October 1.—Steamers left yesterday at 3 p.m. for (Berber, D.V., viâ) Shendy. Yesterday the steamer Towfikia attacked the Arabs on the White Nile, and killed a horse and three men. Steamer Bordeen drove back the horsemen on the Blue Nile. The Arabs attacked a village lower down the White Nile than Halfeyeh, and were driven back by the villagers with loss: you may believe as much as you like of this, but our vessels went out, that is the main thing.
The more I think of appointing Abdel Kader[94] Pasha in my place, the more strongly does the idea recommend itself, for it does away with all difficulties, and leaves Her Majesty’s Government perfectly free to abandon or not as it thinks fit. Abdel Kader Pasha would be under no such obligations as I am to the soldiers, &c., of these beleaguered places, and Her Majesty’s Government could put it all on him if anything was said. To me it has the selfish advantage of being free at once of a very disagreeable and troublesome position, both personally and publicly.
As for feeling at all vexed at this arrangement, viz. my being put out, I should not, for the only thing which actuates me is this: I think it mean to leave the garrisons; but if my superiors decide to do so, and will take the responsibility, then what am I? to dispute their decision, the more especially as I cannot do so without funds, which I have not. I do not dispute but that the withdrawal of the garrisons is not a difficult task, but not impossible; and if not impossible, our honour binds us to fulfil it, and to my mind it is shabby not to do it: but Governments do shabby things, vide the Boer business, and if they are going to do it here, the way I have pointed out is the best. There is not the least reason for me to participate in its execution, it would not be fair to try and force me, and another thing is that I would not be forced. I believe Her Majesty’s Government will adopt this idea, and if they do, I see a vista of an escape with honour and without fracas (which is very pleasing), from a position which is not likely to be a feather-bed, and which might require me to go on struggling for over a year, not only against the Arabs, but against the antipathies and ill-disguised hostility of Her Majesty’s Government, for certainly they would not be over friendly if forced into a line of action their soul abhors.
I think we are bound to extricate the garrisons whatever it costs; they do not; there is no reason for any difference of opinion which cannot exist between a Government and an individual, they simply place an individual who thinks with them, and the matter is done, and this individual is Abdel Kader Pasha. I see no reason to try and force me to do what I do not think right, and which I can consequently do only in a half-hearted manner if I even undertook it, which I will not.
As for the effect of my replacement by Abdel Kader Pasha: 1st, it would produce no surprise, for it is well known I and Towfik are not at all friends. 2nd, it is also known that Her Majesty’s Government wish to be rid of all responsibility of the Soudan, in re the garrisons; therefore the removal of me would be merely the carrying out of this policy. 3rd, Abdel Kader Pasha is the best man they have had up here, and so, till the matter was broken to them, he would be well received. It is not vaunting myself when I say that the general opinion here is this, that Her Majesty’s Government would never have sent an expedition up here had it not had me and Stewart here, sent up by them![95] I think they fully realise, that as far as the garrisons, &c., &c., were concerned, were it not for us they might perish as quickly as they liked; they also realise that, unless for the action of Her Majesty’s Government at Cairo, assistance would have been sent long ago from Cairo, so it must not be expected of the people to be very grateful. They are glad to get out of their mess, but consider they are only extricated under compulsion of circumstances, and not con amore.
If time presses, then telegraph Towfik to make the Mudir of Dongola Governor-General (it does not signify who is your dummy, only perhaps he may not be so ductile as Abdel Kader) in my place, and your work is easy, such work as it is.
Personally, I can assure you, I shall be only too delighted, for I could be in Brussels in December, and free, honourably, of the whole affair; you could not possibly expect me to stay after being replaced. Mark my words, if you have made up your mind, this is the best solution and avoids all scandal.
Abdel Kader will make out that the Mahdi’s government is not really so bad: that it is impossible, &c., &c., to be wandering all over Africa, and his paper on the state of affairs will go down splendidly with the public, and there will be honours all round, and mutual congratulations. The British public accepted, without hesitation, the trial of Arabi Pasha, by Ismail Pasha Ayoub, and Réouf Pasha, as being a just one! Why, had they tried an angel, and Towfik had wished the angel guilty—guilty that angel would have been, even if Michael or Gabriel. Now I have told you how to whitewash I will end this tirade. I will only remark that Her Majesty’s Government must not say I was replaced, because I wished to keep the Soudan, for I do not say so, it is an useless country; what I say is, that it is shabby to abandon the garrisons, &c., &c.
I own the proposition I make is in some degree a trap, for I feel confident that there will be no end of trouble, even in placing Abdel Kader Pasha in my place and trying to evacuate; but if you accept it you will do so (after this warning) with your eyes open.
Two women slaves came in from the Sheikh el Obeyed; no news, except that the Arabs with this chief, are very badly off for water.
The following is what I would do, if in supreme command, military and political. Divide the forces into three sections; one, A, to stay at Dongola, half force, and look after communications from Wady Halfa to Berber by river, in those étapes or stages already alluded to.
Another, B, to occupy Berber, quarter force.
Another, C, to be a fighting force (quarter force) without artillery, for we have guns up here. With C I would come to Kartoum, coax Arabs down to Giraffe, destroy them, then coax Arabs to El foun and destroy them; then push up to Wad el Medinet and destroy Arabs there, thus opening the road to Sennaar and allowing grain to come down.
By which time you would see your way as to the future. I would restore the telegraph as I went along.
The result of these operations would be the retreat of the Mahdi’s Arabs to Kordofan, and the surrender of those in and about Kassala.
Humanly speaking, there will be probably three fights, costing each fight, eight killed and fifteen wounded, as far as experience goes; not more, and very likely, if the first fight is a good one (and we have a good pursuit), there will be no more after it; all the rest will be child’s play.[96]
Arabs must have one good defeat, to wipe out Hicks’ disasters, and my defeats. Berber will be evacuated.
The troops at fight No. 1 Giraffe will go up in the castellated barges (which are real fortresses), and be covered by five steamers, each with two guns, and two barges with a Krupp gun in each (16-pounders), so there would be no risk; none of the Arabs’ forts are closed at gorge.
Force need not be more than 1000 strong, for we could send 3000 for the flanks; but, as it would fight on river banks, there would be no fear for flank attack. All could be done in thirty days as far as fighting is concerned. This of course leaves the question of Kordofan unsettled. The Mahdi might come to terms, and abandon his spiritual power, but I doubt it.
The fighting force C probably will be under Buller. Earle at Berber; Dormer at Abou Hamed; and Fremantle at Dongola; the Sirdar at Wady Halfa; Lord Wolseley partout! Goodenough in command of Royal Artillery; Harrison (in recollection of China) commanding Royal Engineers. I hope Goodenough will not be too proud to use our guns, he will be horrified at the vents, which are from continuous firing; we do not rebouch up here, not having bouches.
No one could be astonished at my reluctance to make a bolt of it without the garrisons, for it virtually makes out all our toils, for the last seven months, as utterly useless; we had, to all intents and purposes, better have surrendered months ago. One feels such a mean brute to go egging on men to fight, and then to let it end with a skedaddle.
October 2nd.—A sergeant-major, with a soldier, escaped last night; he reports that the Mahdi came from Obeyed to Schatt, with two ortas of black captured troops, two Krupp guns, and seven mountain guns; but then the Arab tribes in his rear rose, and that he went back, taking the guns with him, sending one of his Ameers, Abdullah Waled Jubira, to Kalakla with 100 black troops. The sergeant-major reports the Arabs have 140 Krupp shells and 200 boxes of Remington ammunition; that the Arabs did not suffer when they fired on the steamers coming from Sennaar; that, with the Mahdi, are all the Roman Catholic Mission party, who have not changed their religion: one nun is exposed to the sun to force her to do so. The man says the other guns are all broken in their carriages, in the Mahdi’s fights with the Arabs. The Mahdi takes Slatin and all the Europeans with him when he moves; he reports Waled a Goun has sent the black troops he had with him to the rear, because so many escaped; the Arabs fired a salute of four guns on arrival of the Ameer Abdullah Waled Jubira.
