LETTER FROM GUIDO DE LAVEZARIS TO FELIPE II

Sacred Catholic Majesty:

I informed your Majesty by the flagship which was despatched from this island, in the month of June of the year sixty-five to discover the return route to Nueva España, as your faithful vassal and servant, of events that had happened up to that time; and I petitioned you to reward me in consideration of the twenty-seven years that I have served your Majesty in the discovery of these districts. [I told you] that I had come here before as your Majesty’s accountant in company with Rui Lopez de Villalobos; and further that I had taken the ginger plant (which is now [grown] in Nueva España) at the great risk of my person. I have done other services for your Majesty of which I gave information. The present information that I have to relate to your Majesty is that the “San Geronimo,” despatched from Nueva España in the month of May in the past year sixty-six, by your president, auditors, and officials of the royal treasury resident therein, arrived in this island in the month of October of the said year. It made its voyage so inadequately prepared with necessities and with the articles that we asked from here, that we were placed in greater need than before its arrival. The ship had no captain because he had been killed during the voyage. There were also other mutinies and rebellions [on the ship] as appears from the reports made here about it, which your Majesty may see if so minded and determine its fortune.1 At its arrival all this camp received great happiness at learning that that route, which had been so greatly desired by the emperor our sovereign (who is in glory), by your Majesty, and by all your vassals and subjects, had been discovered and so easily—and desired so very rightly, since besides the fruit that will be attained in the preaching of the holy gospel (the chief design of your Majesty and of your Catholic ancestors) your Majesty will be greatly benefited in the temporal, your royal crown greatly increased, your subjects and vassals profited, and finally there will be a gateway opened for the Spanish nation to have a place where it may employ its strength. I rejoice more than I can tell, and rightly, since I gave advice to your Majesty and to your royal Council of the Yndias, of the products of these districts in the year fifty-four at Valladolid, and of the suitability and fitness of these Philipinas for supporting the people in them both in the interim until the route should be discovered, and until your Majesty’s commands should be sent—all of which availed for the work and affair. It has been very important for your royal service, and on that account there is legitimate reason why your Majesty should reward me. For, besides the above-mentioned services, I came to serve you in this present expedition as treasurer of your royal estate. No other person than myself of all those who took part in the expedition of Villalobos came on this expedition, and I, by reason of my experience in the past expedition, have given advice on what has been necessary; for I came to these islands for this purpose and until the discovery of this route should be made, and left my wife and family in Nueva España. I put away everything else for what touches your Majesty’s service, and I hope from your clemency to be rewarded for my services. I shall not give a full report of the occurrences of this expedition from the time of the despatch of the flagship until the present, because the governor and we, your Majesty’s officials, give a report of them in the relations and letters which are being sent. I shall only mention that a huge quantity of cinnamon has been discovered on the point of Quavit on the island of Mindanao. It is so abundant there that it is heard that the mountains are full of it. Inasmuch as there is no market for it in these islands we can easily procure at little expense as much as your Majesty would like brought to España. It will be necessary to have some settlement in the vicinity where the cinnamon is gathered, both in order to gather the cinnamon and because the Portuguese fleets en route from Malaca to Maluco pass that place, which is also in the district of Borneo, Maluco, and other important places. Since your Majesty has as yet sent no orders declaring your royal will, we are only striving to maintain our men until the arrival of the reënforcements of which we are in great need. It is advisable that that aid be sent quickly, and that more zeal be displayed in the despatch from Nueva España than hitherto; for although it is about three years since we left there, only one ship has been sent, and it put back (I mean came) in a condition more needy of aid than to aid. Therefore, this ship is being despatched now. We send in it the cinnamon that the little time at our disposal gives us opportunity to gather. I entreat your