Irala, in conformity with the orders of the President Gasca of Peru, retraced his steps to Asuncion. There he distributed to his followers repartimientos, or consignments of land and slaves—a measure which greatly added to his popularity. He likewise founded a new settlement named Ciudad Real, near the border line of the Spanish and Portuguese territories. In the year 1547 Asuncion became the seat of a bishop, and about the same time an important intermediate station between Paraguay and Peru was established at Santa Cruz de la Sierra, whilst Spanish civilization also began to extend downwards from Paraguay in the direction of the sea.

The favourable reports which had reached Spain of the climate and capabilities of Paraguay were such as to divert thither many emigrants who would otherwise have turned their faces towards Mexico or Peru. It was the constant endeavour of Irala to level the distinctions which separated the Spaniards from the natives and to encourage inter-marriages between them. This policy, in the course of time, led to a marked result,—namely, to that singular combination of outward civilisation and of primitive simplicity which was to be found in the modern Paraguayan race until it was annihilated under the younger Lopez. “It was,” to quote Mr. Washburn, who lived eight years amongst them, “an anomalous people, and the like had never been seen in any other country of America. The reason of this may be found in the fact that in no other colony did the early colonists in large numbers adopt the native language and take the Indian women as wives.”

Irala, in fact, created a nation. The colony under his administration became numerous and wealthy. From his first arrival in the New World until his death, his career was one of activity, toil, and adventure, always in the conscientious discharge of his duty to his sovereign and to those around him. He was the life and soul of the colony, and his death, which occurred in 1557 at the village of Ita near Asuncion, when he had attained the age of seventy years, was lamented alike by Spaniards and Guaranís. In the estimation of Mr. Washburn, he was the first and last great man ever known to La Plata.

From this date Paraguayan history is for a long period destitute of all marked events save one. It consists, indeed, mainly of the establishment and progress of the Order of Jesus in that country. An account of the origin and advance of this remarkable movement must be deferred to a future chapter.

CHAPTER VI.

DISCOVERY OF PERU.

1521-1528.

But in 1524 three men were found in the colony whose respective characters pointed them out as being conjointly fitted to undertake a discovery and conquest no less dazzling and wonderful than that which had been effected by Cortez. These were Francisco Pizarro, Diego Almagro, and Hernan de Luque, the Vicar of Panamá, who was, however, but the commissioner of the Licentiate Espinosa, who supplied the funds.

The celebrated Pizarro was a native of Truxillo in Estremadura, and at the time of setting out for the discovery of Peru was rather over fifty years of age. In his youth he had not been taught either to read or to write, but his fancy was captivated by the strange tales to which he listened of the New World beyond the sea. Embarking with other adventurers from Seville, he found his way to Hispaniola and later to Darien, from which place he accompanied Balboa in the march across the mountains which resulted in the discovery of the Southern Ocean. He later removed, with the seat of government, from Darien to Panamá, and was conspicuous in the conquest of the tribes to the north. Of Pizarro’s confederates, Almagro was, like himself, an illiterate soldier of fortune and of a similar time of life, whilst Luque supplied the greater proportion of the brains and of the funds requisite for their joint enterprise.

To Almagro’s lot it fell to make the preparations for the voyage. Two small vessels were fitted out at Panamá, the first of which set sail from that port with about a hundred men on board, under the command of Pizarro, in November 1524: Almagro was to follow in the second. Pizarro, after touching at the Isle of Pearls, steered his way across the Gulf of San Miguel, and, doubling the port of Pinas, entered the river Biru, of which word the modern name of that part of the world is believed to be a corruption. Sailing up this stream for two leagues, Pizarro caused his small force to disembark, and proceeded to explore the country. It was the rainy season, and the ground was a vast swamp, fringed with a tangled undergrowth of wood, behind which lay a hilly country, rough and rocky. The heat was at times oppressive. Under these discouraging circumstances, his men being famished and weary, Pizarro returned to his vessel, which, having dropped down the river to the ocean, proceeded on its southern course. At a few leagues’ distance he again landed to take in wood and water, after which he once more proceeded southwards. He now encountered a terrific tropical storm, and for ten days it required all the efforts of the crew to prevent the ship from foundering. They suffered likewise from an extreme dearth of food and water, and were not sorry to retrace their course and regain the port where they had last landed.

The same discouraging aspect of the country which had met them on the Biru, they now encountered here. In their hungry and miserable condition the beauties of the tangled thicket, with its network of creepers and flowering vines, were thrown away upon their eyes; they were alive to nothing but the incessant rain, the intolerable mud, and the unbroken solitude.

The spirit of Pizarro, however, was unsubdued. At the demand of his followers he consented to send back the vessel to the Isle of Pearls to lay in a fresh stock of provisions, but with the condition that he himself should meanwhile explore the adjacent country. No trace of a human dwelling, however, rewarded his search, whilst the only source of nourishment to his people was in the shell-fish they might pick up on the shore, or such berries and herbs as might be found in the woods. He was indefatigable in attending to the wants of his men, or endeavouring to alleviate their sufferings; more than twenty of them, however, died during the weary weeks succeeding the vessel’s departure.

