[302] The enemy harassed our camp at night, firing on our picquets, and working us other annoyance. “I doubt the policy,” wrote Rawlinson, “of our firing a few forts and going no further. It exasperates the Afghans without intimidating them. I believe that we should either have abstained altogether from retribution, or have carried fire and sword before us.”—[Major Rawlinson’s MS. Journal.]

[303] “The attack upon the heights and their subsequent abandonment,” says Major Rawlinson, “might have led to unpleasant consequences, had not the news of Akbar’s defeat arrived just in time to prevent Shumshoodeen from availing himself of this advantage. We were all most anxious to have gone straight on to Mydan, and to have attacked Shumshoodeen in his position, throwing the light companies along the heights to the left, which were already in our possession, the whole way down to the Mydan gorge; but the General would not stir beyond the place he had first marked out for his encampment, for fear of harassing the cattle.”—[Major Rawlinson’s MS. Journal.]

[304] MS. Notes.—See also the following from Rawlinson’s Journal: “As it appeared desirable that a direct communication should be established between the camps as soon as possible, I proposed to the General, on arriving at Urghundeh, that I should ride in and see General Pollock. My offer was accepted, and I immediately put on an Afghan dress, and escorted by the Parsewans who had come out to the camp, rode in through the town to the race-course, where I found the Jellalabad force encamped. I experienced no sort of difficulty or inconvenience on the road, being generally taken for an Afghan. I now learnt from General Pollock that there were no fresh orders from Lord Ellenborough regarding the establishment of an Afghan Government; in fact, that he was prohibited from pledging the government to recognise any one, but that still, as Futteh Jung had thrown himself on our protection, and that as it was absolutely necessary something like a government should be established, in order to enable us to obtain supplies (the Jellalabad Commissariat being entirely exhausted) as well as to facilitate our subsequent departure, General Pollock had resolved to give Futteh Jung such indirect assistance as he was able. In this view he had recommended the Kuzzilbash and Douranee chiefs to tender their allegiance to him, and he had so far given him his countenance as to accompany him to the Balla Hissar in the morning, and even, as the Shah elect took his seat on the throne, to fire a royal salute, ostensibly for the remounting of the British colours on the citadel of Caubul, but of course, in the apprehension of the Afghans, as an honorary recognition by us of the new monarch’s accession. I met Macgregor in my way to the camp, coming into the Balla Hissar with all the chiefs to make their salaam to Shah Futteh Jung as he is now called, and I now hear that Macgregor, who conducts all the political duties of General Pollock’s camp, endeavoured, in a private audience which he had of his Majesty after the Durbar, to come to an explanation with him regarding our inability to support him with men, money, or arms, and the necessity, in consequence, of his relying entirely on his own resources. At first sight, it appears to me out of the question that Futteh Jung should be able to hold his own after our departure, and I see no great object even in making the attempt, but I cannot yet form a proper judgment.”—[Major Rawlinson’s MS. Journal.]

[305] Shakespear, with characteristic gallantry, had volunteered for this service. The Kuzzilbashes had tendered their services to Pollock.

[306] “September 14.—As we find that the prisoners have certainly been carried off to Bameean, and the Kuzzilbashes are disposed to assist us in their recovery, while General Pollock is not likely to encounter further opposition on his march upon Caubul, it was suggested to the General to-day that he should despatch a brigade from Urghundeh, where the Bameean road strikes off, to form a support for our party, assisted by the Hazarehs, to fall back upon. He would not, however, listen to this proposal, declaring that he had only one object in view, that of marching his force to India viâ Caubul, without turning to the right or left; and that he considered, from the tenor of all Lord Ellenborough’s despatches, the recovery of the prisoners to be a matter of indifference to government.”

“September 15.—It was again to-day urged upon the General to send a brigade to Bameean, or in that direction, to assist in the rescue of the prisoners, but he seems to have made up his mind that he will not separate his force unless positively ordered to do so by higher authority.”—[Major Rawlinson’s MS. Journal.]

