48 Albèri III, i, p. 11. Danielo di Ludovisi.

49 Roum means Roman, from the Roman or Byzantine empire whose territory had largely passed to Turkey.

50 Sandjak is literally banner.

51 Juchereau de Saint Denis, quoted by Ludovisi.

52 Albrecht, Grundriss des osmanischen Staatsrechts, p. 68. Also von Hammer, p. 166.

53 Petchevi, Tarih Osmanieh, vol. i, p. 79.

54 A piastre was about 89 cents in that century.

55 D’Ohsson, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 337.

56 Harem means set apart, sacred, or accursed‐taboo, and is a term applied to the women of a Moslem household.

57 Cf. also Cantimir, “Suleiman gave Ibrahim his sister in marriage.” Jorga on the other hand says that Ibrahim married a daughter of Iskender Chelebi, but I have seen no such statement elsewhere, except the following ambiguous statement in Solakzadeh: “Between Iskender and Ibrahim Pasha the relation of father and son existed.” P. 478. Abdurrahman Sheref writes in his Tarih Osmanieh, “Some historians say that Ibrahim was brother‐in‐law to the Sultan.” Petchevi and the Venetian Baillies Bragadino and Pietro Zen, while giving detailed accounts of the wedding feast say nothing of the bride.

58 For accounts see Petchevi, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 79 et seq.; Solakzadeh, op. cit.; Marini Sanuto, op. cit., vol. 36, pp. 505 et seq., with references passim. Also von Hammer, op. cit., vol. v, pp. 52 et seq., and Cantimir, op. cit.

59 “Ed in quella ne sono distesi molti pavioni, tra li qual quello del Gran signor, uno che fo de Uson Cassan, che fu quello quando l’ebbe la rotta da sultan Machmet, l’altro del signor Sophi, che fu aquistado da sultan Selim, l’altro del sultan Elgauri, conquistado pur per el ditto sultan Selim. Quanto siano di richezza e di magnificentia et bellezza bisogneria con el penello in longo tempo farla, et si haveria fatica per la gran superbia et valuta è in quelli.” Marini Sanuto, op. cit., vol. xxxvi, p. 505.

60 Tutta la terra. Marino Sanuto, op. cit., vol. xxxvi, p. 505.

61 Marino Sanuto, vol. xli, p. 526.

62 Until the introduction of tables from the West, and to this day in certain houses, Turkish meals are served on large trays placed on stools.

63 Von Hammer says that Ali also tells this story, but that the other Turkish historians omit it. Op. cit., vol. v, note, p. 145.

64 Petchevi, Tarih Osmanieh, p. 93.

65 Souheila, in his History of Egypt (Misr), says that Suleiman originally planned to go himself to Egypt, but that the grand vizir said, “If it be the glorious command of the just king, we are sufficient for the service,” whereupon he was appointed chief of the expedition.

66 Petchevi, Sadullah Säid, and Solakzadeh who was present on the expedition, and following them, Djelalzadeh and Abdurrahman Sheref. As I have been unable to obtain a copy of Djelalzadeh, I am obliged to depend on Von Hammer’s quotations from his history.

67 “In Aleppo and Damascus, with justice and equity he destroyed the standards of revolt raised by villains.” Soleyman Nameh, by Sadullah Säid Effendi.

“In the province of Aleppo were some who wished redress, from whom he removed oppression and tyranny.” Solakzadeh, op. cit. Cf. also von Hammer, op. cit., vol. v, p. 57.

68 Sadullah Säid, op. cit.

69 Sadullah Säid.

70 Sadullah Säid, Solakzadeh.

71 Solakzadeh.

72 Solakzadeh.

73 Solakzadeh, Petchevi.

74 “By letters from Constantinople we are informed that within a fortnight the Magnifico Ibrahim Pasha was expected from Cairo with a large sum of gold. The Grand Turk has ordered him an honorable reception in a new and unusual form.” The Doge and College to Lorenzo Orio in England, Sept. 18, 1525. Brown’s Calendar of State Papers in Venice, 1520–1526, 1114.