In this miserable situation Pizarro was one day cheered by the unexpected announcement of a light seen in the neighbouring wood. Taking with him a party of his men, he forthwith followed its direction, and, after extricating himself from a maze of bushes, he came upon a native village, the inhabitants of which, scared at the unexpected apparition, forthwith fled. They left the provisions in their huts to the Spaniards, to whom the supply was a reprieve from death. The articles of food were maize and cocoa-nuts.

As no violence was offered to the natives, these soon returned and entered into intercourse with the strangers, whose eyes were now made glad by the golden ornaments which the Peruvians wore. Pizarro thus received a confirmation of the old reports of the existence of a land of gold to the south, and he now learned that over it a monarch ruled who dwelt at a distance of ten days’ journey beyond the mountains.

After six weeks from its departure the vessel returned, bringing with it an ample and welcome supply of provisions. It had been detained by stormy weather and adverse winds.

Hope and nourishment now combined to bring back to the Spaniards their eagerness for discovery; and Pizarro, re-embarking on board his vessel, left a scene to which he had given the name of the Port of Famine, and again sailed towards the south. Unguided by charts or pilots, he found his way slowly along the unknown coast, landing at every convenient point. In an open bay he disembarked some men, and at a short distance inland fell in with a native village, whose inhabitants at the approach of the strangers fled towards their hills. In their huts the Spaniards found both a provision of food and some ornaments of gold. They were, however, horrified by the discovery that they were in a country inhabited by cannibals. Again embarking, Pizarro and his men still held their way southwards till they reached a headland which he named Punta Quemada, and where he gave orders to anchor, and landed with the greater portion of his force.

Having proceeded about a league into the interior, he found, as he had expected, a native town of some size, and which was capable of defence; but the inhabitants as usual fled, leaving behind them their provisions and ornaments. Pizarro now judged it necessary to send back his vessel to be repaired at Panamá, and meanwhile he established his quarters in this Indian settlement, despatching a party to reconnoitre the country.

Now occurred the first collision between the natives and the invaders. The former saw their opportunity of attacking the reconnoitering party whilst divided from the main body. The Spaniards, taken by surprise, were at first thrown into disorder and lost three killed and several wounded; but having rallied, they returned the discharge of arrows from their cross-bows and then charged sword in hand, driving the natives before them.

The Peruvians, being of course acquainted with the country, made their way to Pizarro’s position, which they reached before his lieutenant could return, and commenced an assault upon him. But the conditions of combat were unfairly balanced. The naked and painted Peruvians, however brave, could make but a slight impression on the wary Spaniards, clad in armour and commanded by a practised soldier. Pizarro sallied forth with his men, and the natives for a time fell back before him. Returning to the charge, and singling out Pizarro, they inflicted on him seven wounds, and compelled him to retreat. He was, however, rescued from defeat by the opportune arrival of his lieutenant, who, attacking the natives from the rear, threw them into confusion, and forced them to abandon the ground to their opponents, who had lost two killed besides having many wounded.

Under these circumstances it was necessary to reconsider the intention of sending back the vessel, and on the whole it was deemed better that all should return in it to Panamá, near which place Pizarro was set on shore with the greater portion of his men, whilst his treasurer proceeded to lay before the governor his report, together with the gold which had been collected.

During this first expedition of Pizarro, his associate, Almagro, having at length equipped their second vessel, had set out to follow his leader with a body of some seventy adventurers. Tracing his way by the trees which had been notched as landmarks, he in time arrived at Quemada, where, like Pizarro, he met with hostility from the natives. Almagro, landing, carried the place sword in hand, and, setting fire to the dwellings, drove the natives into the forest. He then pursued his voyage and touched at several points, where, though he was rewarded by finding golden ornaments, he no longer discovered any traces of the presence of Pizarro. In this uncertainty he too retraced his way to the Isthmus, and soon rejoined his friend, by whom he was deputed to pass over to Panamá and make arrangements with the governor for the further prosecution of their enterprise.