[307] Statement of Lieutenant Mayne—MS. Correspondence of Officers on the Staff of General Nott.—The only apologetic explanation of this which has yet reached me is to be found in the assertion, that Mayne’s escort crowded on Nott’s staff. Mayne posted his horsemen on the reverse flank, and it is his belief that they were not in the way of the staff.

[308] MS. Correspondence.

[309] They had been joined by their fellow-captives from Ghuznee. See note in the Appendix. It may be mentioned that John Conolly, the last of three ill-fated brothers, had died at Caubul on the 7th of August, deeply deplored by all who had served with him in Afghanistan.

[310] “August 28.—Every hamlet and fort we passed after daybreak poured forth its inhabitants to stare and wonder at the Feringhee prisoners. Not an uncivil word or gesture have I ever heard or seen in all our wanderings; but, on the contrary, many a sympathising word and look has been expressed, and especially by people who had previously any knowledge of us.”

“August 29.—On passing the above fort (of Mustapha Khan, Kuzzilbash), where Saleh Mahomed and I were the first to arrive, I was most agreeably surprised by the owner bringing out two or three large trays full of excellent cakes and sweetmeats, and begging I would distribute them among the ladies and children—expressing at the same time the most unfeigned sympathy for all of us. To people in our unfortunate situation, a civil word even is well appreciated, but such a mark of kindness as this worthy Persian showed us, is not easily forgotten. His very look bespoke him a man of generous and kindly feeling. Our little fellow-prisoners—both boys and girls—had such a feast as they have not had for many a day. On arriving at our bivouac, another Kuzzilbash, who had a fort close by, hearing from Ahmed Khan that I wanted to buy a horse, brought me one for sale. As I was, however, afraid of running out of funds, I told him my fears. His reply was, ‘I know you, and I will be satisfied with your note of hand. I am a relation of Naib Sheriff Khan.’ This was a mark of confidence I could not have expected in such dangerous times, when my life is not worth twenty-four hours’ purchase. I did not take the animal.”—[Captain Johnson’s Narrative. MS.]

[311] “The commandant of our guard appears very civil and inclined to oblige us in every possible way—at any rate he is so to me. I was quite delighted to hear him talk in such enthusiastic terms of my deceased and lamented friend Hopkins (his former commanding officer). On asking him why he deserted with his company to Dost Mahomed in September, 1840, his reply was, that he was disgusted with the abusive language used towards him by the European non-commissioned officers; and I do not doubt that this had a great effect in alienating him from our service, although certainly not the immediate cause of his desertion. Saleh Mahomed is a good-humoured, jolly fellow, and without any prejudices against us Kaffirs. He is a soldier of fortune, cares little whom he serves, has been to Bokhara, Yarkund, and was at the taking of Kokund a few months ago. Rode with him the whole march, and was much amused at his traveller’s tales. He is the greatest hero in his own estimation I ever came across. There is no end to his feats of valour, to which I am a ready listener, for two reasons: firstly, that I am amused; secondly, that he is flattered by my being so good a listener—by which I hope to turn him to good account.”—[Captain Johnson’s Narrative of his Captivity. MS.]

[312] The words of the bond may be thus translated:—

“We gentlemen, Pottinger, Johnson, Mackenzie, and Lawrence, in the presence of God and Jesus Christ, do enter into the following agreement with Saleh Mahomed Khan:—Whenever Saleh Mahomed Khan shall free us from the power of Mahomed Akbar Khan, we agree to make him (Saleh Mahomed Khan) a present of 20,000 rupees, and to pay him monthly the sum of 1000 rupees; likewise to obtain for him the command of a regiment in the government service; and we attest that this agreement is not false; and should we have spoken falsely then will we acknowledge ourselves to be false men, even in the presence of Kings.

“E. Pottinger,	C. Mackenzie,
“H. Johnson,	G. St. P. Lawrence.”

—[Translated from the counterpart of the Agreement given by Saleh Mahomed to Captain Johnson.]

