
[Endorsed: “By the most illustrious Cardinal Santa Severina.”]
[Endorsed: “Reasons why the provinces and provincials of the Indies be not subject to the provinces and provincials of Spain.”]
[Endorsed: “Submitted by the reverend father prior-general of the Order of Hermit Brethren of St. Augustine, November 7, 1599.”]
[This Collection of three documents is addressed on the back of the outside wrapper:
“To Cardinal Santa Severina, to be acted upon in the sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide.”]
[Endorsed: “The Hermit Brethren of St. Augustine of the Philippine Islands.”]
[Endorsed: “I received it September [sic: perhaps, December] 18, 1599.”]
1 The information given by Pérez concerning Tomás Márquez (in view of the present document) is unsatisfactory. He was a minister of Cagayán in 1587 and 1590, where he taught the natives to develop their natural agricultural resources. In 1597 he was elected commissary-procurator in Spain, but did not make the voyage. He died in Manila in 1616. The present document would indicate that Márquez did go to Spain, and probably Rome. See Pérez’s Catálogo, p. 33. ↑
2 The Philippines were originally regarded by the Spaniards as belonging to the West Indies. ↑
3 The Augustinian convent of San Felipe el Real of Madrid was founded in 1545 or 1547.—T. C. Middleton, O.S.A. ↑
4 The numbering of the various parts of this section is very confused, but we follow it throughout. ↑
5 Discreet (Latin Discretus) a representative of a province chosen to go to a general chapter to make report thereto on all matters.—T. C. Middleton, O.S.A. ↑
6 John Baptist Bernori of Piombino, Italy, belonged to the province of the Augustinians of Siena. He was scripture professor at the Roman Sapienza. See Lanteri, Eremus (Rome, 1874–75) ii, p. 233.—T. C. Middleton, O.S.A. ↑
7 This was the first Augustinian colony in the New World. Seven were sent at first to Mexico by San Tomás de Villanueva, then provincial of Castile (leaving Spain, March 3, 1533, and arriving in Mexico, June 7, of the same year). The names of these seven were: Francisco de la Cruz, Agustín de Coruña, Gerónimo Jimenez, Juan de San Roman, Juan de Oseguera, Alonso de Borja, and Jorge de Avila. Two years later five others (under Nicolás de Agreda) were also sent to Mexico from Spain. See Revista Agustiniana, xi, pp. 34, 35.—T. C. Middleton, O.S.A. ↑
8 Thaddeus Guidelli of Perugia, general of the Augustinians, born in Tuscany, filled many offices in the order: provincial of Ombria, in 1557; procurator-general for many years; vicar general of the order; and finally general, having been elected in general chapter at Perugia, May 14, 1570. He had been present at the Council of Trent. His death occurred at Perugia in 1606, at the age of ninety-five. See Lanteri, Eremus (Rome, 1874–75), i, p. 307; ii, p. 232.—T. C. Middleton, O.S.A. ↑