By the influence of Luque a new compact was now entered into for the conquest of Peru, the command of the expedition being vested jointly in Pizarro and Almagro on equal terms, a condition which deeply mortified the former and proved the seed of future trouble. The confederates lost no time in setting about their enterprise. A contract was entered into between them by which it was declared that, whereas the parties had full authority to discover and subdue the countries and provinces lying south of the Gulf, belonging to the Empire of Peru, and as Fernando de Luque had advanced the funds for the enterprise in bars of gold of the value of twenty thousand pesos, they mutually bind themselves to divide equally among them the whole of the conquered territory. The two captains solemnly engage to devote themselves exclusively to the present undertaking until it is accomplished; and in case of failure in their part of the covenant, they pledge themselves to reimburse Luque for his advances, for which all the property they possess shall be held responsible, and this declaration is to be a sufficient warrant for the execution of judgment against them, in the same manner as if it had proceeded from the decree of a court of justice. The commanders, Pizarro and Almagro, made oath, in the name of God and the Holy Evangelists, sacredly to keep this covenant, swearing it on the missal, on which they traced with their own hands the sacred emblem of the Cross.[K] It may be noted that this compact, which was dated March 10, 1526, was signed by De Luque alone of the three contracting parties, the other two being represented by witnesses, as both were incapable of writing. This remarkable arrangement, by which a Christian priest and two adventurers settled the conditions on which they were to divide amongst themselves a vast empire with all its wealth, would not have been in accordance with the tone of the age had it not been invested with a religious character. It was drawn up in the name of the Holy Trinity and of the Virgin, and its observance was sworn to on the Cross, whilst on its conclusion the contracting parties severally received the Sacrament of the Communion.

These preliminary arrangements having been completed, two vessels were purchased and equipped; but there was some difficulty in procuring men. About one hundred and sixty adventurers were, however, mustered, and a few horses were purchased. Thus provided, Pizarro and Almagro again took their departure from Panamá. No longer hugging the coast, they stood out for the furthest point previously reached by Almagro, and arrived without accident at the river of San Juan, the banks of which were lined with native habitations. Pizarro here commenced his brigandage by surprising a village and carrying off some natives and many gold ornaments. After this first success, it was decided that Almagro should return to the Isthmus, where the sight of the gold might tempt fresh recruits; whilst the pilot, taking the other vessel, should reconnoitre the coast to the south, Pizarro meanwhile remaining near the river.

The pilot Ruiz sailed southwards as far as to the bay now known by the name of St. Matthew, when he was struck by the singular apparition of a vessel of considerable size. As he drew near, it was found to be a raft of a number of huge timbers of light wood tightly lashed together, and with two masts sustaining a square sail of cotton, whilst it was steered by means of a rudely-formed rudder. It may be mentioned, in passing, that this simple form of craft is to be seen on the Peruvian coast at the present day. The pilot found both men and women on board, having on their persons articles of wrought silver and gold, their dresses being made of woollen cloth of fine texture and embroidered with coloured birds and flowers. From these unsuspecting natives he learned that in their fields fed flocks of the animals which yielded their wool, whilst gold and silver abounded in their country. Ruiz, not being less unscrupulous than his fellows, detained some of the natives to repeat and exemplify these wonders, and, by learning Spanish, to qualify themselves as interpreters. The barque having been allowed to proceed on its voyage, Ruiz advanced southwards, and was the first European who crossed the line on the Pacific Ocean. Having reached the Punta de Pasado, he retraced his way and rejoined Pizarro.

To return to that adventurer: On the departure of Ruiz and Almagro he had proceeded into the interior, where he had encountered nothing but difficulties. The forest was so dense as to be almost impenetrable, and hill rose above hill in ridges in succession, being bounded far in the distance by the barrier of the Andes. Under these difficulties many of the Spaniards perished, whilst some were waylaid and cut off by the natives. On the top of all this came famine, and they had to sustain life on such roots or fruits as the forest afforded. It may be mentioned that in the records of this expedition we find the earliest mention of a vegetable which plays so important a part in our modern domestic economy, the potato; which has thus been known to Europeans since the year 1526, and the original European discoverers of which were Pizarro and his band. From this wretched condition in the forest or on the shore, the adventurers were relieved by the return of Ruiz, followed not long after by that of Almagro with a store of provisions and a reinforcement of recruits to the number of eighty.

Thus reinspirited, the adventurers again re-embarked; but it was only after many dangers had been surmounted that they at length found refuge on the island of Gallo, which had been visited by Ruiz. Here they remained for a fortnight to repair their vessels, when they resumed their voyage and gained the bay of St. Matthew. As they proceeded along the coast they were struck by the evidences of civilization and by the inviting appearance of the country. Spaces of cultivated land were discovered bearing the maize and the potato.

At Tacamez the Spaniards saw a town which might contain two thousand houses, the men and women displaying on their persons the coveted ornaments of gold. The natives, however, showed no disposition quietly to yield up their possessions and treasures to the invaders; on the contrary, they displayed evident signs of hostility. Pizarro landed with some of his men, but, though peacefully disposed, could not prevent an encounter. The Spaniards were hotly pressed, and it is said that they owed their safe retreat to the consternation produced in the natives by the fall of one of the horsemen from his steed. The Peruvians, having never before seen the horse without his rider, were astonished at the separation of the two portions of the centaur, each of which remained alive in itself, and they retreated in dismay before the phenomenon.

In the face of the hostility which the Spaniards foresaw they would have to encounter, it was now necessary to deliberate; and accordingly a council of war was called, at which conflicting opinions were expressed, Pizarro and Almagro taking opposite views, and being with some difficulty prevented from drawing their swords upon each other. The dispute, however, ended in an arrangement, according to which Almagro as before was to proceed to Panamá for assistance, whilst Pizarro with a portion of his men should await his return on the island of Gallo, near the coast. The followers of the latter, however, strongly protested against this arrangement, and secretly communicated their discontent to the authorities at Panamá.