Majesty, since it is a matter that is so important to your royal service, to please send your orders promptly as to what you wish most to be done. For after the arrival of reënforcements, I intend (the Divine Will concurring), to go to kiss your Majesty’s feet, and to report minutely concerning these districts, as I am unable to give any adequate idea in a letter without great prolixity. Two Portuguese ships such as the natives of Maluco use came to this port on the tenth of the present month of July. They were sent by the chief captain, Gonçalo Pereira Mamarraque, who went from Yndia to Maluco by commission of the viceroy, Don Antonio de Loronha. They bore letters from the chief captain for the governor which informed him and declared that we were in their demarcation, and tried to get us to go to Maluco and thence to Yndia.2 I endeavored to gain some information from those ships regarding the affairs of Maluco, and some of the men told me that your Majesty’s old-time vassals, the kings of Tidore and Geilolo, have been killed and persecuted by the Portuguese and by the king of Ternate their [i.e., the Portuguese’] friend and confederate. They killed the king of Tidore, and destroyed a fort which the king of Geilolo possessed, who died while being pursued. The king of Ternate had the latter’s son who succeeded him in his kingdom killed; while the son of the king of Tidore who is yet living, pays a yearly and very excessive tribute of one hundred bahars or more than five hundred quintals of cloves to the Portuguese. In addition, the vassals of those kings are greatly harassed and troubled by the Portuguese and by the king of Ternate his friend. I believe, most invincible prince, that such trouble and harassing proceeds from the fact that those kings and their subjects are so affectioned to the Castilian name; for I, as an eyewitness, assure your sacred Majesty that the Castilians who sailed in the fleet of Villalobos were as well received and as kindly treated by the kings of Tidore and Geilolo and by their vassals, and that they always showed us as much love and goodwill, and offered their persons and property, to relieve our necessities, as if they had really been your Majesty’s natural vassals for many years. And they assure me that they still live in great constancy, and are in hopes that your Majesty will have them delivered from the cruel bondage in which they live because they have ever shown themselves so favorable to the Castilians. For that reason their misery and trouble moves me to deep compassion when I remember the kindness which I received from them when I was in Maluco, and the love and affection that they bestowed upon us. Besides this the Ternatans and the Portuguese in their company have made and are daily making raids and captives among these islands, so that the natives are in great fear when they see the harm that they receive from them. Those Portuguese remained in this port of Cubu for thirteen days where they were caressed and feasted by all generally. The governor offered his services to them in whatever they needed, according to the orders of your Majesty’s instructions. When the Portuguese left, they said that the chief captain had received a resolution and express mandate from Yndia to rout, destroy, and drive us out of this place by whatever way he could, and that he had left Yndia with nine ships and eight hundred soldiers for that sole purpose. That news threw us into great consternation, as we are short of men, ships, ammunition, and artillery, and because the masters of the sea hostile to us [i.e., the Portuguese] can easily deprive us of provisions as they have many large ships and oared boats and many friendly Indians from Ternate who are well equipped with weapons and food, while we are in need of all things generally. However, although we are so needy as at present, we have firmly resolved to die in the service of your Majesty like true Spaniards, and we shall not move from this place until your Majesty so orders. Consequently we shall endeavor to defend ourselves as far as possible, with our few forces. In the belief that I was doing your Majesty a service, I endeavored to get the loan of a map and navigation chart from the Portuguese, and quickly had a portion that falls within the Castilian demarcation copied from it as well as certain remarks made by one of our pilots. I enclose it herewith,3 and if your Majesty be so pleased the cosmographers may see by it the position of the lands and islands now newly discovered. May your Majesty receive my willingness to serve you. May our Lord prosper and preserve your royal Catholic person with increase of greater kingdoms and seigniories, as is the desire of your Majesty’s vassals. This island of Cubu, July xxv, 1567. Your sacred Catholic Majesty’s faithful vassal and most humble servant who kisses your royal feet.