75 Djelalzadeh, translated and quoted by von Hammer.

76 Of course, since July, 1908, the whole idea of the Ottoman state has changed, although the military titles remain; indeed since the reforms of 1836 the above description has only in part held true. These general statements may be understood to refer to Turkey from 1453 to 1836.

77 The ulema were the doctors of sacred law and jurisprudence.

78 This account taken from Solakzadeh, op. cit.

79 Albrecht, W. Grundriss des Osmanischen Staatsrechts (Berlin, 1905), p. 68.

80 Guillaume Postel, La République des Turcs, p. 49.

81 Daru, Histoire de Venise, quoted by Zeller, op. cit., note p. 204.

82 Charrière, op. cit., vol. i, p. 486.

83 Pietro Zen said Ibrahim had been a Venetian subject. Albèri, III, also Bragadino, Marini Sanuto, vol. 41, p. 527, wrote: “Questo bassa è molto amico di la Signoria nostra, homo iusto et savio; ha cassà zoie portade dal Cayro oltra il bel presente fece al Signore, come scrisse.”

84 Marini Sanuto, op. cit. passim.

85 Albèri, III, i, p. 28.

86 Kogabey, “Abhandlung über den Verfall des osmanischen Staatsgebäudes seit Sultan Suleiman dem Grossen.” Trans, by Behrman, Zeitschrift der Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. 15, p. 319.

87 On a peine à representer devant un état descendu à un rang inférieur et devenu le jouet de la politique des autres puissances cette action illimitée qu’il exerçait dans les affaires de l’Europe, et qui, à chaque mouvement de cet empire semblait mettre en question l’existence de Christianisme et celle de la société européene tout entière.” E. Charrière, Négociations de la France dans le Levant (Paris, 1848), vol. iii, Introduction.

88 Noradunghian (Actes Internationaux de l’Empire Ottoman), in his Repertoire Chronologique, records treaties with Ragusa before Suleiman’s accession, and two in 1520, all offering Turkish protection in exchange for tribute.

89 Von Hammer, op. cit., vol. v, p. 20.

90 Quoted by Horatio Brown, Venice, 1893.

91 Turkish proverb.

92 Karamsin, Histoire de Russie, tr. by St. Thomas and Jauffret, 1819–1826, vol. vii, p. 142.

93 D. J. Hill, Hist. of European Diplomacy, ii, p. 346.

94 Hill, op. cit., quotes Contarini to this effect.

95 Cf. Pastor’s Hist. of the Popes, vol. iii, passim.

96 In a circular to his electors, quoted by J. Janssen, History of Germany, vol. ii, p. 276.

97 Noradunghian, op. cit., records two commercial treaties in 1508–1517. Cf. also Marini Sanuto, vol. iii, pp. 79, 117, 132, 180, 286, 453.

98 Gévay, op. cit., Gesandschaft Königs Ferdinand I am Sultan Suleiman, i, p. 21.

99 Cf. Zinkheisen, op. cit., p. 640; also von Hammer, Mémoire sur les premières relations diplomatiques entre la France et la Porte, in Journal Asiatique, vol. x, series i, p. 19 et seq.

100 Cf. Report of Lambert and Juritschitz to Ferdinand, 1531, Gévay op. cit., iii, p. 144.

101 In the report of Lambert and von Zara (Gévay, vol. iii, p. 44), Ibrahim said: “Darauf sein Kaiser (Suleiman) bewegt worden in Francis nit zu verlassen, und hat alsomit im und den Venedigern ean verstand und puntnus (Bündniss) gemacht, also das sy ein treffleche ermada auf dem mer aufgericht damit sy gegen yspania arbeiten habenwellen und Erder kaiser solte mit einem trefflichen hoer (Heer) durch E. M. (Ferdinand) Lande in fryaul und forter auf Mayland zogen sein.”