A slave coming in from the left bank reports Faki Mustapha with few troops; says the rumour of the advance expeditionary force is rife; says the Arab ferry is at Kalakla; they pass only at night. The sergeant-major says that he is sure the tribes (on the Mahdi’s going to Schatt) all rose and pillaged on the road: hence the Mahdi’s return towards Obeyed.
The man the doctor operated upon for the large stone is dead.
From what the sergeant-major says, it appears I am not more liked by the Mahdi than I am elsewhere—a nuisance! and a bore!
The Towfikia steamer went up the White Nile, and fired upon the Arabs! The Bordeen steamer went up the Blue Nile, and fired upon the Arabs! The Halfeyeh people went out and captured a camel! All these things are hostilities not countenanced by Her Majesty’s Government. This afflicts me, that joker Egerton!
I have sent off another spy to Debbeh, saying that three steamers wait their orders at Metemma, one hundred and fifty miles from Debbeh!
The Shaggyeh tribes are giving me bother again with their horrid families down river. They are most exasperating.
A horse escaped from the Arabs, formerly belonging to Government. It gave no information; but from its action, may be supposed not to believe in the Mahdi.
Simmons[97] and I agree on one subject—that Egypt is useless to us, unless we have command of the seas; and if we have command of seas, Egypt is ours; therefore it is not worth bothering about. We will never be liked by its peoples; we do not go the right way to be liked. To my mind, if we looked after the Cape and Mauritius, &c., it would be far more beneficial, and less expensive, than wasting our money on Egypt and the Soudan; but because Egypt used to be important, we think it is always so. Whereas, the introduction of steam has quite altered its importance, while the creation of other Naval Powers in the Mediterranean renders that sea no longer a question of supremacy of France or England.
I have mentioned reports of troops moving on Kassala, yet not one word is said, either one way or another, by Kitchener. Surely he must know that if this is the case, I ought to be told; or if no movement is being made in that direction, I ought to be informed.
Arabi’s clerk, Ahmet-Eff-Awaan[98] (Stewart knows him well) was, on Stewart’s departure, represented to me as in utter misery, so I gave him back £10 a month. To-night I heard my friend had been positively preaching for the Mahdi! so I have shut him up. An attempt was made the day before yesterday morning to set fire to one of the houses near the magazine at the Roman Catholic Mission. It was discovered; it was evidently the work of an incendiary. I have ordered all houses to be pulled down in the neighbourhood. This is not comfortable, for it shows we have some evil-disposed people here.[99]
October 3.—Small church parade to-day on South Front. Some twenty-five horsemen came near the lines, and four shots were fired at them.
An inquiry is going on about the fire near the magazine. Some little suspicion that Awaan is mixed up with it, for his house was near; indeed, it adjoins the place where the fire was. It burned four tents. It will go hard with him if he is found guilty: certainly his preaching in favour of the Mahdi is against him.
I visited the place of the fire, and also Awaan’s house. My impression is against Awaan’s being the culprit; but I have no doubt the Court of Inquiry will find him guilty. Wilfred Blunt will be crying out about this ill-used martyr, so will Arabi the blest. I am paying for the houses pulled down. There is no doubt the fire was the work of an incendiary. To-day ends the Bairam.
Stewart will not believe it of Awaan; but it appears that in disputing about the Mahdi, Awaan took off his slipper[100] and struck his opponent—he was so strong in his opinion. A more fawning, wretched fellow one never saw. I should send him to the Mahdi, but that he knows English, and is a born intriguer.
I reason thus, respecting the slackness of the Intelligence Department not sending in spies. As noted in the Journal, on an average four or five men come in daily from the Arabs, therefore they do not keep so very strict a look-out; also now there are vast gaps in their lines around the place, and one may say from here to Shendy is open. It is more difficult to go out than to come in, for in going out one may stumble on some new emplacement of the Arabs, while in coming in a man can ascertain such emplacements beforehand; it is evident also, that as all the information we have had has come from my return spies, that no effort has been made by the Intelligence Department. Had that Department initiated any such step, in any energy, it is unlikely that all their men would have been stopped—my spies get caught, though, so frequently passing the lines of Arabs.
The more one thinks of it, the more impossible does it seem for Her Majesty’s Government to get out of this country without extricating the garrisons and establishing some Government at Kartoum; once having, as they have, come up to Dongola, they cannot well go back from Dongola, they must come to Berber, and when once at Berber, as there is the river, they must come up here; once here, they must go to Sennaar or arrange to open this route. It is of all things the most perplexing, and one does not see the end of it, unless we give the country to the Turks. With the best will and with all favourable circumstances, i.e., that it is found possible to abandon, it will take six to eight months, and with a terrible outlay, and one cannot think that even then it is a satisfactory termination if, after extricating the garrisons and contenting ourselves with that, we let the Mahdi come down and boast of driving us out.
If we proclaim the abolition of slave-holding we must proclaim it in Egypt as well, and then the revenue falls. The Turks really seem the only way out of it, in a speedy way. It would be cheaper to give them a million pounds than to keep our people up here, and there is no discredit to our arms if we take Berber and open the route to Sennaar, and then leave the country to the Turks, letting them deal with the Mahdi as they like. I think even the gift of two millions to the Turks would be a cheap solution of it, and is also a quick and an honourable one.
As for Her Majesty’s Government keeping the Soudan itself, it is out of the question, for you could not get men to serve here except under great salaries and supported with large forces; and as for giving it back to Egypt, in a couple of years we would have another Mahdi; therefore, our choice lies between Zubair and the Turks. Now, the time has gone by when Zubair, almost alone, would suffice; he would now need aid in men, while the Turks would need no aid from us in men. Therefore, give the country to the Turks, when once you have come to Kartoum, with one or two millions sterling (which YOU will spend in three months’ occupation up here if you delay), make arrangements at once with the Porte for its Soudan cession, let 6,000 Turks land at Suakin and march up to Berber, thence to Kartoum; you can then retire at once before the hot weather comes on.[101] Let 3000 Turks land at Massowah and go to Kassala; that saves you that journey. You would be even saved waiting till the troops came from the Equator and Bahr Gazelle.
28th October.—Berber occupied.
5th November.—1000 Troops at Kartoum. 6000 Turks land at Suakin and march to Berber. 4000 Turks land at Massowah and march to Kassala.
8th November.—Defeat of Arabs on south lines—unless they have bolted.
12th November.—Defeat Arabs near El foun, unless they have submitted.
15th November.—Despatch of force to Sennaar to clear country round Medinet.
1st to 10th December.—Arrival of Turks at Berber and Kartoum, and at Kassala.
20th December.—Return of Her Majesty’s forces to Wady Halfa, leaving 1000 men at Dongola till Turks could come from Berber.
The frontier to be Wady Halfa. All steamers, &c., to be handed over to the Turks. The two millions to be paid in four instalments.
Suakin and Massowah to be free ports under the Turks.
Egypt is responsible for the pensions of those who return to Egypt. Turkey is responsible for the pensions of those who stay in the Soudan. I see nothing to prevent the whole affair being settled by the end of January, and the whole expeditionary force from being in Cairo at the end of February.
As for the slave-trade, one cannot help it.[102]
I cannot see why France could object if we let her have some “say” in Egypt. She will thwart all we do there unless we do let her have a “say.”[103]
We make up with Turkey by this action, and she would aid us to prevent Egypt being annexed by any other Power.