The return of the adventurers to that place caused great dismay. The governor not only sternly refused all further aid in the matter, but forthwith sent two vessels to bring back Pizarro and his followers from the island on which they were meanwhile experiencing the utmost misery. But the vessels which relieved his followers from hunger brought Pizarro letters from his two associates, imploring him not to give up the enterprise for lost. Strengthened by this expression of hope, Pizarro, the pilot Ruiz, and twelve others determined to abide where they were, and to await whatever fate might have in store for them. They needed all their fortitude. Having constructed a raft and removed to another neighbouring island, called Gorgona, where they could more easily defend themselves, they had to remain for seven weary months before the arrival of a vessel to their rescue. Although it brought no fresh recruits, its coming was nevertheless greeted with joy, and Pizarro and his men were soon again afloat, under the guidance of the pilot Ruiz. A tedious voyage of three weeks now awaited them before they arrived at the Gulf of Guayaquil. The coast was here studded with towns and villages, above which towered Chimborazo and Cotopaxi. Guided by the two natives whom they had taken from the Bolsa, they now steered for the city of Tumbez, a place of considerable size. Communication was opened with the inhabitants by means of the interpreters on board, who were directed to assure their countrymen of the peaceful intentions of the strangers. Provisions were thereupon supplied them from balsas laden with bananas, Indian-corn, sweet potatoes, pine-apples, and cocoa-nuts, to which were added game, fish, and llamas or Peruvian sheep. One of the balsas likewise bore a Peruvian chief, who was naturally curious to know what had brought Pizarro and his followers to these shores. Pizarro, according to the Spanish historian, replied that he was the servant of the greatest of princes, and that he had come to this country to assert his master’s lawful supremacy over it, and to impart to its inhabitants the light of the only true religion.

Here it may be well to remark, in passing, on the moral aspect of the expedition of which Pizarro was the chief, which cannot be justified if measured even in the scale of morality of the Greeks or of the Romans; for they, though not unduly tender towards the natural rights of those whom they styled barbarians, were at least careful to provide a casus belli. No such excuse can be urged for the conquest of Peru. That devoted country happened to lie within the boundaries assigned by Pope Alexander VI. to Spain; but it would be somewhat hard to charge upon the Church the guilt and infamy of the wholesale rapine and slaughter with which the Spanish conquest was attended. The Church was laudably desirous to extend the sphere of her influence; and if the end might be held to justify the means, she might no doubt congratulate herself in that vast regions where the name of Jesus had never been uttered were now about to be brought within her pale. As a Catholic, Pizarro may be excused for endeavouring to further schemes consecrated by the head of the Church; whilst as a loyal subject, he at the same time sought to extend the dominions of his sovereign. The responsibility for permitting and countenancing expeditions such as that of which he was the chief must rest with the Pope or Emperor, or with those who acted with their authority. Yet Pizarro was there neither to proselytize nor simply to conquer, far less was he fired, like Columbus, by zeal for the furtherance of science. His object in the main was to acquire gold; and, however we may admire his perseverance and energy, the magnificent scale on which his spoliations were carried on should not make us regard him in any other light than in that of a freebooter.

It was inevitable that in the course of time South America should be explored as Africa is now being explored; but the world is to be congratulated in that with the lapse of centuries the consideration of civilized peoples towards weaker races becomes somewhat greater, though there is still much room for improvement in this respect.

The Peruvian chief having been detained on board to dinner and having been courteously dismissed, Pizarro on the following day sent two of his men on shore with a present for the governor. They returned with so marvellous a tale, that Pizarro, somewhat distrusting it, next day sent on shore a person in whose statements he could have greater confidence, but who on his return only confirmed what had been told by the others respecting the marvels of Tumbez,—a city which, being the most important place on the borders of Peru proper, boasted a magnificent temple, with an establishment of the Virgins of the Sun.

On the receipt of this intelligence, Pizarro’s feelings were of a twofold nature—rapture on being at length actually within sight of the golden spoils which he had gone through so much to obtain, and bitter regret that at such a moment his followers were not at hand to enable him to seize them. Having no other course before him, he reluctantly quitted Tumbez,—a prey that must await a more convenient season. Sailing still further southwards he touched at various points, and was everywhere received with hospitality, until, having reached almost the ninth degree of southern latitude, and having ascertained indubitable proofs of the existence of a great empire, he yielded to the wishes of his followers and retraced his way to Panamá. It may be mentioned that, visiting Tumbez on his return voyage, he there left some of his companions as the guests of the natives, whilst he was permitted to carry away with him two or three Peruvians, who were destined to be interpreters.