Guido de Labezaris

[Endorsed: “Examined. File it with the other papers treating of this matter.”]


1 See VOL. II, pp. 149, 150; and the following letter. 

2 See VOL. II, for the negotiations between Pereira and Legazpi. 

3 The map does not accompany this letter. 

LETTER FROM THE ROYAL OFFICIALS TO FELIPE II

Sacred Catholic Majesty:

We reported to your Majesty all of the events up to the day of its departure by the “San Pedro,” which came to these districts as flagship and which left this port on the first day of June, sixty-five, under favorable auspices for the discovery of this expedition and voyage. We shall now relate to your Majesty as your Majesty’s faithful servants what new things have happened here since then.

A ship with news of the arrival at Nueva España reached this port where we are settled in your Majesty’s service, and of the flagship which went to discover the route which our Lord was pleased to have accomplished in the most invincible days of your Majesty. Not little should all Christians entreat His Divine Majesty to grant many years of life to your Majesty, so that the holy Catholic faith might be increased and exalted by your Majesty’s influence in the so great kingdoms and seigniories that are located in these districts.

After the departure of the “San Pedro,” the natives of this port, both the chiefs and the other people, came to render obedience to the governor in your Majesty’s name, and to place themselves under the protection and dominion of your Majesty. They offered to recognize and to hold your Majesty as their natural lord, and said that they would give you the products of their land, namely rice, millet, and borona. The governor received them as such vassals and told them what they were to observe to keep our friendship. They are so vicious a race and have so evil morals that they keep no faith nor perform anything although they have promised it. Accordingly we have temporized with the natives of this port and with the other natives who have as yet offered to accept our friendship. Inasmuch as no further force is shown them than that willed by you, we have as yet not been able to do less; and inasmuch as (as we have remarked above), they are a vicious race and possessed of bad morals, and recognize no ruler, therefore if their chiefs try to force them, they will do nothing else than go to another island. They find enough desert lands if one tries to force them in their own. Until having your Majesty’s order and instructions, the governor has not cared or consented to have war made on them; and we consider it as certain that if that had been done, we would have suffered, and have all met our death most wretchedly, for the first thing that those natives do is to take away all the food, and the misery in which they hold the land in which they live is such that war cannot be made there under any circumstance. Had it not been for the good government that has been exercised in all things in not making war upon those natives, and treating them well, we would doubtless all have died. Our Lord has been pleased to direct this entire affair as His own and to show us miraculous rewards. May it please His Divine Majesty to continue such actions and to preserve us in His holy service and in that of your Majesty.

In view of the great delay in sending us aid from Nueva España, and news of what your Majesty has ordered provided, it was determined to despatch the patache “San Juan.” It carries seventy quintals of cinnamon which was bartered for in the island of Bindanao, namely, at the point called Cavite. We have heard that it is abundant in that part and that it can be easily gathered. Bindanao is a well settled island both in the north and in the south. We have heard that there is much gold in all parts of it, and that if we settle it and cultivate the land we shall learn many secrets of it. The inhabitants there are warlike and full of malice. We have taken possession of it in your Majesty’s name.

Moros have come to this port where we are at present from certain islands called Luçon and Bindoro. They have brought rice and gold to sell in exchange for silver and pearls. These men have told us that the Chinese go to their land to trade and carry away all the products of this archipelago, namely, gold, wax, and slaves. From the information given us it is a rich land and has [plenty] of trade.

A mutiny happened on November xxviii of the year lxv, but our Lord was pleased that those who took part in it should not succeed in their vile purpose. That mutiny was of such a nature that had He permitted it [to succeed] because of our sins, we would have all miserably perished. But He was graciously [inclined] to show us mercy, and did not allow them to succeed in the deceptions with which the devil had imbued them. Consequently, the ring-leaders were punished, and the matter smoothed over and settled. Justice is rightly done in what arises. There was another mutiny afterward which was engaged in by the same ones, although there were not so many in it and it was not a matter in which they could succeed. All punishment was inflicted in accordance with law.1

The said aid and advice that was despatched from Nueva España reached this port in so desperate and so unfortunate a condition that, according to our understanding, no Christians have ever heard of anything so filled with chances. Our Lord was pleased to bring the ship miraculously and those whom it carried, as your Majesty will see by the report that the governor is sending of what happened. The crew killed the captain and alférez and afterward hanged the sargento-mayor who was coming with an appointment [to that post] in place of the absence of the one here in this camp. He in company with other tyrants killed the said captain and alférez, and his companions afterward hanged him. After that event they reached certain islets, located about seven hundred leguas from this port. They tried to abandon a great portion of the men there, while they intended to go to the district where the Chinese and Javanese trade, and to pursue their career of piracy if they were able. Our Lord was pleased at that juncture to give courage to the men who wished to serve your Majesty, some of whom were naked while others were clad only in their shirts. They determined to go to the ship and raise a shout in favor of your Majesty. It succeeded as we have written. Our Lord was pleased to give them strength and to direct them so that all the tyrants were left ashore on one of the said islands where the ship was anchored. The ship arrived here without any kind of aid either of arms or of ammunition, for all of which we had sent to ask. The men were quite worn out and in a deplorable condition, and all their clothing had been left ashore. As soon as they arrived, the governor ordered an investigation of everything that had occurred in all the affair, and he is sending the report to your Majesty, by which everything will he more explicit and detailed.