Remember we have no time to lose—that we must make our choice at once—and that choice must be one of a strong decisive kind, with no shifting hopes of something turning up. Our expedition is very ticklish, very expensive, and utterly unremunerative.
If once our men get sickly up here, and our programme is a skedaddle, the consequences might be most disastrous. The skedaddle programme would cool all the people against us, and strengthen the Mahdi immensely; and then there is no way to avoid the heats, unless by the skedaddle programme; but if you agree with the Turks, you avoid the heats and the skedaddle programme, and have people with you.
I hope I am not going down to History as being the cause of this expedition, for I decline the imputation. The expedition comes up to deliver the garrisons.[104] I think it would read well in history: “Her Majesty’s Government having accepted duties in Egypt, and consequently in the Soudan, sent up a force to restore tranquillity, which, having been done, Her Majesty’s Government handed over that government of the Soudan to the Sultan.”
Our people may try as they like, they can never govern Egypt and pay the interest; combine with France, and let down the interest to 3 per cent., which we cannot do without France agreeing.
As for any of the men in Cairo now pretending to govern, it is useless; they know nothing of, and have no sympathy with, the country. What can they know of the country, sitting at Cairo? What the people want, is half taxes, and Censors going through provinces remedying evils. Do away with Wood’s army, an useless expense. Do away with three-fourths of European employés, railway, &c., &c.—cormorants!—ditto Gendarmerie.
I shall send out three men in different directions to-morrow to Debbeh, with further notifications that three steamers, and each with two field-guns, are at Metemma, Shendy, 150 miles from Ambukol, which is 35 miles higher up river than Debbeh, waiting orders of expeditionary force, and saying Cuzzi’s baggage is to be searched. I have now done all I can. In ten days’ time I shall send a steamer to Metemma with further information. The attempt to fire the magazine has made me vicious with the people. No one in from Arabs to-day. Query, ominous!
October 4.—The boiler will be put in the new steamer (sister to Abbas) to-day. She will be ready for sea in six days.
Report from Cassim el Mousse late last night. Arabs say Sheikh el Obeyed meditates an attack on Halfeyeh. The trouble these Shaggyeh have given us is beyond description.
Ibrahim Bey Ruckdi, loq. Lutraim: “He called for me at (9 p.m.) 3! in the night; he bullied me to work. Can you imagine such a thing?—it is preposterous. He flew at me like a tiger, because I showed he was unreasonable. It is Bairam too: can you imagine such a thing?”
Awaan, Arabi’s clerk, has been telling, in the town, that the letters I got saying, “Her Majesty’s troops are advancing,” were written by him and sent down, and then returned. There is an evident wish to take off his head; but I think he is more fool than knave, and shall try and resist the wish of town.
Saleh Pasha’s son telegraphed to me he wanted to come and see me. I answered he might come or go, as he liked. He said, what did I mean by “go?” I was much tempted to say, “Go to your father, who is in chains with Mahdi,” but resisted temptation, and said, “Go out of telegraph station.”
I had to send down ten barges for those creatures at 10 p.m. last night. (See p. 185.)
No spies in this morning; people will begin to believe Awaan’s statement, that he it was who wrote the letters (I pretended to have had) from the English.
A woman just in says there is a report with the Arabs that the English are at Dongola; that a steamer and four nuggars, with English, are at Berber(?) (I expect she has mixed up Stewart’s steamer and boats with her story); that the Arab chief of Berber has sent for help, which has not yet been sent him.
One of those large shells was blown up by a boy treading on it; it does not appear to have hurt him; it was in the group of date palms opposite to the Palace.
I confess the shells do not seem so very destructive. Perhaps they are too deeply buried; however, they have frightened people.
A small boy and five men escaped from the Arabs and came in. The Mahdi, with Europeans, is at Schatt; he means to come to Omdurman. They corroborate that some troops went back to Obeyed to put down the rising of tribes.
The boiler has been successfully put in the small steamer.
It is odd how quick the blacks, by instinct, know how to avoid the effects of the shells, by throwing themselves on the ground when they hear the fizz of the quick-match; they all do it, and thus have escaped. Of course it would not do in an assault. The little black chap never ran so fast as he did when he got up after the explosion, never looking behind him. He went to two black sluts, who had been alarmed at the noise, and explained the opening of the ground, &c., with a good deal of gesticulation. They had a sort of Medgliss[105] on the subject whether it was not time to return home, and pick no more grass, after such dreadful things had happened, and which ended in their doing so, carefully avoiding the scene of the accident.
I expect these improvident people killed over 1000 sheep and goats at their Bairam; the report is that it exceeds that number.
There is no doubt there will be a fearful famine in this country next year, for there are vast districts lying desert which were formerly cultivated.
The party which went to Jaila, the village north of Halfeyeh which the Arabs had attacked, have come back with the rescued families, and twenty-five cows captured from the so-called rebels. (Query, Who are the rebels, we or the Arabs?) (To-day is the 206th day we have been more or less shut up. Delightful life! I wonder what Azotus [Ashdod] felt with its twenty-nine years blockade?)
October 5.—Two men and a boy came in from the Arabs, and report that the Mahdi has made a small advance towards Omdurman. Little else of import. They say Hussein Pasha Khalifa, Saleh Pasha, Slatin, and all the Europeans are with the Mahdi; that Kordofan is in turmoil; that the Arabs say they will wait till they can collect a lot of men, and then will attack the lines.
If you do not arrange with the Turks you will not get out of the country for a year, and it will cost you twelve millions, and probably then you will have to fall back on the Turks.[106] Whereas if you arrange with the Turks you can get out in January, and it will cost you seven millions, including the two millions you give the Turks. Truly this black sister “Soudan” has avenged her white sister “Egypt.”
A scorpion in bath sponge this morning. It stung me upon the finger. I murdered it, and so am quits. I wonder whether any analysis has been made of the scorpion’s and the cobra’s poison. This is the sixth time I have been stung.
A sheikh of the neighbourhood came in, and says a short time ago a Frenchman came up with two Arabs from Dongola to the Mahdi. The Mahdi could not make it out, and asked why he came. The man said he had come up to salute the Mahdi. The Mahdi being suspicious imprisoned him for seven days, and then let him out. He was in a Dervish dress. It is said he spoke to Saleh Pasha and to Slatin in secret, upon which the Mahdi separated these two, and put them in open arrest (is this Rochefort?) My informant says he denied to the Mahdi that the English were in Dongola, but told Slatin and Saleh Pasha that they were there. This man is with the Mahdi now, and is free. It might be Renan,[107] the author of the ‘Life of Jesus,’ who in his last publication takes leave of the world, and is said to have gone into Africa, not to reappear again. He was a Roman Catholic priest originally, is a great Arabic scholar, and evidently a very unhappy and restless man.
I met him once in the rooms of the Royal Geographical Society one afternoon, and I remember the Secretary proposing to him to go up to the top of that high house! to see the observatory. Renan declined. He looked bored and weary in being made a hero of, and when Sir R. Alcock introduced me to him, I suppose he saw my look of commiseration for his trials, and was civil to me. I have often thought we might meet again. What a fearful infliction hero-worship is to its victim. I think it a great impertinence to praise a man to his face. It implies you are his superior, for the greater praises the smaller; and though that may be the case, it is not necessary to announce it to the smaller. Supposing one is wrinkled and grey-haired, it is satire to say you are smooth-skinned, &c., &c., and beautiful, and so it must be with every man who knows himself and who is praised—endurance, self-denial, and twaddle—one would have bolted like a lamplighter if one could, and one could have stood the after criticism.
... on going to the trenches before Sevastopol fell out, and said he would not go down. The colonel put him under arrest. He was in a way more plucky to do this than to go to the trenches. Self-sacrifice is that of a nurse—ignored (and “paid,” of course, what can she want more!). No one goes into ecstasies over her self-denial.