[313] The agreement is thus worded:—“We, whose signatures are hereunto attached, do bind ourselves to pay into the hands of Major Pottinger and Captains Lawrence and Johnson, on condition of our release being effected by an arrangement with Saleh Mahomed Khan, such a number of months’ pay and allowances as they shall demand from us—such pay and allowances to be rated by the scale at which we shall find ourselves entitled to draw from the date of our release from captivity. We, who are married, do further agree to pay the same amount for our wives and families as for ourselves. We, whose husbands are absent, do pledge ourselves in proportion to our husbands’ allowances.” The agreement is drawn up on half-a-sheet of foolscap paper, in the hand-writing of Captain Johnson. The names of all the prisoners (officers and ladies) are attached to it; the first being that of Brigadier Shelton. There is a codicil to it, signed by Lady Macnaghten and Mrs. Sturt, in these words:—“We, who are widows, do pledge ourselves to pay such sums as may be demanded from us by Major Pottinger and Captains Lawrence and Johnson in furtherance of the above scheme”—“In our prison at Bameean: 11th September, 1842.”—[MS. Records.]

[314] The European soldiers at Bameean were so reduced by sickness as to be scarcely able to hold a musket. And they had lost all heart.

[315] “In order,” says Captain Johnson, from whose Narrative these details are taken, “to show as imposing a front as possible, there was no rear rank.”

[316] Seeing that Saleh’s Mahomed’s men wore our English belts and pouches, the soldiers of Nott’s division were disposed to fall upon them. It was intimated to the commandant that it would be expedient to remove them out of the way of danger.

[317] “On passing the corner of the street where I formerly lived, I could not forego the desire of looking on the ruins of a house in which I had passed a period of two years of happiness. Although I had expected to see the whole place unroofed, I was not prepared for such a scene of desolation. Not one brick was left standing on another in either my house or that of Sir Alexander Burnes (the adjoining one). They were nothing but a heap of dirt, covering the mouldering remains of our unfortunate people. A spot was pointed out to me in Sir Alexander’s garden as that in which his body had been interred.”—[Captain Johnson’s Narrative of his Captivity. MS.]

[318] “September 19.—Our Sepoys and camp-followers, taking their cue, I fancy, from their officers, are very unruly, and commit extensive depredations on the lands and villages near our camp; and as the property thus plundered chiefly belongs to the Kuzzilbash chiefs, General Pollock, who relies mainly on these people for the consolidation of the new government, is subject to great embarrassment. I have a sort of misgiving that Caubul will, after all, be destroyed. In the present state of feeling, any accidental quarrel would lead to a general rush upon the town, and the Sepoys once there, massacre and conflagration would assuredly follow. General Pollock, by proclamations of encouragement, has been endeavouring to persuade the Caubullees to return to their houses and re-open their shops; but, after all that has happened, it is difficult to persuade the townspeople that we do not aim at retribution, and the proceedings about our camp at Char Deh are anything but calculated to allay their suspicions; the city continues, therefore, more than half closed, and supplies are procurable with difficulty.”

“September 20.—Our men have been plundering to-day as usual about the camp, and in some scuffle which took place at Deh Afshur, four of the Kuzzilbashes, with Khassim Khan, a chief, were slain by the Sepoys.”

“September 21.—The fort of Mahomed Meerza, one of our worst enemies, was given up to plunder, and we did not even respect the property at Aliabad, which belongs to Gholam Mahomed Khan, the lately appointed minister.... The townspeople had returned in small numbers to the town, and had re-opened their shops; but owing to the affair at Deh Afshur, I believe, a panic seized the people, and every one fled, believing that orders had been issued for a general massacre.”

“September 22.—The depredations of the Sepoys and followers from this camp continue, notwithstanding all the efforts that are made to repress them. The Kuzzilbashes cannot help believing that we encourage these excesses, and in consequence they are not half satisfied of General Pollock’s sincerity.”—[Major Rawlinson’s MS. Journal.]

[319] The General forwarded a translation of the letter to Nott, who sent it back with his comments. The charges and the denials appear in the Appendix as they were forwarded to Pollock’s camp.