Cf. Solakzadeh, op. cit., trans. by H. D. J. “The king of France had fallen into the desire for possessions and planned to strike the crown of Hungary from the hands of the king of Hungary, and finally there was much fighting among them. After this, with the aid of the king of Spain, Francis was conquered and several forts being captured, he fled. Being reduced to an extremity, he was shut up in a solid fortress. Wishing to have revenge on his enemy, he found no other means than to betake himself to the Padisha of Islam. He sent an ambassador to the most blessed Porte with a most humble letter in which was thus written: ‘If the king of Hungary receives punishment from the blessed Sultan, we will oppose ourselves to the King of Spain to take revenge. We beg and pray that the Sultan of the world will repulse that proud one. After that day we shall be obliged slaves of his Excellency the Padisha, who is master of time and place and mighty emperor.’ To this humble prayer and supplication the Sultan, pitying them, in his merciful glory resolved to make war on this king filled with cruel dispositions, as we shall see.”

102 Zapolya was crowned November, 1526, and Ferdinand was crowned November 3, 1527.

103 Confirmed by a letter from Ferdinand to Cyriacus Freiheer von Polheim and Markus Trautsauerwein, Kanzler of Lower Austria, Prag, Feb. 14, 1527. “Instructio ad Bassam Balibeg,” Gévay, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 36–7.

104 Gévay, vol. i, p. 14. Bericht Hobordanacz an Koenig Ferdinand I, Inspruch, 19 Feb’y, 1529.

105 Letters of safe conduct for such envoys by Suleiman and Ibrahim are found in Gévay, vol. i, pp. 62–64.

106 Charrière, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 155–171.

107 Cf. De Testa, Recueil des Traités de la Porte Ottomane avec les Puissances Etrangères de 1526 et jusqu’à nos jours (Paris, 1864), vol. i, France, pp. 23–26; for the text of the treaty of Hatti‐Sherif, 1528.

108 “Wolte er (Francis) noch so pald sein sach pesser wurd Zu Jerusalem alda er das hailig grab besuchen wollte Zur Ime khomen mit merem anzeigen.” Thus the envoy of Ferdinand in 1531 reports Ibrahim as saying. Gévay, op. cit., iii, p. 44.

109 Francis’ letter is lost, so we do not know to which church he referred. Suleiman’s answer is found in Charrière, op. cit., iii, pp. 129–131. Cf. also Marini Sanuto, vol. xlviii, p. 50.

110 Charrière, op. cit., vol. i, p. 129. Ursu, op. cit., pp. 51–2.

111 It is in these letters that may be found the reference that Mr. Duggan, in his Eastern Question, says he failed to discover in the Capitulations of 1535 and 1528, and which he concludes did not exist, hence ascribing an error to D’Ohsson. Cf. the Eastern Question, note p. 25.

112 Gévay, op. cit., vol. i, p. 49. “Je vous supplie nous tres humblement considere la grande necessité et pauvreté ou je suis quil vous plaise ne me habandonner dargent ain men assister comme ien ay entière confidence.”

113 “Instruction auff unseres getrieuen lieben Joseph von Lamberg und Nichola Juritschitz,” etc. Gévay, iii, 3 et seq.

114 Charrière, op. cit., vol. i, p. 207. Cf. Von Hammer, Mémoire, etc.

115 Menzies, Turkey New and Old, p. 136.

116 Bekanntmachung des Friedens in Krain. Gévay, op. cit., vol. iii.

117 Ursu, op. cit., p. 86. Relations des Ambassadeurs Venetiens sur les affaires de France au XVI siècle. Recueillies et traduites par M. N. Tomasseo (Paris, 1836), Marino Giustiniano, vol. i, p. 55.

118 For text, see de Testa, op. cit., p. 15, et seq.; also Noradunghian, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 83–87; also Charrière, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 283–294.

119 Ursu, op. cit., p. 97.

120 “Tous les princes chretians qui sustenoit le parti de l’Empereur fasoient grand cas de ce que le Roy, notre maistre, avoit employe le Turc a son secours; mais contre son ennemy on peult de toute fois fere fleches. Quant a moi, si je pouvois appeler tous les esprits des enfers pour rompre le teste a mon ennemy qui me veult rompre la mienne, je le ferois de bon coeur, dieu me pardoint.” Quoted by Zeller, La Diplomatie Française vers le milieu du XVI siècle (1880), Introd., p. 20 (Monluc. edit., de la Société de l’histoire de France).