On his arrival at Panamá, where he had long since been given up for lost, he was received with much joy, but even after the tale of his discovery had been repeated, the governor obstinately declined to lend any assistance towards the further prosecution of his enterprise. This was a trying blow to Pizarro and his two associates. There was now no help for it but to appeal directly to the crown. After some difficulty the necessary funds were raised, and, in the spring of 1528, Pizarro and one of his comrades, taking with them some natives of Peru and some products of that country, set out to tell their tale at the court of Castile.

CHAPTER VII.

CONQUEST OF PERU.

1529-1542.

Pizarro, on his part, was bound to raise within six months a force of two hundred and fifty men; whilst the government on theirs engaged to furnish some assistance in the purchase of artillery and stores. Ruiz received the title of Grand Pilot of the Southern Ocean; Pedro de Candia, who had accompanied Pizarro, was named chief of artillery; and the other eleven companions who had remained with him on the desolate island were created Hidalgos or gentlemen. Liberal provisions were inserted in the agreement, to encourage emigration to Peru, and Pizarro was enjoined to observe the standing regulations for the good government and protection of the natives of America. “It is but justice to the Spanish Government,” says Prescott, “to admit that its provisions were generally guided by a humane and considerate policy, which was as regularly frustrated by the cupidity of the colonist and the capricious cruelty of the conqueror.” But what, it may be asked, is the justification of the Spanish government in undertaking or sanctioning the conquest of Peru at all; in attacking an inoffensive people, and disposing of their country by anticipation? Had the Peruvians been let alone, there would have been no occasion to provide for their protection; and however desirable might be their conversion, to effect this by the sword might be sanctioned by the Koran, but certainly not by the New Testament.

It may be remarked that whilst Pizarro was required to carry out with him a specified number of ecclesiastics, he was at the same time strictly prohibited from permitting the presence of lawyers in the new settlements. On the whole, the terms of this arrangement did not tend to increased belief in the probity of Pizarro, who had strictly bound himself, whilst acting as their envoy, to proceed with perfect fairness in securing the interests of his associates; but it is absurd to look in the records of a transaction, which was one of spoliation and knavery from beginning to end, for anything in the shape of probity.

This solemn engagement having been completed to the satisfaction of the new knight of Santiago, he found time to pay a flying visit to his native town, Truxillo, where he was awaited by four half-brothers, who were to play a prominent part in Peru; of these four, three were Pizarros, of whom one only, Hernando, who was his senior, was legitimate. The fourth was the illegitimate son of Francisco Pizarro’s mother. Three of them were, like himself, to meet a violent death in Peru. He found no small difficulty in complying with the terms of the agreement within the specified time. He, however, contrived to start from Seville in January 1530, his brother Hernando following him to the rendezvous at Gomera in the Canaries; and in due time he reached the port of Nombre de Dios, where he was joined by Luque and Almagro. The latter of these was to no slight extent disappointed at the position which had been assigned to him. Pizarro excused himself as best he might, declaring that he had done what he could; that the government objected to divided authority; and that the country before them was large enough for both.

A new element had now entered into the confederation which had undertaken the conquest of Peru. Hernando Pizarro had everything to gain from the exclusive supremacy of his brother, and at the outset almost caused a rupture between him and Almagro. The latter indeed had gone so far as to enter into negotiations for the purchase of vessels, in order to prosecute the expedition without the aid of the Pizarros; but from this course he was dissuaded by the representations of Luque. This temporary reconciliation having been effected, no time was lost in preparing for the voyage. Three vessels were provided to replace those left on the opposite side of the Isthmus; a force was mustered of about one hundred and eighty men, with twenty-seven horses; and Pizarro, early in January 1531, sailed the third and last time for the coast of Peru. Previously to his departure, a sermon had been preached to the little force by one of the Dominicans selected for the mission; mass was performed, and the Holy Communion was administered to each of the soldiers setting out on this crusade—a crusade inspired by zeal for riches rather than religion, and directed not against aggressive Saracens, but inoffensive Americans, whose only crime was to possess wealth.

Leaving his colleague Almagro to gather recruits, Pizarro steered for Tumbez. Contrary winds, however, compelled him to anchor in the Bay of St. Matthew, where he resolved to disembark his forces and advance along the coast. The march was not easy, for the streams were full and had to be crossed where they were widest. Pizarro’s buoyant spirit, however, overcame every difficulty. At the first considerable hamlet the natives were taken by surprise, and much plunder, including many emeralds, fell into the hands of the Spaniards. The gold and silver ornaments were deposited in a common heap; the royal fifth was deducted for the crown, and the rest was distributed among the officers and soldiers. This usage prevailed throughout the conquest, and any one infringing it incurred the penalty of death. Pizarro now sent back to Panamá the vessels which had accompanied him so far along the coast, and which took away a considerable quantity of gold, the sight of which might allure recruits.