By order and command of the governor, the master-of-camp, Mateo del Saz (may he rest in peace), left this port to go to the place where we had heard that cinnamon was to be found, and to run along the coast in order to visit our friends there, and to go on to where the said cinnamon was to be found. He, going upon that expedition, met with a Portuguese galley during very furious weather. The master-of-camp, desiring to know what ship it was, tried to go to them, upon which the Portuguese retired. Thereupon the master-of-camp waited to see whether there was any fear on the part of the Portuguese. Then the captain of the galley sent him a letter, whose copy and reply is enclosed herewith. When the said master-of-camp perceived what that meant, and when he saw two other sails, he tried to come to this port with all haste as he had a favorable wind. He met a large fleet of the Portuguese, who, as was believed, did not see him or else thought that his ship was one of their own which had become separated by a storm which they had suffered. When the master-of-camp had reached this port he immediately put us on the watch and lookout for whatever might happen. In this way did we wait to see what the Portuguese were going to do. After three days had passed we saw two galliots. When the general saw them he waited to see what they wanted, ready for them with his men. But as they did not wish to come or to wait, the governor determined to send Martin de Goiti, who is the present master-of-camp because of the death of Mateo del Saz (whom may glory have), to ascertain their design. When he had reached them, he spoke to them and told them if they were under any necessity, to let him know, for he was ordered by his governor to aid and protect them if there was any opportunity. If they would come to where the governor was stationed they would be helped and protected with right good will, in accordance with his Majesty’s order. They answered all with great politeness and said that they had no need. On the contrary they would, aid and protect us if we needed anything. When the governor heard their reply, he again despatched his own captain, and sent the Portuguese some refreshment, and wrote them that he would be very glad to see and speak to them, as your Majesty will see by the copy of the letter which the governor is sending.

All the men of this camp are in general very necessitous and have no present resource, because as we have said above, the general did not allow them to make war on the natives, awaiting to see what orders and instructions your Majesty would be pleased to send, and what reward it has pleased your Majesty to grant to all the men who have suffered the imminent risk of their lives, and hardship and misery in the service of your Majesty—which surely have been great, and for which we have been given courage and strength, by the pleasure of our Lord, to suffer them.

We humbly beg your Majesty to grant us the salary and increase which we ask your Majesty to make us to the sum of three thousand ducados annually, in consideration of the fact that we are in parts so remote where the things which we need are so dear, as we have pledged and been cheated out of our patrimonies in order to come to serve your Majesty on this expedition, on which we have endured many hardships and necessities. We hope to be remunerated for it all by a sovereign and prince so Christian and one who has so munificent and liberal a hand as your Majesty, by your showing us the favor to concede and grant us the repartimientos which might be in this land.

At present there is nothing in this land from which our salaries can be paid, unless in cinnamon which has no market in these districts. We humbly beg your Majesty to grant us and concede us the power of being paid in Nueva España from the proceeds of the cinnamon and other drugs in these districts, and that they be paid to the person who shall have and has had our power of attorney therefor. We beg and entreat [this] of your Majesty with all humility.

Some of the natives have been converted to the true knowledge and have received the waters of holy baptism. The chiefs and all the natives say that since we have no wives we do not intend to remain in the country. It is advisable for your Majesty to have some married people sent here who are of good morals, and may they come quickly.

We have great need of artillery, ammunition, and arms for the men who are here. Will your Majesty please have us provided with the best men and men of the best morals that can be found, for this is necessary for the service of your Majesty whose royal Catholic person we pray our Lord to preserve with greater kingdoms and increasing seigniories, as is desired by us, your Majesty’s faithful servants.