If it is Renan he will not approve of the pepper system. The man says the Mahdi was perfectly astounded at this Frenchman’s appearance, and did nothing but question him. “Why do you come here?” &c., &c. If he comes to the lines, and it is Renan, I shall go and see him, for, whatever one may think of his unbelief in our Lord, he certainly dared to say what he thought, and he has not changed his creed to save his life.
A black mother and her two sons have come in, and say the Mahdi is at Jura Hadra, twenty-five miles south of Duem. The woman was delighted to see herself in the mirrors, and grinned and smirked at her reflections.
Spies say Nuehr Bey Angara has been sent back by the Mahdi to Obeyed, to put down the rising of the tribes; if he would only rise himself, for he is an old friend of mine, the Mahdi would be cut off from Obeyed and be in a bad way.
The steamer Bordeen is back from Halfeyeh.
We chose to regard Greece, Spain, Turkey, Mexico, and other lands, as debtors and bankrupts. We did not attempt to saddle the rulers, personally, with the debts of these countries—excepting in the case of Egypt and Ismail Pasha (i.e., we did not turn out the rulers of those states, while we did turn out Ismail), of course it is easy to put it down to his ill-faith. I expect the rulers of those other states were guilty of far worse faith. It is the custom to say we acted in the interests of the oppressed fellaheen, but what have the fellaheen gained up to the present time? Where are those millions to come from I have talked of?
Let us consider dispassionately the state of affairs. Does Her Majesty’s Government consider they are responsible for the extrication of the Soudan garrisons and Cairo inhabitants? We can only judge that Her Majesty’s Government does recognise this responsibility, for otherwise why did they send me up, and why did they relieve Tokar?
Once this responsibility is assumed, I see no outlet for it but to relieve the garrisons, coûte que coûte. It may be said that the object of the present expedition is for my relief personally. But how is it possible for me to go away and leave men whom I have egged on to fight for the last six months? How could I leave after encouraging Sennaar to hold out? No one could possibly wish me to do so. No Government could take the responsibility of so ordering me. There is this difficulty: perhaps it would be patriotic to bolt; but even if I could get my mind to do it, I doubt if it is possible to get my body out of this place. Had Baring said in March, “Shift for yourself as best you can,” which he could have done, the affair could have been arranged, and we could have bolted to the Equator; but, if you look over my telegrams,[108] you will see I ask him what he will do, and he never answered.[109] The people had not then endured any privation, and I was, as it were, not much engaged to them; but now it is different, especially as we have communicated with Sennaar.
No one can judge the waste of money and expense of life in the present expedition—it is an utter waste of both—but it is simply due to the indecisions of our Government. Had they said from the first, “We do not care—we will do nothing for the garrisons of the Soudan, they may perish; had they not relieved Tokar; had they not telegraphed to me as to the force to relieve me (vide telegrams, 5th May, from Suakin; 29th April, from Massowah). Had they telegraphed (when Baring telegraphed to Cuzzi 29th March, which arrived here saying, ‘No British troops are coming to Berber, negotiations going on about opening road—Graham was about to attack Osman Digna’”), “SHIFT FOR YOURSELF”, why, nothing could have been said; but Her Majesty’s Government would not say they were going to abandon the garrisons, and therefore “shift for yourself”. It is that which has hampered us so much. On the one hand, if I bolted I deserted them (Her Majesty’s Government); on the other hand, by staying I have brought about this expedition. Baring gave me distinct orders not to go to the Equator without the permission of Her Majesty’s Government (vide telegrams with Stewart’s journal).[110] I do not question the policy of Her Majesty’s Government in not keeping the Soudan. It is a wretched country, and not worth keeping. I do not pretend even to judge the policy of letting the garrisons, &c., &c., perish; but I do say, I think that Her Majesty’s Government ought to have taken the bold step of speaking out and saying, “SHIFT FOR YOURSELF” in March, when I could have done so, and not now, when I am in honour bound to the people after six months’ bothering warfare. Not only did Baring not say, “Shift for yourself,” but he put a veto upon my going to the Equator—vide his telegrams in Stewart’s Journal. I say this because no one deplores more the waste of money and life in this expedition, and no one can realise its difficulties better than myself, but, owing to what has past, owing to indecision, we are in for it, and the only thing now to do is to see how to get out of it, with honour and the least expense possible—and I see no other way than by giving the country to the Turks. I am not raising difficulties, or being cantankerous; I wish most sincerely I was out of the place, where from February I have had no peace. The question is how to do so. I may be wrong, but I have a strong suspicion that much rejoicing (rejoicing perhaps a little for my personal, but a good deal for my official safety) would have taken place in official circles had I appeared in the Abbas with Stewart; but it was not even physically possible, and I should have been a disgraced man for ever had I been able to do so and had done it. Besides which, we were entirely in doubt as to the intentions of Her Majesty’s Government as to letting the garrisons slide or not. I might have been tried for deserting my post, and for letting the steamers and stores fall into the hands of the Mahdi, for that was certain within five days of my quitting the place. What I suspect or do not suspect, would not justify me in my action, and, as it turns out, my suspicions were wrong, for after Stewart left, I hear a British force is coming up—of course it is a query what is it coming up for? If for the garrisons, then I have done what the Government wants, for I have kept the city; if for me, then I have done wrong, for I should have come down at all costs; but in one case great inconvenience would have been given; while in the other it is only my life—and if it is for me the expedition comes, it would be better to tell me, “Shift for yourself; we do not mean to extricate the garrisons”—in which case perhaps we may find an issue—at any rate the people will know exactly the state of affairs, and our Government will not be exposed to an unnecessary expense and danger in sending troops up here for ME. I should consider Her Majesty’s Government were completely exonerated from all responsibility with respect to myself if they sent me that order, “Shift for yourself; we do not mean to extricate the garrisons,” I should make my arrangements, and (telling the people how I am situated, with no hope of relief for them), should make a bolt to the Equator in six weeks’ time. There would be no dishonour in that, for, as I had no relief coming, the only sequel of my staying with them would be to be a prisoner with them, and in fact my presence would only exasperate the Arabs instead of being of any good.
It may be argued, Why not retreat on Berber? I would rather not do that, for I would wish to show in a positive way that I had no part or lot in the abandoning of the garrisons, &c., &c., and, at any rate, I should save the garrisons of the Equator and of the Bahr Gazelle if I succeeded in getting away to them.
October 6.—The steamer Bordeen up the Blue Nile wasting a lot of ammunition on the Arab foraging parties. No arsenals could stand this drain on their resources. I expect that the Bordeen fired fifty rounds to-day.
Three escaped soldiers came in from the Arabs; they say that the Arabs have sent a Krupp and a mountain gun to Giraffe; so that may account for the heavy firing above mentioned. One of the men says the Arabs placed two boats in a position close to the two guns they had brought, in order to entice the steamer to go and take them, thus hoping to sink her. However, I am glad to say the steamer is on her way back. The continual anxiety one is in about these little things is very wearing. One never knows if, through some rash act, I may not lose a steamer, or men may not be cut off. One has no man like Gessi[111] who one can trust for these little expeditions. Steamer Towfikia went up the White Nile and fired upon the Arabs. It is just as I thought: the Bordeen steamer has come back, having been struck by a shell about a foot above the water-line, close to the cutwater; no one was hurt. All the Arabs are going from the White Nile towards Giraffe. I expect we shall have the old game at Bourré again. In these circumstances you can imagine how very vicious one feels towards Her Majesty’s Intelligence Department for not giving us any news. It is not so much for myself as it is for the townspeople.[112]
The steamer reports that the Arabs had five guns. It is evident the Arabs mean to hold the Blue Nile by their force at Giraffe, and I dare not try to dislodge them; they will then communicate with the Sheikh el Obeyed’s force, and eventually come down upon Shoboloha or thereabouts; while the Mahdi, coming to Omdurman, will circle us in, a second time.