[320] He asked Mayne, on the 17th, when that officer appeared in his camp, as mentioned at page 347, how many days’ supplies General Pollock had with him? and when Mayne replied that he believed the General had about a week’s supplies for his troops, “What business, then,” asked Nott, “has General Pollock up at Caubul with only a week’s supplies?” Mayne, of course, made no answer.

[321] A considerable body of Kuzzilbashes, under the command of Shah-zadah Shahpoor and Khan Shereen Khan, the whole in charge of Captain Colin Mackenzie, had accompanied M’Caskill’s force, and co-operated with much effect, especially in rescuing a number of sepoys and camp-followers of Elphinstone’s force from slavery. General Pollock had appointed Captain Mackenzie to this important duty in consequence of Lord Ellenborough’s request that he would select that officer or John Conolly, if within his reach, for any political mission that might be called for, even to the important duty of accompanying General Nott’s force, if it were expedient for that officer to return by a different route from Pollock’s. On reaching Hindostan, however, Mackenzie met with the same neglect and injustice as the other “children of another Government.”

[322] See Papers in the Appendix.

[323] Major Rawlinson’s MS. Journal.

[324] “On the 9th our engineers set to work to blow up and destroy the Char Chutta. The cry went forth that Caubul was given up to plunder. Both camps rushed into the city, and the consequence has been the almost total destruction of all parts of the town, except the Gholam-Khana quarter and the Balla Hissar.... Numbers of people (about 4000 or 5000) had returned to Caubul, relying on our promises of protection—rendered confident by the comparative immunity they had enjoyed during the early part of our sojourn here, and by the appearance, ostentatiously put forth, of an Afghan Government. They had many of them re-opened their shops. These people have been now reduced to utter ruin. Their goods have been plundered, and their houses burnt over their heads. The Hindoos in particular, whose numbers amount to some 500 families, have lost everything they possess, and they will have to beg their way to India in rear of our columns. The Chundarwal has had a narrow escape. Safeguards have been placed at the different gates; but I doubt not if our parties of plunderers would not have forced an entrance had not the Gholam Khana stood to their arms, and showed and expressed a determination to defend their property to the last.”—[Major Rawlinson’s MS. Journal.]

[325] Captain G. St. P. Lawrence, Sir W. Macnaghten’s Military Secretary, who had been present at his murder, and had subsequently shared the perils of the captivity.

[326] “Futteh Jung had urged his people to set fire to the palace as he came out, observing that Shahpoor’s rule would be a brief one, and that his own feelings revolted at the idea of the Suddozye seraglio falling to the lot of either Mahomed Akbar or the Ghilzyes. Some attempts were in consequence made at incendiarism, but the flames did not spread.”—[Major Rawlinson’s MS. Journal.]

[327] They seem to have been admitted by Pollock, but to have been expelled by Nott. “General Pollock’s camp,” wrote Rawlinson in his journal, “is crowded with hangers-on, imperfectly provided with carriage or supplies, and he necessarily experiences much inconvenience in consequence. General Nott has positively refused to permit his force to be encumbered in the same way, and yesterday evening a general clearance of our camp took place, preparatory to the march. About 500 men were expelled from the Bazaar of the 16th Regiment alone, where they had taken refuge. Most of these people were the destitute Hindoos of Caubul and Ghuznee. They had hoped to have found means of returning to Hindostan with our column; but have been now obliged to go back to Caubul and bide their fate among the Afghans.”—[Major Rawlinson’s MS. Journal.]

[328] Pollock took forty-four guns and a large quantity of ordnance stores; but not the least of his trophies were a large number of miserable mutilated natives of India, crippled by wounds or by the frost, who had escaped with their lives from the great wreck of Elphinstone’s army. Pollock now provided them with carriage, appointed two officers to the charge of them, and conveyed them to Hindostan.