Two caracoas of Maluco Indians arrived at this port on the tenth of this month. They carried twelve Portuguese, whom one Gonçalo Pereyra, chief captain of a large fleet which the viceroy of India despatched to Maluco because he thought that we must have stopped there, and Alvaro de Mendoça, captain of the fort of the said Maluco, had sent. They wrote to the governor that they had sure evidence that we had settled in this port, and they thought that it must have been by accident, as all the district hereabout was (as was a fact [they said]) in their demarcation. Therefore if it were so, and we were here because of any need, we should endeavor to go to the fort of Maluco where we would be given the best of welcomes. The governor answered this putting them off as much as possible, as your Majesty will see by the letters and their reply to which we refer (as well as to Captain Juan de la Ysla, who has a good understanding of this in detail and of all other things that have happened in these districts, and from whom your Majesty will receive as we have said, a true and extensive relation).

There has been a singular carelessness in providing us from Nueva España with reënforcements; and if it should happen (which may God our Lord avert) that we should suffer some loss, it would be because of that. At present we have neither arms, ammunition, nor artillery with which to defend ourselves if the Portuguese should try to harm us. May His Divine Goodness remedy and direct everything as He deems best. Surely His divine hand has protected us, and so we are ready to die in His most holy service and that of your Majesty with great steadfastness if occasion offers. May our Lord preserve your sacred Catholic Majesty and give you greater kingdoms and increasing seigniories. This port [i.e., Cebú], July XXVI, 1567. Sacred Catholic Majesty, your sacred Catholic Majesty’s faithful servants, who most humbly kiss your Majesty’s royal feet.

  • Guido de Lavezaris
  • Andres Calchela
  • Andres de Myrandaola


1 See VOL. II, pp. 143, 144, 148. 

LETTER FROM MARTIN DE RADA TO THE MARQUIS DE FALÇES

May the Holy Ghost dwell forever in your Excellency’s soul. I have given infinite thanks to God since I have learned that your Excellency1 had come to act as viceroy of Nueva Spaña because of the report of your virtues, prudence, and zeal concerning the service of God our Lord and of his Majesty; and especially because, according to the report here, you have shown zeal and willingness to try to protect this expedition and to be the instrument by which the so great multitude of infidels here may come to the knowledge of the true faith. This has been the cause which has moved me to write your Excellency these lines. Since I am engaged upon it I am obliged to give you an account of the condition and character of the country. These islands, where we are established, are numerous, and some of them are large; for, so far as we are able to learn, the island of Luson must be about seven hundred leguas in circumference.2 All that is land is the richest that has been discovered among these islands, for almost all its people are traders and the Chinese come to trade with them. The nearest land from the Chinese, namely, Ybalon and the Camarines, is fifty or sixty leguas from this port. The wealthy village of Manila may be seventy leguas from here. That island of Lusson contains quantities of provisions, consisting of rice, swine, goats, and buffaloes. There is much gold when compared with these other islands, and articles from China. The island of Burnei is about five hundred leguas in circumference. It yields pepper, sandal-wood, camphor, and other drugs. The island of Baguindanao and that of Panae are each about three hundred leguas in circumference. That of Panae is rich in food and that of Baguindanao in gold, cinnamon, and pepper. Each of them is located about forty leguas from this port. The island of Basbat [i.e., Masbat] has many gold mines. There are many other islands also, which I shall not mention in order to avoid prolixity. All of them in general yield gold, some more, others less, partly from the rivers and partly from mines. There is evident proof of this, for all the people, both great and small, wear it, and the natives recognize whence the gold comes as soon as they see it, and say that this gold comes from such an island, and this other gold from such another. It is evident also because many merchants of Lusson, Bornei, Xolo, and other parts travel continually throughout these islands, and the object of their search is either gold or slaves. However, no one of these Indians has more than a very little gold, for if they get a couple of pairs of earrings and a couple of pairs of bracelets, and a pair of anklets for the feet, they do not look for any more, for they do not strive to hoard it. This race is the most arrogant that was ever seen and the slaves are the freest that can be imagined, for they do only what they wish;3 and besides this [it is seen] by the lack of loyalty which they preserve toward one another. For although they be relatives or brothers if they meet one another in the open, he who is strongest lays hands upon the other and sells him. Consequently, no one dares to go ever so little a distance from his village. If perchance any merchant junk comes [to trade] they buy all the goods on credit, after which, in order to pay, all the village assembles and goes armed to the placer or to the mines, in order that no one will dare to touch them, and accordingly get the gold that they have to give. If the place is settled by Spaniards, I am convinced that (God helping), there will be abundance of gold extracted by them, for there is little that can be seized from the natives. Pearls are also to be found in some places, and other things such as pepper, cinnamon, and drugs.