Owing to a discovered intrigue and the risk of having too much power in the hands of one man, I have sent Ibrahim Ruckdi to Malia as chief clerk, and Gugliz Bey of Malia is made my chief clerk. Nothing like change of air for these fellows.
As interesting to Stewart, I will mention the intrigue. He knows of the letters which came, accusing Ibrahim Ruckdi of venality. Well, a Medgliss was held, and Mahomet Bey Agad was found guilty of sending the letters. I did not care to push the matter, for, in my belief, Agad was right in his accusation, although he had no right to write anonymously. Of course the Medgliss found him guilty, as every Egyptian Medgliss does every one sent before it; so I temporised and hinted to a third person that it would be well if Ibrahim asked pardon of Agad; this hint, being of course a sort of order, he took; but I noticed he was working against Agad; and yesterday he came with a paper against Hassan Agad the Sandjak, putting it forward as Ferratch Pasha’s idea to turn Hassan Agad out. I thought over it, and it worried me, the viciousness of the man; but I took no action. However, to-day, as I told him to write another order about the troops saluting me by stopping in the road and saying he was responsible for it, he said, as he turned away, in an impertinent manner, “Am I Commandant of troops?” He was brought back, and, nose to grindstone, was sent to Malia, and Gugliz Bey was brought up to chief clerkship.
I own I am suspicious, i.e., I judge by the eye, by little signs, &c., for I do not know the language; but I cannot help thinking I am more often right than wrong with my suspicions. One comes on a group of clerks, heads all together, in the chief clerk’s room; one sees disturbed countenances at once. I cannot help thinking “You are concocting devilry!” and I look out for some “tricks.”
Another soldier escaped here from the Arabs, and says the Mahdi is at Jura Hadra, and intends coming to Omdurman. He does not appear to think the Arabs care for the English advance, though they know they are at Dongola, “a far cry,” they say, to Kartoum. They consider Hicks’s defeat was one over the English troops. One thing is good, viz., that the Arabs came down to Giraffe, for if they stay there, when the British do come they will fall easy victims without any long march inland. It certainly does seem astounding that the Arabs seem so confident when a British force is only 150 miles from them, which is the case, for that distance of 150 miles alone separates the three steamers from Debbeh, which has a water-way to Dongola, and the place the three steamers are at, has a water-way to Kartoum. In reality, with a well-equipped force, Debbeh is not more than eight days’ from Kartoum at the outside, saying that the 150 miles were made in six and a-half days, which for camels is twenty-five miles a day, very easy marching; while, from Metemma to this is 100 miles—a day and a half for steamers (when I say Debbeh, I mean Ambukol, to which place from Debbeh you have the open river). The appearance of one British soldier or officer here settles the question of relief vis-à-vis the townspeople, for then they know that I have not told them lies.
The Arabs fired fourteen rounds at the Bordeen. The shell which entered her was a Krupp; the hole is now repaired.
It was an unfortunate remark of Ibrahim Ruckdi, “Am I Commandant of soldiers?” I had dismissed the thought of changing him, having comforted myself that, one way or another, my tenure of office could not be long up here, when he said that; it was like a match in powder; he was brought back, and made then and there to sign his dismissal. I do not think he realised it, even after he had written it. Even to me it was a surprise, for I really had given up all idea of sending him off.
The sister steamer to the Abbas will be finished, I hope, in four days. She will be called the Hussein, after the head of the dockyard. The other one, also a sister steamer, will be, I hope, finished in six weeks, if we exist that time. Of the two steamers at Berber with Arabs, the Fascher and the Monsuhania—the latter is reported disabled.
I have ordered Bordeen to go on the White Nile on patrol from Kalakli to Shoboloha; the Ismailia is at Halfeyeh, Towfikia at Omdurman.
The Arabs, who went in numbers to Giraffe to-day went back to their Dem at sunset.
We have another large steamer, the Chabeen, up in our dry-dock, which I hope will be soon ready for action.
A man came in from the Arabs; he says Seyd Mahomet Osman has sent 300 camels to bring his family from Shendy to Kassala (this is a bad sign); he says the English have advanced towards Berber.
October 7.—Ibrahim Ruckdi has fallen from £60 per month to £30. Sixteen soldiers with their arms came in to-day from the Arabs, also one slave; they had not much to say. Arabs had three guns against the steamer yesterday; they kept one gun at Giraffe, where they keep small detachments all night. The Arabs pursued the men escaping, and fired a few rounds, but did no harm; with these men came in four women of theirs, quite a flock.
I really think the Arabs on the south side keep such a way off because they are afraid of the captured soldiers deserting. The sixteen men who came in were splendid fellows, all nearly six feet; they say a body of forty others have made up their minds to come in a mass either to-day or to-morrow.
An Arab of Kartoum came in from Omdurman; says grass huts are being made for the Mahdi’s arrival there; man says the Arabs report “English and Turkish troops at Debbeh.” Towfikia went up the White Nile; saw a few Arabs, who fired on her.
Another soldier has come in—the Arabs will be furious; he says nine others have made up a party to leave the Arab camp. The Arabs spread reports that I kill all who come in; but the whole of the soldiers of the Soudan know me of old, and so the reports are not believed. This soldier was at Berberah when last I saw him. I had moved all the black soldiers from there to Senheit, as the climate did not suit them. It is odd that Berberah, Zeila, and Harrar suits the Egyptian and chocolate faces; not the blacks, who suffer from pulmonary complaints in those parts.
The sputtering of musketry on the lines this morning quite reminded me of old times. The Arabs fired a good deal at the runaways.
Some of the officers are very anxious to go out against the Arabs, but I do not see it. We are not safe off the river banks, and there is no good risking matters; besides which, we can never, with our force, give them a crushing defeat, which will alone settle the question; and we might, by a small defeat, drive them into the desert, where one could not reach them if other troops come up. We are now thus placed (see Map), and in four days I shall have four steamers between Shoboloha and Kalakla. In a month I hope two more steamers will be ready: total, nine. Arabs have two at Berber, one at Wad el Medinet; of those at Berber only one is fit for work, the Fascher.
I will mention a secret in all Egyptian administrations, i.e., if you give an order, it is totally inefficient in three days’ time if not repeated again and again at intervals; it seems as if its essence evaporated in the heat of these countries. The officers would laugh you to scorn if you said, “Why, I gave a standing order respecting this or that.” It would be to them perfectly ridiculous and absurd to expect a “standing order” to be obeyed, unless repeated at intervals. In most services, standing orders are regarded, but certainly not in Egypt; this is the reason why all those beautiful proclamations and laws issued by the control and their successors, are dead letters after ten days; they are constructed for the European Press. What is needed, is continual hammering at seeing your orders obeyed. Saleh Pasha sent a man in with a message to me: “Mahdi is coming with 40,000 men, etc., etc., etc.” This is all rubbish. All Kordofan could not produce this number; and if it could, the country could not support them in food for five days.
Fearful row to-night because, after one-and-a-half days’ warning, the Bordeen was going to start for Halfeyeh, no soldiers were found on board, and this after repeated orders to Ferratch Pasha. Men may say what they like, but one is bound to lose one’s temper in such cases. This is the story Saleh Pasha’s man tells: “Mahdi with 40,000 men is coming to Omdurman, and will take it; he will then plunge into the river and take Kartoum before the English come.” I reply that “the Mahdi is not a fool to think that by plunging into the river he will take Kartoum, neither can he have 40,000 men with him. Put Saleh Pasha’s messenger into chains as a spy of the enemy.” We have spies direct from the Mahdi’s camp, who say “he has not 3000 with him.” This business was going at the same time as my row with Ferratch Pasha—certainly one is not on a bed of roses in this place.