[329] Major Rawlinson says: “It is whispered that the recognition of Shahpoor on the part of the Gholam-Khana has been a mere ruse to save the Balla Hissar, and that the chiefs hope to make use of this successful manœuvre to propitiate Mahomed Akbar. The Kuzzilbash, however, if they do meditate anything of this sort, will assuredly overreach themselves, for if any bonâ fide Afghan Government succeeds in establishing itself at Caubul, the Gholam-Khana, after what has happened, will certainly be extirpated, root and branch.”—[Major Rawlinson’s MS. Journal.]

[330] The late Colonel Sutherland. “It is, indeed,” he wrote, “a comfort to be able to look a native in the face again with confidence; for although there was in reality no change that one could see in their bearing towards us in this region, yet one could not help feeling that we had fallen from our high position; and they would have felt this too, and in the end, perhaps, shown that they did, had not the noble resolution been taken of moving forward to retrieve our tarnished reputation. Now all is right. How easily achieved! And we stand on surer ground now in all quarters than we ever did at any former period of our Indian history.”—[MS. Correspondence.]

[331] See letter, ante, page 284, note.

[332] “October 1.—The Governor-General brought me some papers to consult me upon. Among others, a proclamation announcing that we retire from Afghanistan, leaving to the Afghans the choice of their sovereign. It was on this day, four years ago, that Lord Auckland issued the proclamation announcing the grounds of his interference; and on the same day, in the same room, Lord Ellenborough signed his notification of altered intentions, in a clear, short, decided paper, which I much approve. He could not avoid avowing some of his predecessor’s military errors; but he has not touched at any length on the political, further than that we lost our name and an army by neglect on the part of our agents.”—[Sir Jasper Nicholls’s MS. Journal.]

[333] Lord Ellenborough’s explanations on this subject are to be found in the following letter to General Pollock, which calls for no comment:

“Simlah, Oct. 12, 1842.

“General,—I enclose for your information a copy of a proclamation, signed by me here on the 1st of this month, but withheld from immediate publication, with the view to the having previously made and circulated to the Native Courts, and amongst the natives generally, a correct translation which might be the official document in the native language, and prevent any misrepresentation, or misapprehension of the intentions of the government. I further wished not to make known here the intention of withdrawing the army, until I knew that you had actually the prisoners in your hands, and had made arrangements for leaving Caubul. Your letter received here on the 5th removed every ground for withholding the publication of the proclamation, had the translation been prepared; but in consequence of the absence of Mr. Clerk on duty in the plains, no such translation had been made as I could fully rely upon.

“In the mean time, by a combination of accidents, and some irregularity in the transaction of business in the Secretary’s office, the printed copies of the proclamation were, without my knowledge, or that of the Secretary himself, transmitted to the presidencies and the political officers generally. There is no object in your publishing the proclamation in your camp. Mr. Clerk returned last night, and the translation will hardly be ready for transmission before to-morrow.

“I have, &c.

“Ellenborough.”

—[MS. Correspondence.]

[334] “October 5.—His Lordship sent me the draft of his letter to the Hindoo chiefs, relating to the gates of the Somnauth temple; and invited remarks on it, which I freely gave; and he took them in good part, adopting some of them.”—[Sir Jasper Nicholls’s MS. Journal.]

[335] The Governor-General, when he first drafted the proclamation, only knew that Nott had reached Caubul with the gates. He may have thought it expedient to withhold the issue of it, lest by some untoward accident the gates might be lost on their journey through the passes of Afghanistan.

[336] We have no word very fitly to represent the character of the affair. The French would have called it a bêtise. It was a bêtise of the first magnitude.

[337] Memorandum, by Captain Peter Nicolson, of a Conversation with Dost Mahomed Khan: February 13, 1842. MS. Records.

[338] He was candid enough, too, at one time, to acknowledge that, after the expulsion of the British from Caubul, the only chance of establishing a settled government was through the agency of Shah Soojah. “The Ameer concluded,” says Captain Nicolson, in the memorandum cited above, “by using an expression exactly the same as one Shah Soojah uses in his letter to Captain Macgregor.” He said: “The people cannot now do without the King, for there is no one else who could carry on the government.”—[MS. Records.]