Soldiers are not needed to conquer this land, for they do not consider the welfare of the land, but only how to amass wealth quick in order to return home. When they are unable to attain their desire, they destroy and lay waste the country. But colonists who intend to remain in the country must be sent. The people of these islands have no king or sovereign and are without any law. Most of them are heathens although some are Moros. They can be converted and adopt our faith easily; and are rather like monkeys very desirous of imitating us in dress, speech, and all other particulars. The fear with which God has inspired them is great, for no matter how large may be the village, when a dozen Spaniards go to it, the natives come out immediately with their hands tied and beg for peace, promising to give what tribute may be asked from them. Consequently, when any village was carried by peace, we had a great abundance whence to draw the necessary supplies. For more than two years at this point a loose rein has been given in robbing friend and foe, and we are now suffering extreme need. We have no place where we can get anything, and no boats to get what we need, for most of the villages in the entire radius of more than forty leguas are deserted and depopulated. Wherever the Spaniards go, the natives do not dare await them but all flee to the mountains with their goods. Consequently, I am certain as to our fate, for if God does not miraculously aid us, we shall all soon be lost. Our lack has always been that we have had no [adequate] leader, not because any harm has occurred by his command, but because he has passed it by. Consequently, dissimulation is no longer sufficient to remedy the matter. The vilest soldier of all dares to disobey his orders and to do only what he desires. He knows that after all the matter will be ended by detaining him in his quarters for a fortnight. Besides this the soldier is good for nothing, and there is no man in the camp who considers the common welfare but each looks after his own interests. I am writing this to your Excellency so that you may institute a reform in it, for I avow seasonably that unless we have a different harmony and another one to direct the crowd, the country will be worthless, the king will draw no profit therefrom, and the men will derive no advantage, but all of them will perish by an evil death in a short time, and all the land will he destroyed. This entire land is fertile and abounds with food, but we are all dying of hunger. There is considerable timber and it is quite easy to get at, but we have no boat, for we have on the contrary lost those boats that we brought. The land is all very thickly settled, but we have already caused the abandonment of many villages. Since the soldiers indeed have much wealth, but when they die nothing more is found than some old clothes, which arc good for nothing but to be thrown into the sea, therefore, we shall not have more but much less next year.

If his Majesty wishes to get hold of China, which we know to be a land that is very large and rich and of high civilization, with cities, forts, and walls much greater than those of Europa, he must first have a settlement in these islands: first, because we cannot pass safely among the so many islands and shoals that lie along the coast of China with ships of high freeboard, but must use oared vessels; secondly, also, because in order to conquer a country so large and that has so vast a population, one must have aid and refuge near at hand, for any contingency that might arise. However, as I have been informed both by Portuguese and by Indians who trade with the Chinese, as well as by a Chinese who was captured a while ago in a junk, the people of China are not at all warlike. They rely entirely on numbers and on the fortification of their walls. It would decapitate them, if any of their forts were taken. Consequently, I believe (God helping), that they can be subdued easily and with few forces.

I have wished to write this, for I trust in our Lord that this land may, through the medium of your Excellency, receive the faith, and that we shall have an entrance into China; but, on account of our great uncertainty and because we do not know whether his Majesty will order us to abandon this land, we have not dared to baptize. I believe that if we had put our hands to baptism, we would already have more than twenty thousand Christians. As soon as we know the king’s will they will all accept our faith easily. May our Lord, etc. Cebu, July eight 1569.