During the remainder of the march to the bay of Guayaquil the Spaniards suffered sorely, as well from a fatal epidemic as from the intense heat of the sun. They had, however, no resistance to encounter from the natives, who, alarmed at their proceedings, fled to the forest on their approach. When he had reached the vicinity of Tumbez, Pizarro determined to halt for a time on the small island of Puná, where an arbitrary act of punishment on his part ere long involved him in a fierce struggle with the islanders. Here as elsewhere Spanish discipline prevailed against enormous odds; yet he was not sorry to be relieved from his harassing situation by the arrival of two vessels bringing some horses and a hundred recruits, with which, in addition to his former force, he felt himself in sufficient strength to re-cross to the continent and resume his aggressive operations.

The inhabitants of Tumbez did not this time receive the Spaniards with their previous cordiality. On the contrary, one of the balsas bearing them was seized, and three persons were borne into the adjacent woods and massacred. Pizarro on entering the town was astonished to find it not only deserted, but almost entirely demolished. A few substantial buildings only—and these despoiled of their ornaments—remained to mark the site of the government of Almagro and of the bishopric of Luque! Pizarro, having despatched a small party in pursuit of the fugitives, was so fortunate as to get possession of the governor of the place, from whom he received the explanation that the dilapidated condition of the town was the result of a fierce contest with the inhabitants of Puná. He likewise learned that the two followers whom he had left on his former visit had perished. One of these, however, had bequeathed him a scroll, which Pizarro obtained from an unsuspecting native, and on which were written the words: “Know, whoever you may be that may chance to set foot in this country, that it contains more gold and silver than there is iron in Biscay.” This intelligence, however, encouraging as it was, was not sufficient to restore the spirits of the soldiers, who had fully counted on the spoils of Tumbez.

Pizarro felt the pressing necessity of giving active employment to his soldiers, but at the same time he dreaded to advance further into the interior without complete information. He took a middle course. Leaving behind part of his men, he himself with the remainder reconnoitered the interior. In May a detachment under his own command kept advancing on the more level region, whilst a smaller body skirted the slopes of the Andes under Hernando de Soto, a cavalier afterwards renowned as the discoverer of the Mississippi, and whose portrait is to be seen in the Rotunda of the Capitol at Washington. The Spanish leader, being awakened to the necessity of not unnecessarily provoking the hostility of the natives, maintained strict discipline, and enjoined his men to abstain from all acts of violence. By lenient conduct he soon effaced the previous unfavourable impressions respecting him, and he was welcomed in the villages beneath the Cordilleras. Proclaiming everywhere that he came in the name of the Pope and of the king of Spain, the simple natives involuntarily saw themselves become subjects of the latter, as a preliminary to being members of the faith of which the former was the head.

After a month spent in exploration, Pizarro fixed on the valley of Tangarala as the site of his new settlement. This rich locality, traversed by streams navigable from the sea, was distant thirty leagues from Tumbez, and thither he ordered the men he had left there to repair. No sooner had they arrived than preparations were made for building the settlement. Timber and stone abounded, and ere long San Miguel could boast a church, a magazine, a hall of justice, and a fort. A municipal government was organized; the neighbouring lands were divided amongst the residents; and each colonist had a number of natives assigned to him as labourers,—this last measure being held to tend to their initiation in the true faith. Luque, “the protector of the Indians,” had been left behind at Panamá.

This important operation having been effected, Pizarro caused the gold and silver which he had robbed to be melted down. After a fifth had been deducted for the crown, the soldiers were persuaded to relinquish their share for the present, and it was sent back to Panamá to pay the shipowners and the outfitters of the expedition. The chief had meanwhile gained important information respecting the empire of Peru. That unhappy land had recently been the subject of contest between two brothers, and the victor and his forces were now encamped at a distance of ten days’ march from San Miguel. Pizarro judged that on the whole it was better to lead his men on active service rather than to allow their ardour to be damped whilst waiting for further reinforcements. This force was indeed a small one with which to attempt the conquest of a powerful empire. It consisted of about a hundred and seventy men, after deducting fifty for the defence of his settlement. But no one can accuse Pizarro of irresolution. He determined to strike directly at the Inca, and in September quitted San Miguel at the head of his available men.

The Peruvian empire was now resting after an internal struggle between the sons of Huayna Capac, the conqueror of Quito, and who had left the two kingdoms of his empire to his sons Huascar and Atahualpa. Five years later the brothers went to war with each other, and their two years’ contest had but recently been decided in favour of the latter, who had now assumed the scarlet borla or diadem of the Incas. On leaving San Miguel, Pizarro and his band marched through primeval forests, broken here and there by barren shoots of the Andes. The country was as fertile as it was lovely, and was cultivated with no mean skill. Wherever the Spaniards came to, they were received by the natives with unsuspecting hospitality, which for their own sake they were careful not to abuse. In every considerable place a royal caravanserai, or resting-place for provisions, was found, in which the Inca was wont to lodge on his royal progresses. Halting on the fifth day, Pizarro found that his band numbered one hundred and seventy-seven, of which sixty-seven were horsemen. Of these, however, nine, being faint-hearted or lukewarm, were permitted to return to San Miguel. The rest volunteered to follow their captain whithersoever he might lead them.