[339] Mr. Clerk was despatched to Lahore with an invitation from the Governor-General; and Shere Singh was inclined to accept it, but he was overruled in Durbar. The Crown Prince, Pertab Singh, and Dhyan Singh, the minister, were sent to represent the Maharajah at for Governor-General’s Court.

[340] A smart skirmish between Nott’s division and the enemy, on the Huft-Kotul, may, perhaps, be considered as an exception. Colonel Stacy describes it as “a severe affair;” and Nott, who was not inclined to write lengthy despatches, or to exaggerate the importance of his engagements, thought it worthy of a brief despatch. In Colonel Stacy’s Narrative and Captain Neill’s Recollections of Service, the reader will find ample details of all the operations of the rear division. Lieutenant Greenwood’s Narrative may also be consulted for some particulars of the movements of M’Caskill’s division.

[341] Lieut. Christie, of the Artillery; and Ensign Nicholson, of the 30th Native Infantry.

[342] “It was a night attack of some plunderers to obtain baggage. There appears to have been sad confusion. The two officers were about that time killed. But the guns were not, I believe, even attempted to be carried off; otherwise we certainly never should have seen anything of them again, whereas, the next day, the mountain howitzer and carriage were found in statu quo, and the carriage of the three-pounder; and were brought in. I dare say the three-pounder was not far. It in all probability upset, and parted from the carriage; but if an enemy (so usually termed) had made the attack, it is very improbable that either guns or carriage would have been left, for a very few men could carry gun, carriage, and all.”—[MS. Correspondence of General Pollock: Camp near Ali-Musjid, Nov. 1, 1842.] Of this unfortunate business, another officer writes: “Night overtook our unfortunate 3rd Brigade. The enemy, emboldened by the darkness, came down upon them in strength. Some of our men were cut off in the column. Numbers of them were hit by stones, which were flying in all directions. The confusion must have been great. The Irregular Cavalry rode right over the infantry, knocking down several of the officers. Christie and his two mountain-guns were lost sight of in the dark, and are lost, himself killed. Young Nicholson, of the 30th, is killed. As to the number of men killed, nothing is yet known; but the whole of the Gholundauz that were with Christie are missing.”—[MS. Correspondence.]

[343] Pollock, determined to give the robber tribes as little opportunity as possible of plundering his baggage, ordered that every camel that could not come on should be shot, and that his load, if it could not be brought on, should be immediately burnt.

[344] One more glimpse at Afghan politics from Major Rawlinson’s interesting journal, may be afforded before we finally close it: “A messenger arrived to-day from Caubul with letters from the Kuzzilbash party, inviting the Nizam-ood-Dowlah to return, as Gholam Mahomed Khan had already given offence by endeavouring to re-establish an exclusive Douranee influence round the puppet King. At present, Khan Shereen is, as far as real power is concerned, paramount, and he seems determined to carry things with a high hand, having given out that if Shapoor lends himself to Douranee intrigue he will force him to abdicate in favour of another Prince. A strong Kuzzilbash detachment has at the same time been sent to Ghuznee under Mahomed Hussein Khan, to occupy that place, and in conjunction with the Hazarehs to hold in check any possible movement of Ghilzyes or Douranees from the westward. Prince Hyder, with another party of the Gholam Khana, has gone to Bameean, and expects to secure the passes during the winter against the return of the Barukzyes. Mahomed Akbar’s force, which remained for some time at Khanjan, is said to have completely dispersed, the Sirdar himself, with Ameen-oollah, having gone to Tash Noorghan, and the men having all returned to their homes at Caubul. Newab Zemaun Khan, Jubbar Khan, Oosman Khan, and Meer Hadjee, are said to be at Khooloom. The people of Caubul have nearly all returned to the city, and are busy re-opening their houses against the winter. Many of the Kohistan chiefs, Gool Mahomed and Khoda Buksh, Ghilzyes, have also paid their respects to Shahpoor, and Ameen-oollah was expected shortly to return. Mahomed Akbar either really fears for his personal safety, now that a party with which accommodation is impossible has come into power, or he thinks it better policy to allow dissension to fructify in the capital before he makes his reappearance on the scene. The Douranees are in a large minority at Caubul, and must necessarily give way before the Gholam Khana, if Khan Shereen acts with any energy. I look to Candahar as their natural and necessary retreat, and no doubt at that place Suddozye royalty, supported by their influence, will continue to glimmer on, until Persia turns her attention to her eastern frontier, and pushes forward the Barukzye Sirdars to play a game for her. The Kuzzilbashes at the same time, cannot expect to hold their ground at Caubul for any length of time.”—[Major Rawlinson’s MS. Journal.]