1 See VOL. III, p. 44, note 7. 

2 The Census of the Philippine Islands (Washington, 1905) gives (i, p. 57) the area of Luzón as 40,969 square miles, and that of Mindanao, as 36,292 square miles. These figures being later than those of VOL. XXIII, p. 165, note 29, have probably a better scientific basis, and are hence more nearly correct. 

3 See Wallace’s Malay Archipelago (pp. 318, 319) for a modern corroboration of this statement, with regard to the slaves of Ternate. 

LETTER FROM DIEGO DE HERRERA TO FELIPE II

Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty:

When I saw that the affairs of this land had no permanent settlement and no hopes of one, and that the natives were very much molested by the Spaniards, and that so far as I could see God was being served but little in this region because of the great license which men have here for evil and the lack of justice, and that very little service was being rendered your Majesty, since they are ruining excellent lands here for you: I determined last year, sixty-nine, to go to Nueva España in order to give advice of what was passing here in order that some reform might be instituted in this, and to discuss the matter with the viceroy in order that he might relieve the condition as much as he could and give notice of the other things to your Majesty.1 [I determined] that if the viceroy thought that I ought to go to España to discuss the matter with your Majesty, I would also do so. When I reached Nueva España and discussed this matter with the viceroy, and its great necessity for reform, and the extremely ruinous condition of affairs, he thought that I ought to return and give notice of it to your Majesty. Accordingly he told me that I would be fulfilling the service of God and of your Majesty if I would immediately return to these districts on the first ships. He gave me to understand that until the remedy was specified he could reform some of the evils. Although that order was very grievous to me as I had reached Nueva España ill and worn out by the sea, since the service of two so great lords as God and your Majesty was placed before me, I considered it fitting, and accordingly reëmbarked for these islands on the ninth of March of this year one thousand five hundred and seventy. I reached this island of Panay where the governor is established, on the twenty-second of July. All the people were overjoyed at the reenforcements that your Majesty orders sent them, and with the concessions of the petition made from this land. I found the country in a most ruinous condition and such that more has been destroyed in this one year here than during the past five years. Your Majesty owns so many islands in this district that one is surprised at the number.2 They are all very rich and fertile and contain many gold mines, pearls, and wax, while some of them have cinnamon. They are thickly inhabited and the people promise better than those of Nueva España. But since your Majesty does not provide anyone permanently and prescribe the manner of living, and protect and defend the natives, and keep justice for them, and power to punish whoever injures them, all will be lost in a very short time, for the policy employed with the natives could last but one year here if there is much greater violence. That consists in robbing them, burning their villages, and enslaving them. If this is not done it is affirmed that it is impossible to find support. This is false, for on the contrary, it is impossible to find support in this manner, for everything is being destroyed [by this manner of acting]; and the natives are becoming so exhausted because they are not left for an instant. However, they all desire peace in an extraordinary manner and to live under the protection of your Majesty and to pay the tribute. They would give the sum asked of them, if they thought that no evil was to be done them. But today they are made friends and on the morrow they are robbed. Many of them have been killed and many villages burned. I am writing this in general although not going into details in anything, in order, not to trouble your Majesty. I wrote more at length to the viceroy of Nueba España in order that he might inform your Majesty, for he can easily ascertain whether these things are so from those who come here. This fleet came here at the beginning greatly in need of people who knew how to govern, and the same is true of war, for besides the master-of-camp here, who has died, all the rest know but little as was evident in the war with the Portuguese in Çubu. At that time although the Portuguese were so few, they caused so great extremity that some captains advised the abandonment of the site and retirement to another part; and if the Portuguese did not cause the abandonment while they were there, they caused it when they left, and the strongest site and best port in all these islands, so far as has yet been seen, was abandoned, and we came here to establish ourselves in Panay along the swampy and very poor shore of a river. It will be very much less strongh than Çubu and has no port, while it is hot and unhealthful. If your Majesty do not appoint some one to govern, this colony will daily become less, and will fall entirely into destruction. If we are not more firmly established, we religious cannot treat of the conversion of these natives with zeal and care nor with so much fruit as if the land had peace and security.