October 8th.—One soldier who escaped this morning, reports that the Arabs are furious at the desertions of yesterday. Saleh Pasha’s messenger (spoken of yesterday), on being put in chains, acknowledges his statement is all fudge about Mahdi’s 40,000 men, &c., &c.
A sergeant escaped from the Arabs; he says the Arabs sent up about 200 black soldiers to Mesalamieh to get grain, and they escaped to Sennaar; that Waled a Goun meditates coming over, with two guns, to the old Dem, which was previously occupied by the son of Sheikh el Obeyed, on the north side, near Halfeyeh, which, if he does, will be a great bore for us. The Mahdi is at Jura Hadra; that a man had come from near Berber to say the expedition was advancing towards that place. One has heard so much of this sort of report that taken with the report of Waled a Goun coming to Halfeyeh, one is inclined to doubt it, for he would not be likely to do that if it was true about the expedition at Berber.
Sent out spy from Halfeyeh towards Shendy.
Whatever may happen, I hope it will be put to our credit that we gave you the Abbas steamer, and placed three steamers at your disposal at Metemma,—when, if we had them we might have cut the route between Jura on left bank of the Nile, and Fakir Ibraham on the right bank of the Nile,—besides using up 350 soldiers of our meagre garrison in the equipages of those steamers! Truly the indecision of our Government has been, from a military point of view, a very great bore, for we never could act as if independent; there was always the chance of their taking action, which hampered us.
Take the Tokar business: had Baker been supported by, say, 500 men, he would not have been defeated; yet, after he was defeated, you go and send a force to relieve the town. Had Baker been supported by these 500 men, he would, in all probability, have been victorious, and would have pushed on to Berber, and, once there, Berber would not have fallen. What was right to do in March, was right to do in February. We sent an expedition in March, so we ought to have sent it in February; and then, the worst of it was, that Baker, having been defeated, when you did send your expedition to Tokar, Baker’s force no longer existed, and his guns resist me at Berber. It is truly deplorable, the waste of men and money, on account of our indecision. Baker’s expedition ought never to have been pushed forward, unless by small stages, supported by forts. It had not more than fifteen or twenty miles to go, and that distance ought to be, so to say, sapped. Take your present expedition, I do not know (thanks to that Intelligence Department!) the details, but it seems to me that till 20th August, or thereabouts, we were supposed to be quietly disposed of, but about that date our resurrection occurred, and then, “Let us have an expedition at once, and send for Wolseley.” Had the men at Wady Halfa (Duncan) been told in March (when he came up to Assouan) to make étapes up to Dongola, they would have been all ready for the expedition now. Personally, I do not care, but I think what a perfect mess we would be in, in an European war. I am convinced Wood, the Sirdar, and many others, foresaw what was likely to happen, but they did not consider they were called upon to make a row about it. (Plutarch’s Lives are out of print in our generation; we do not like to be what club men call insubordinate, though, of all insubordinates, the club men are the worst.) What is the consequence? Why, an infinite expense and great difficulty. Mark the way the Mahdi treated Cuzzi: is it likely he did it for the love of Cuzzi? was it not because Cuzzi told him of Baring’s telegram, “that no troops will be sent to Berber”? Remember, though I put these queries, it is not I who put them: it is history. Why did Baker go to Suakin, and Wood, the Sirdar, stay at Cairo? One was chief of gendarmerie; the other was commander-in-chief. It was not a question of police, but of war. If it was right to let Sinkat perish, it was right to let Tokar; if it was right to relieve Tokar, it was right to see after Berber, and thence on to Kartoum, Sennaar, Kassala, Bahr Gazelle, and the Equator. At any rate, be consistent. No one can question the right of the Government to decide; but when they decide, let it be a decision. “We will abandon altogether, and not care what happens.” That is a decision one can understand, whether one approves or not. We are not the judges; but what we have done is such, that I declare I very much doubt what is really going to be the policy of our Government, even now that the expedition is at Dongola.
What were my ideas in coming out? They were these: agreed abandonment of Soudan, but extricate the garrisons, and these were the instructions of the Government; and I only wish that the public would look over Baring’s and my telegrams exchanged from 28th February to 16th March, and see how he answered me:[113] it was as if I was amusing myself up here. And then that light-hearted fellow Egerton ... adds to it (“that I am in Capua”), “What are your intentions in staying at Kartoum?”[114] I should like to see some explanation why no efforts were made for the relief of the garrisons before August (not my relief). Berber was known to have fallen in March; it may be said the season was not good, then why in June does Egerton tell me to make contracts? I hope Stewart will cut out all this biliousness.
9 p.m. Telegraph cut with Halfeyeh. This corroborates rather what this man who came in to-day said, i.e. that the Arabs meditate coming again to the Dem, north of this town, which will be a trouble—it will be the beginning of a second blockade, and I hope the last, for I declare I do not think I could go through a third blockade—siege is too great a word for it.
October 9.—Telegraph repaired with Halfeyeh. The Arabs came down on the lines with two guns and exchanged some shots with our people. Only waste of ammunition.
One soldier escaped from the Arabs to-day. He came from Sheikh el Obeyed. He says they have got the gun which was captured at Katarif.
The Arabs fired seventeen shells this morning, but did no harm.
Those Shaggyeh! I will back them to try a man’s patience more sorely than any other people in the whole world, yea, and in the Universe. It is no use detailing their efforts. I have now sent Moussa Bey down to Halfeyeh. I really believe that they did try the patience of the Arabs, from all I hear; for the Arabs frequently thought of putting them to the sword, and I can quite imagine Arabs having this thought, from the wear and tear they have given me.
Of course, the officer on the lines reports masses of Arabs killed to-day.
Sheikh el Obeyed killed all the prisoners he took (who were inhabitants of Kartoum) in Mahomet Ali’s defeat, near El foun. I have ordered the sale of 200 ardebs of grain, no one to buy more than ¼ ardeb.
Stewart will be annoyed at hearing “Ibrahim Ruckdi is very ill!!!!” Illness dates from hour of being turned out of head clerk’s place; he has not sent for the doctor.
It will be a satisfaction for some to know that, owing to their not sending me any news, I am exposed to hearing all sorts of disquieting rumours from the town, which, though I do not mind them, are not destined to make one’s life lighter. The Ulemas have been coming here for two days to see me; they have been bothering for more grain, and so I put off seeing them, but I gave them one ardeb a piece. To-day, however, they pushed an interview, but I still held out, and said they must tell my Vakeel what they had to say. After a deal of palaver my Vakeel came in to say, “that the whole of the town requested I would take back Ibrahim Ruckdi.” What an idea! I said “The town had better mind their own business, and leave me to mind mine.” I think it is lovely! and how Ruckdi must have worked at it during his severe illness. Ruckdi had got at my servants. Edrees, the butler, told me, with a look of deepest commiseration, how ill Ruckdi was, on which I laughed. I guessed he was on the sick list, and had asked. “Yes” (with a deep sigh), “Ruckdi was very ill.” “Illness commenced when?” I asked. “Oh, a long time back, but duty and fidelity to me had enabled him to crawl through his work,” at which I laughed again. Then came the Ulemas, with the town petition. I can quite imagine when men have bribed the chief clerk A. to be favourable, that it is a bother to have to go through the same process with chief clerk B. on A.’s being turned out; it upsets all calculations. Ruckdi will return to Cairo with Tongi.