[345] Lord Ellenborough had determined to bestow exclusive honours upon Sale’s brigade; but Sir Jasper Nicolls desired to receive both Pollock and Nott with the same military distinctions. “I wished,” he wrote in his journal, “to have one of the reserve divisions to receive each of the divisions as it came, but he (Lord Ellenborough) did not desire that the honours paid to the garrison should be extended to any other part of the army. This I regret, for they have all seen hard work, great exposure, and some arduous days of service.”—[Sir Jasper Nicolls’s MS. Journal.]

[346] The rejoicings, in the opinions of many, were very much marred by the prejudiced exclusiveness of the Governor-General, who seems to have set his face very strenuously against the political officers, no matter what their services. With all his admiration of the illustrious garrison, Lord Ellenborough slighted Macgregor, who was its very life and soul; and with all his appreciation of gallantry, he seemed unable to appreciate the services of Eldred Pottinger.

[347] I wish it to be distinctly understood, that I have neither censured nor ridiculed the assembling of the army of reserve at Ferozepore. I believe it to have been a very politic movement.

[348] Pollock and Nott received most deservedly the distinction of the Grand Cross of the Bath; and Lord Ellenborough, who was created an Earl, formally invested them at Agra, and delivered some flowery speeches upon the occasion. It may be mentioned here that the gates of Somnauth, which had been brought up from Ferozepore on a triumphal car, were deposited in the magazine of Agra.

[349] In confirming the acquittal of Colonel Palmer, Sir Jasper Nicolls wrote that “the circumstances under which Colonel Palmer surrendered Ghuznee to the Afghans, were such as he could neither control, alter, nor alleviate.”

[350] And afterwards became again pensioners at Loodhianah, where several members of the family have died since the original edition of this work was published.

[351] It has now, however (1858), become a fact of some historical importance. The Captain Havelock to whom allusion is here made, is the late Sir Henry Havelock of Lucknow.

[352] MS. Correspondence.

[353] MS. Correspondence.

[354] MS. Records.

[355] MS. Records.

[356] Alluding to his Majesty’s dismissing the troops at Sir William Macnaghten’s request from the Balla Hissar.

[357] Mahomed Akbar.

[358] MS. Correspondence.

[359] MS. Correspondence.

[360] H.M. 1st Cavalry:—captain, 1; lieutenant, 1; resaldars, 2; rescudars, 2; naibs, 4; duffadars, 20; sowars, 220; trumpeters, 2; nishan burdurs, 5; and about 150 of the 2nd Jan Baz.

[361] MS. Records.

[362] Extract letter from the Governor-General to the Secret Committee, No 26, dated 6th April, 1843.

Letter from Major-General M’Caskill to Military Secretary to Government, 2nd April, 1843.

Letter to Adjutant-General Lumley, 2nd April, 1843, with enclosure.

Major-General Pollock to Lord Ellenborough, 2nd April, 1843.

Major-General Pollock to Lord Ellenborough, 16th April, 1843.

Major-General Nott to Military Secretary to Government of India, 4th April, 1843.

Major-General Nott to Adjutant-General Lumley, 4th April, 1843.

[363] Sir W. Nott’s letter is to be found in Captain M’Neill’s narrative, in the Quarterly Review (July, 1845), and elsewhere.