They sent from here to petition your Majesty to concede them the favor to allow them to rob and enslave the Moros throughout these districts. The reason that they gave for it was to say that they were Moros and that they were preventing and opposing the preaching of the gospel. The statement that they were preventing the preaching of the gospel was false, for they have never prevented it nor do so at present. On the contrary, there is an increase to be observed in families where the husband is a Moro and the wife a pagan, who come in order to beg the religious to baptize their son and make him a Christian; for they do not at all object to each one living according to the belief that he likes best. For all the Moros who live in these islands have been Moros for but few years back. Many of them, such as those of Luçon, have nothing except the name, and the fact that they do not eat pork; for they have no mosque or cacique [sic]3 (who are their priests). This worship is only a trifle more firmly established among those of the island of Burney than in the other, although they are also of recent date there.4 Not all the island is Moro, but only certain villages along the coast, for the inhabitants of the interior are heathens. None of them possess the lands of Christians or wage war on them, or do them any injury; although we do to them, and much, for four or five ships of Burneo have been pillaged and many people killed, while many more from Luçon have been killed, although excellent friends to us. As to the chiefs, they made the land friendly to us, or at least exerted a great influence in that direction. They supplied us with food in abundance and stuffs very suitable for clothing, and gold for our silver, in order that we might barter for our necessities. Now, however, conditions are such that no one dares come [to trade]. I do not believe that any other reason can be given for authority to rob them, except that they are Moros; and that is no legitimate reason and cannot be done.

After we religious came to these districts with the fleet, at your Majesty’s command, nothing besides a little rice has been furnished us for our sustenance every week in the same way as to the soldiers. It is a ration, but even with bread a man cannot be supported by it. I have written to that effect to the viceroy of Nueba España so that we may be supplied from there with necessities until there shall be sufficient means of gain in this land from which to supply us; but he either has no authority from your Majesty to do that, or he does not dare unless it be remitted to us here. I entreat your Majesty to please order us to be supplied with an amount each week per religious as is done in Nueba España, in consideration of the fact that our expenses here are heavier than in Nueba España. For the Indians in Nueba España know only how to give, but these Indians here know only how to beg. The soldiers who are here now are so poor that it is necessary to try to give to them and not to beg from them. Consequently, it will be necessary for your Majesty to make us a more liberal concession than to the religious of Nueba España. I believe that one religious can be supported in these regions for two hundred pesos but not with less. I trust, God helping, that the fruit which will be obtained in the conversion in these districts, will be so great that your Majesty will make us other greater rewards. We have hitherto stayed here because we suspected here that your Majesty would order us to abandon this place, but since we now know that it is your Majesty’s will that we continue to advance the undertaking, we shall begin to baptize all the people; for although there are some Christians, there would be many more if we had known before what we now know. May our Lord preserve the sacred royal Catholic person of your Majesty for many years, as I your humble and least servant desire. This island of Panay, July 25, 1570. Your sacred royal Catholic Majesty’s most humble servant,

Fray Diego de Herrera

[Endorsed: “Examined. To be given to the reporter, so that he may file it with the others.”]


1 See VOL. III, p. 52, and VOL. XXIII, pp. 189, 190. 

2 The number of islands and islets in the Philippine Archipelago is, according to G. R. Putnam, in charge of the U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey in the Philippine Islands, 3,141. This number comprises everything, however small, which at high tide appears as a separate island. Of them, 1,668 are listed by name, while 1,473 are, so far as known, without names. More accurate information will doubtless further increase this number, which, as well as the following, cannot be regarded as yet as entirely definitive. The total area of the islands, so far as known, is 115,026 square miles. Two islands have areas exceeding 10,000 square miles each; nine of more than 1,000 but less than 10,000 square miles; 20, between 100 and 1,000 square miles; 73, between 10 and 100 square miles; 262, between one and ten square miles; and 2,775, less than one square mile each. See Census of Philippine Islands, i, pp. 56, 57. 

3 Herrera probably confuses the word “kasis” (see VOL. XVI, p. 134, note 161—here also used wrongly) with the American word “cacique” or “chief”. 

4 See Pigafetta’s statements, VOL. XXXIII, pp. 223–225, 227–231; see also his statement about the introduction of Mahometanism into the Moluccas, ante, p. 73.