Again resuming his march, Pizarro neared the Andes. De Soto was despatched in advance to reconnoitre, but on the eighth day he returned, accompanied by an envoy from the Inca. The Peruvian had brought with him some valuable gifts for Pizarro, whom Atahualpa welcomed to his country and invited to visit him at his camp. The march was now resumed, and the Spanish leader sent forward one of his Indians to the royal camp across the mountains with instructions to observe and report upon the route, and more particularly if the passes were guarded. After three days’ further march the base of the Andes was reached, and Pizarro had now the final choice before him of proceeding to the south along a broad and level road to Cuzco, the southern capital, or of climbing the steep and narrow way across the Cordilleras, to the camp of Atahualpa. As was to be expected from his daring character, he chose the latter.

The difficulties of the Spaniards’ march over mountain paths which had been constructed for the passage of no animal of greater burden than the llama, may be easily imagined by those who may have travelled in Northern Turkey, Asia Minor, or Persia. To miss one’s footing was in many places to ensure being dashed to pieces over the precipices beneath; and had their progress been opposed, Pizarro’s little band must have been repulsed or annihilated, more especially as there were some strong works of stone commanding angles of the road. As it was, however, the Spaniards and their horses contrived to toil up the steep ascent and at length reached the crest of the Cordillera, where the cold was so great that the men were glad of the protection of tents and the warmth of fires. Here Pizarro was rejoined by one of the messengers whom he had sent forward, and who informed him that the road was unguarded, and that an embassy from the Inca was on its way to his camp. The Peruvian envoy renewed the greetings of his master, who again invited Pizarro and his companions to Caxamalca, which place he reached on the evening of the 15th of November 1532.

Notwithstanding the lateness of the hour, Pizarro forthwith despatched his brother Hernando, together with De Soto and a party of horsemen, to the Inca’s camp. They were received with politeness, and Atahualpa deigned to promise a visit to the Spaniards on the morrow, upon which De Soto and his companions returned to give to their comrades such an account of the state and military strength of the Peruvian monarch as filled them with dismay. At this critical moment the master spirit of Pizarro asserted its supremacy. Matters had now arrived at such a pass that all must be staked on the hazard of the die. Going amongst his men, he exhorted them not to be downcast, since from their marvellous successes hitherto they were manifestly under the special protection of the heavenly powers, and hence the numbers against them mattered nothing. He then summoned a council of officers and unfolded to them for the first time his project, which was nothing more or less than to seize the Inca. What follows is so far beyond ordinary credulity that it would not be ventured on by a writer of fiction unless he were to suppose supernatural agency.

When the morning broke of Saturday the 16th of November, the Spaniards were called to arms by the trumpet’s sound, and were acquainted by their leader with his daring plan, which was to be executed on that very day. They were then carefully stationed within the spacious buildings of Caxamalca, so as to be hidden from view until the signal should sound for their appearance. Everything, said Pizarro, depended on concert, coolness, and celerity. Nothing was overlooked by the indefatigable chief, even to the horses being furnished with bells, to add to the confusion of the Peruvians. Mass was of course performed, and the God of battles was impiously invoked in favour of the treacherous brigands. It was not, however, till late in the day that any movement was visible in the Peruvian camp; and when Atahualpa and his troops at length neared Caxamalca, the Inca sent a message to Pizarro that in consequence of the lateness of the hour he would encamp on the open for the night and pay his visit on the following morning.

His message, as we may well believe, disturbed the Spanish leader to no slight extent; but he was a man of many resources, amongst which treachery was by no means the least conspicuous. His men had been under arms all day, and their powers might be tried too far. He therefore returned a message to the effect that he had prepared an entertainment for the Inca for that evening, and he trusted he might not be disappointed in his coming. Deceived by these smooth words, the unsuspecting monarch at once gave orders for a change of plan, and leaving his warriors on the plain, came on to Caxamalca with an unarmed guard, sending on in advance a messenger to Pizarro to excuse the simplicity of his visit.

Shortly before sunset the van of the royal procession reached Caxamalca, and as the leading files entered the great square, where not a Spaniard was to be seen, the Dominican, Valverde, afterwards bishop of Cuzco, came forward with a bible and a crucifix, and attempted to explain to the astonished Peruvian the intricate doctrine of the Trinity; ranging, as we are told, from the creation of man to the representative of the Prince of the Apostles. To what must have sounded to him, hearing it as he did for the first time under these strange circumstances, as incomprehensible, the Inca replied with disdain that his god, pointing to the sinking sun, lived in the heavens above them, upon which he threw the bible to the ground. This indignity to the sacred volume scandalized Valverde, who, picking it up and hastening to Pizarro, urged him no longer to delay in giving the appointed signal. Thereupon the chief waved his scarf; the signal-gun was fired; and the Spaniards, springing like tigers from their lair, rushed upon their prey. Some thousands of unarmed Peruvians had entered with the Inca, but they were utterly powerless against the butchers who assailed them. The gates of the town had been closed on their entry; but by mere force of numbers they burst through the frail walls, and thus many of them escaped. A fierce struggle, however, raged round the golden litter of the Inca, whose person it was Pizarro’s object to secure alive, and in effecting which he himself received the only wound of which the Spaniards could boast on that shameful day, the glory of which undoubtedly rests with the Peruvians. Some thousands of them fell—all or most unarmed—through their devotion to their monarch, whom as a captive Pizarro was enabled to entertain at the feast to which he had invited him.