“See-saw,[115] see-saw, why it is enough to kill a fellow. I can’t keep my eyes open. I would give a shilling to have an hour’s sleep! Yes, of course, you say it is close at hand, you black devil!” “I know your Kareb means at least three hours more.” “Give you the water-bottle? I can’t. I don’t dare to touch the rope of this long-necked brute. Hullo: there is some one come a cropper. Rifle, ‘broken,’ of course, it is, you cannot fall from a precipice without its being broken.” “Hi! stop! Catch hold of the brute; the machufat, as you call it, is slipping round. Can’t you stop the brute (noise of a body falling); well, there is an end of it. I will walk now sooner than embark again on the ship of the desert. Am I hurt? Oh, no, of course not; rather enjoyed sensation. Walks half a mile, boots full of sand, and tries it again.”—Scene in Desert: Explorations in Central Africa, by Her Majesty’s Army.
The machufats[116] will slip forward, and camels will object to people riding on their long necks; they will drop vesuvians on camels, who will not like it; they will get galled, and have not glycerine; they will drop their pipes, and not dare to descend for them; they will pass baggage-camel with sharp edged boxes, which will rasp their legs; as they mount they will go over the other side and swear—oh how they will swear! all their Topies will be crushed—aches and pains in every part of the body (I should be inclined to put them on ambulance saddles, one on each side: awkward if they meet a baggage caravan). “Tired and ill! of course I am tired and ill after bowing and swaying my body to and fro all night, with my eyes pricking like as from so many needles, from desire to sleep; and you may say what you like, I swear I saw more than one of those skeleton camels get up, and I saw houses as plain as I see you.[117] I was between Scylla and Charybdis. I wanted to sleep, and I was afraid of falling off—shall never forget it.”
“Chermside to Kitchener: Any news of him?”
“Kitchener to Chermside: Nothing particular; two or three more men down. Steamers at Metemma. Abuse as usual of Intelligence Department. Mahdi doing much better: he finds it more difficult to get his letters through, and will have time to get over his liver complaint and injustices. Stewart says it was a perfect pandemonium to be boxed up with him when in his tantrums. I hope you are well. Let me know if I can do anything for you.”
I think, in the interests of the Telegraph Department, Floyer ought to make officers pay for telegrams like this intercepted one.
A man came in from the Arabs on the South Front. He says the Arabs have imprisoned the regular troops with them; that the regulars want to make a rush for our lines and to escape to us.
A boy came in four days absent from the Mahdi’s camp, which is at a place opposite Gitana. He says the Mahdi is moving along the left bank towards Omdurman, and that he has with him all the Europeans, Elias Pasha, and Slatin; that he will try and take the place before the advance of the English, who are said to be near Berber. Kordofan is quiet. The Mahdi has about three to four thousand with him. The Mahdi says he will cross the river dry-foot—by a miracle.
Sent for the Ismailia from Halfeyeh, replacing her by the Towfikia. The Bordeen, down the river, will go to the same place on her return. Somehow this advance of the Mahdi has raised my spirits; nothing is more dead-like to be shut up as we have been; now, at any rate, a month will see him victorious or defeated, as God may will it. I think he will try and negotiate, for, of course, Hussein Pasha Khalifa has told him I had a Firman enabling me to give up the country if I found some one to take it.
“Kitchener to Chermside.—Hurrah! Capital news! The Mahdi has him on the hip! he has gone to Omdurman. Bottled him up now! We will have no more impertinent remarks about the Intelligence Departments. Dongola illuminated! Regular feast of lanterns! Wish you were here, old fellow; hope you are well! Can I, &c., &c.”
I declare Floyer ought to make them pay for these telegrams—intercepted and brought here.
... “Well after a long night comes the dawn, this is somewhat better news. I confess I was never much taken up with Livingstone’s explorations, and I never would have believed any one, if he had told me I should be carrying out these explorations with a British army. One must not be ungrateful, but one may be permitted the remark why that Mahdi did not move before he has quite spoilt my holiday; why, dear me, in three months I shall be back in that bear-baiting garden again, being asked questions. What a life! What do you say? I am sacrificing myself for my country. Well, you are right there, I am a martyr, if ever there was one.”
The mass of people who have come in from the Arabs, have spread far and wide,—what is to be expected from the Mahdi and his Government—so I have no fear for the town, which I suppose has 40,000 inhabitants in it.
The Arabs prevent all coming to me—I prevent none going to them—and I even give them written permissions to go; so I gauge the fidelity of the people.
Small steamer got her steam up to-day, and I hope will be finished in three days, armed and in action.
I feel sure that the Mahdi comes with the idea of negotiating; if so, and one can have reasonable hope of success as to the extrication of the garrisons, I shall negotiate—for up to the present time, my original instructions are not abrogated, and I feel sure Her Majesty’s Government will not wish any longer campaign, than is necessary, in these parts, for their honour, but it must be remembered if, by negotiating, I get out the garrisons at the cost of the steamers, &c., &c., I must not be blamed if in the future, by the cession of the steamers and warlike material, Egypt suffers. Her Majesty’s Government gave me clear orders, i.e., “get out garrisons and evacuate”—these orders have not been cancelled and are in force. No official notice is given me of an advance of troops or of a change of policy; therefore I am justified in acting on my original instructions. Kitchener’s note is not sufficient to justify me in disobeying my regular instructions. Egerton’s telegram was not decipherable.
October 10.—The beginning of the year 1302 of the Arabs is on the 21st October. On the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd October were Hicks’s defeats. The Mahdi, bringing all the Europeans with him, makes his move look as if he were confident of his success ultimately. All information tends to show that his object is to starve us out. If the man would only drop his prophet’s functions, we might come to terms; but he will never do that, I fear. There is one good thing in the Mahdi’s coming here—he will be easy of access, if our Government wishes to communicate with him; and also if he is defeated there is an end of him, without going to Kordofan. I suppose our people at Debbeh must be aware of the whereabouts of the Mahdi at any rate.
It is an odd coincidence the advance of the Mahdi and of the expeditionary force at the same time, and to the same place (Armageddon).
I have 240 men at Omdurman, and it is pretty strong. It is not likely to be attacked; for if the Mahdi won it, he would not have gained Kartoum, though it would be a trouble, as it would discourage the people.
There is one bother, in any negotiations (which, however, I do not think possible), viz. how far one ought to go in re the steamers, and warlike store. If I had Zubair here it might be settled, but now the expedition is at Dongola it is a query what ought to be done.
I have lost seven guns, two on board each steamer, at Metemma, and one on board the Abbas.
This morning the Arabs fired six Krupp shells into the lines, which did not burst.
Not a large church parade either at Kalakla, South Front, or at Faki Mustapha, near Omdurman. Two men came in, one from south front with rifle, and one from Omdurman; the latter says the Mahdi will come to Omdurman either to-day or to-morrow, and will content himself with the investment of the place. He has with him all the Europeans, nuns and all. The Arabs meditate coming over to the old Dem, near Halfeyeh, but they say it will be the Arabs of Waled a Goun who will come, not those of the Sheikh el Obeyed; this is odd, and it would seem as if these two parties had fallen out. We know Sheikh el Obeyed did not agree with Abou Gugliz.
People do not appear a bit put out at the approach of the Mahdi; in fact they look on it as a good thing, for they say the affair will be ended here, and there will be no necessity to go to Kordofan.
A very little Arab boy, with large, black, limpid eyes, came in from the Arabs. He had been captured some months ago.
The steamer Bordeen is still down the river, robbing, I expect, right and left.
A Sandjak of Shaggyeh, who was for months a prisoner with Sheikh Ibrahim (son of Sheikh el Obeyed), told me how this latter used to quarrel with Abou Gugliz, how the latter had taken the gun they had captured from us; and how glad Sheikh Ibrahim was when we beat Abou Gugliz at Giraffe. On one occasion Abou Gugliz put Sheikh Ibrahim in chains.
Four of the Arab Krupp shells fell in the centre of the town—did no harm—(regular bombardment of Paris), moral effect, nil.
Little steamer Husseinyeh trial trip to-morrow. The Arabs will think one of the large steamers has been brought to bed.