Some thoughtless persons have instituted a parallel, founded on numbers alone, between the attack on the Peruvians by Pizarro’s band and the defence of Thermopylæ against the Persians by the immortal three hundred. A more insulting comparison was never imagined. Leonidas and his band devoted themselves to the defence of their country, of freedom and civilization, and were sure to meet death from an overwhelming armed force. The Spaniards, on the other hand, can claim no more sympathy or respect than can a band of modern Greek brigands, who are alike entitled with them to the praise belonging to enterprise, temperance, patient endurance of severe hardship, and the most constant observance of religious duties. As to personal danger, the Spaniards engaged in the slaughter of the unarmed Peruvians attending the capture of the Inca incurred no more risk than does the butcher amongst so many sheep.

It must be confessed, however, that, its moral aspect apart, the seizure of Atahualpa was a master-stroke of policy. Such was the sacredness in which his person was regarded, that with his capture the whole activity of his government collapsed. Holding this hostage, the Spaniards were omnipotent; for the slightest attempt at a rising or rescue would have at once cost the Inca his life. Whilst the prisoner of the Spaniards, he held his court in captivity, and was treated by the highest lords and officers of his realm with the ceremonious deference which formed part of the innermost being of all who owned his theocratic sway. But notwithstanding the respectful treatment which the Inca was permitted to enjoy, he could not but pine in his captivity, and his mind bent itself to the means of obtaining his freedom. He was the more anxious in this respect, as he feared his lately defeated elder brother Huascar would turn his confinement to account by bribing his jailers to place him at liberty and set him upon the Peruvian throne.

Under these circumstances, the captive Inca one day offered to Pizarro to purchase his liberation at the cost of filling the room in which he stood to his own height—the apartment was seventeen feet by twenty-two—in gold, and the adjoining smaller room twice full with silver, which offer was accepted, two months being given for the execution of the compact. The Inca had not deceived himself in his forebodings as to the conduct of Huascar, who indeed made overtures to the Spaniard, offering a still larger bribe than had his brother. He was, however, in the hands of the latter, who, on learning his proceedings through his creatures, gave orders that he should be put to death. Meanwhile the Inca’s ransom was being collected, but ere it had reached Caxamalca the situation of affairs became materially changed by the unexpected arrival of Almagro with a reinforcement of about a hundred and seventy men. With these Pizarro now found himself in force to proceed to the south and complete the subjugation of the country. But the question presented itself, What was to be done with the Inca? To set him at liberty would manifestly be to restore cohesion to a government which had collapsed, and thus to undo what had already been effected. If, on the other hand, they should detain him in captivity, the force requisite to guard so precious a hostage would seriously cripple the operations of the conquerors.

In this trying position the Spaniards were at no loss for an excuse for a line of conduct which might justify the measure on which their chief had resolved. In the face of their experience and of all probabilities, a general Peruvian rising was invented; and notwithstanding that the Inca had paid a ransom estimated as equivalent to three million and a half pounds sterling, he was put upon his trial on charges the most absurd, and respecting which, as the circumstances stated had occurred before their arrival, the Spaniards had in any case no pretence of jurisdiction. These, however, had involved themselves so deeply that they had scarcely a choice but to wade on through crime to crime. The Inca was condemned to death, and, to keep up the grim farce to the end, his sentence was finally commuted from being burnt alive to strangulation, on condition of his professing himself a Christian. The Dominican Valverde, who had consented to his execution, has the credit of this conversion.

The death of the Inca proved, as was to be expected, the signal for disorders throughout Peru. The late monarch had, indeed, by his own proceedings at the time of his victory over his brother, paved the way for such a result; for he had given orders to exterminate all members of the Imperial house. The Peruvian empire, with its civilization, which it had cost so much to build up, and which was perhaps equivalent to that of Japan, was now at an end. The provinces remote from Cuzco lost no time in shaking off their allegiance. Early in September, Pizarro and his followers, by this time amounting to about five hundred men, set out for the Peruvian capital, taking with them a younger brother of Atahualpa, whom they set up as the nominal Inca. Their march was a severe one; and at Xauxa they had to encounter the opposition of a numerous but impotent force. From this moment their progress was disputed; and it might have fared hardly with De Soto, who was sent on in advance, had he not, while encompassed by the Peruvians after a desperate engagement in the Sierra, received timely succour from Almagro. At Xauxa Pizarro left a small garrison of forty men, who were to guard the treasure, which he did not think it prudent to take with him on the march.