One cannot help being amused at the Mahdi’s carrying all the Europeans about with him—nuns, priests, Greeks, Austrian officers—what a medley, a regular Etât major. It will be a great crow for Lord Wolseley if he manages to put an extinguisher on the Mahdi.
Cambyses, son of Cyrus of Isaiah, lost his army b.c. 525, in these deserts, 2409 years ago.
The Mussulman year 1302 begins on the anniversary of Trafalgar. “England expects” (does not say even “thank you”) “you will do your duty.”
Those who were ever quartered at Gibraltar will remember two despatches over the mantelpiece, Collingwood’s on Trafalgar; Wellington on Waterloo. What a different tone in them. I cannot help thinking the navy is more chivalrous than the army in all nations; they are more seriously minded, having gone through greater vicissitudes of danger. I noticed flags around Faki Mustapha’s tent, and three women came in this evening from Waled a Goun’s camp, and reports that the Mahdi came to Omdurman to-day; but a soldier who escaped with his rifle came in afterwards and said the Mahdi had not yet come to Omdurman, but was expected to-morrow.
In five days’ time I shall send down the Towfikia steamer to Metemma, and order the Talataween back. With the Towfikia I shall send this journal up to date. The Towfikia will stay at Metemma.
I have placed two of the castled santels at the end of the lines on the White Nile, the other two are at Bourré. The Bordeen steamer is back from Shoboloha; she captured fifteen cows and four slaves. She was fired on from the left bank of the Nile.
Armed the men of the band and made them body guard of Ferratch Pasha.
In future, for the defence of Kartoum, strong forts ought to be built at Shoboloha, on both sides of the defile.
The Bordeen telegraphed from Halfeyeh “important spy captured.” I answered, “what did important spy say?” I was answered, “Important spy said that the English had sent out three men to see about roads to Kartoum.” This was two and a half hours’ work to get this information. It is enough to drive one wild (a very small mouse for such a mountain). Couriers were sent on horses to and fro for this information. I am going to sit on the captain of the Bordeen to-morrow. These people, if they have a grain of information which they (not I) think important, make a perfect Mont Blanc of it, so as to get promotion. What on earth of importance is it to us whether the British general has sent 150 spies to look after roads.
The captain of the Bordeen gave the names of the spies sent out by the British general obtained from this “important spy,” thinking, of course, I should be delighted. These things render one perfectly furious, for, at least, twenty people were kept at work for absolutely nothing; and like a born idiot, there was I, on tiptoe of excitement, waiting information of the “important spy,” to end with the news that “three men had been sent out by the British general.” Had “this important spy” said the British general had started, it would have been another thing, but that is in the future, and I do not blame the British general for not rushing headlong into these deserts.
October 11.—A sergeant-major came in at Omdurman to-day, he left the Mahdi three days ago. The Mahdi was then one day’s march from Omdurman, at the place Stewart met the chiefs when he went up the Nile in March. The Mahdi will be at the camp Faki Mustapha to-night or to-morrow. He has from 2000 to 3000 regulars with him, whom he captured here and there. Three Krupp guns and four mountain guns, but has a lot more mountain guns en route from Kordofan. With the Mahdi are Hussein Pasha Khalifa, Saleh Pasha, Slatin, and all the Greeks, priests, and nuns, who have become Muslim. A priest and a nun who refused to become Muslim, he left in Obeyed. Nuchranza is with him. He has a mixed multitude with him, who are not over zealous, for he has discontented the people by his exactions. They have plenty of meat, but not much grain. The Frenchman spoken of (and supposed to be Renan by me) has gone away from the Mahdi. Fighting is going on in Kordofan in the Gebel Nubar. Report is rife of the English being at Debbeh. The Mahdi intends bombarding Kartoum from the other side, and trying to demolish the Fort Omdurman. The money captured at Berber has not yet left Berber.
Another soldier came in from Waled a Goun’s camp; he says the regulars are all in chains.
The Arabs are making a fort 2000 yards off the south front. They fired eight rounds from a Krupp, which entered the town but did no harm.
Four shells entered the town yesterday—one slightly wounded five black sluts, one struck a house belonging to the family of the Mahdi.
Small steamer’s trial trip took place to-day—a great success; she snorts terribly.
Two more soldiers came in this morning from the Sheikh el Obeyed. They say he intends coming to the old Dem off the north front, where they were before. They say he is not on the best of terms with Waled a Goun. I hope sincerely he will not come opposite to us.
Sent out two men separately to Debbeh, with notification of the arrival of his holiness the Mahdi at Omdurman.
Connected the Fort of Halfeyeh by telegraph to river bank, 1500 yards.
Moussa Bey put in charge of the Bordeen and Ismailia, and Omdurman and Mogrim.
Ferratch Pasha is made a Ferile (General of Division). I am more generous than Her Majesty’s Government (when a colonel, I used to make Generals of Division. The Khedive used to tear his hair over it). It may be that Ferratch Pasha may be sold for 2¼$ in a fortnight, if the town is taken, and be carrying water for one of the Mahdi’s Ameers. I must say I am against doctors. If a man is suffering intense pain, and is in a more or less desperate condition, I would give as much morphine as would still that pain. It was the custom of the ancients to give to those who were to be crucified a numbing potion, which is that mentioned in Matt. xxvii. 34, Mark xv. 23. Our Lord would not abate, by mortal means, the slightest pang of His passion, and He would not taste it. But in our Lord’s case He knew the object of giving Him this potion, whereas a patient need not know it. Our doctors give a composing draught to produce sleep, and I cannot see why they stop at that and do not give a draught to produce insensibility to pain—but I suppose they have rules we know not of. Napoleon at Jaffa asked the principal medical officer a question—whether, with respect to the plague patients (whom he could not take with him in his retreat to Egypt, and they would have had their throats cut had they stayed) it would not be justifiable to give them composing draughts. The principal medical officer answered, “his business was to cure, not to kill.” Now Napoleon did not say “do so,” but he merely asked the question, inasmuch as it was certain that the throats of those patients would be cut by the Turks if they were left behind. History disputes whether Napoleon did not get another doctor to give the composing draughts, but it is certain that the plague-stricken patients were killed by the Turks (whether under the influence of composing draughts or not it does not much signify). To my mind the principal medical officer was a snob, and took advantage of Napoleon’s question to make himself a hero. Napoleon alluded to it afterwards at St. Helena, and I am inclined to believe his version, viz. that he only put the alternative question to the principal medical officer, and did not order the giving of the composing draught. I shall now conclude this Volume III. I have sent 200 men to Omdurman, and am prepared to evacuate Halfeyeh and place its garrison at Goba, if the Sheikh el Obeyed moves to the north of this place.
C. G. Gordon.
12/10/84.
BOOK IV.
On outside wrapper (a handkerchief):
No secrets as far as I am concerned.
C. G. GORDON.
Lt.-Colonel Stewart, C.M.G.,
Chief of the Staff, or Lord Wolseley, G.C.B.
Soudan Expeditionary Force.
Journal of Events—Kartoum, Vol. IV.
From 12th Oct. to 20th Oct., 1884.
General Gordon’s Journal.
EVENTS AT KARTOUM.
From 12th Oct. to 20th Oct., 1884.
To be pruned down if published.
C. G. GORDON.
The following note accompanied this Journal, addressed to
Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart:—
Kartoum, 20th October, 1884.
My dear Stewart,
Here is the Journal up to date—not much in it. I hear you got down all right. Kind regards to Lord Wolseley. I have given up now all idea of getting information from you all.
Yours sincerely,
C. G. Gordon.
On inside sheet:
General Gordon’s Journal, Vol. IV.
From 12th Oct. to 20th Oct. 1884.
EVENTS OF KARTOUM.
Together with a paper, Intelligence Department, on False Prophet.[118]
To be pruned down if published.
C. G. GORDON.