121 “Sopra bassa fenestrella quedam cancellata conspiciebatur in qua Imperator occulte adens audiebat. Legatorum petita, putans se neutiquam videri.” Berichte Hobordanacz, Gévay.

122 Daniello de’ Ludovisi. Albèri, III, i, p. 30, 1435. Ludovisi further explains that the hold Gritti obtained over Ibrahim was due to the latter’s inexperience of diplomacy. He says that Ibrahim went directly from the serai to the offices of Pasha and Beylerbey of Roumelie without experience of the world or of the government of a state, and being unwilling to learn from the Turk, he turned to an outsider to show him the modes of procedure.

123 Quoted by von Hammer, op. cit., v, p. 106, and Zinkheisen, op. cit., p. 662.

124 Bericht Johann Hobordanacz an Koenig Ferdinand I, Innspruch, 19th February, 1529, Gévay, i, pp. 1–28.

125 In a letter to Ferdinand of April 9, 1528, Hobordanacz wrote: “Hodierna die intravi in Turciam, ubi adhuc in porte Zawe obviam venerunt mihi Turci plus quam trecenti optimo cum appareru, et maximo cum honare susceperunt me, spero autem in Deum omnipotentem quod omnia negocia bonum finem hebebunt.” Gévay, i, p. 36.

126 “In the palmy days of the Ottoman Empire,” says Menzies, writing of this period, “each of these seven towers of the ancient Byzantium castle had its appropriate use; one contained the gold, another the silver money, a third the gold and silver plate and jewels; valuable remains of antiquity were deposited in the fourth; in the fifth were preserved ancient coins and other objects, chiefly collected by Selim I during his expeditions into Persia and Egypt; the sixth was a sort of arsenal; and the seventh was appropriated to the archives. After the time of Selim II, the Seven Towers were used as a prison for distinguished persons and as an arsenal.” Menzies, op. cit., p. 191.

127 Zinkheisen, ii, p. 54.

128 Busbequius, op. cit., p. 175.

129 Gévay, Bericht Josephs von Lamberg und Nicholaus Juritschitz an Koenig Ferdinand I, Linz, 23 Feb. 1531.

130 Bericht Lamberg, Gévay, i, p. 27.

131 “Ein lange Red mitt vil schpotlichen worten volpracht.” Ibid.

132 Gévay, ii, p. 348.

133 “Er durchaus in allen Reden K. M. nit anders dan Ferdinandum und dye Khay M^t Khunig zu Yspanie ganent.” Bericht, p. 27. Ferdinand in his letters usually addressed Ibrahim as “Magnifice et praesterne Vir,” and closed “Ita est gratitudinis nostre effectum digne quandoque sentire valeatis.” Cf. Gévay.

Ibrahim, in a letter to Ferdinand, calls himself: “Cuius ego sum Gubernator supremus regnorum omnium et Imperiorum Exercitum que sue felicissime ac potentessime Caesare Maiestatis magnus consiliatius super omnes dominos Ibraim bassa.” July 4, 1533. Gévay, ii, p. 139.

134 To the ambassador von Zara he said: “My master has many sandjakbeys who are far more powerful than Ferdinand and have more land and power and subjects than he.” Gévay, op. cit.

135 “Se istud magnum Imperium regere. Quicquid ipse fecerit id factum est, omnem enim se potestatem habere. Omnia officia, omnia regna hebere. Quod ego inquit do hac est datum et manet datum. Quod ego nondo, id non est datum,” etc. Gévay, iii.

136 Von Zara reports concerning a visit that Suleiman and Ibrahim made to Gritti: “Tuo insius adventu postea plurima mala Thurci dicebant, appelantur Caesarem insensatum stultum maleficiatum ab Ibrahim et Gryti.” Gévay, op. cit., iii, p. 26.

137 Presents to men in power were usual. In connection with the payment to Mehmet Sokolli, a later vizir, of ten thousand sequins and the promise of thirty thousand more if he succeeded in making peace for Venice, Moritz Brosch writes: “Solche Geschenke waren eine uralte orientalische Sitte, und denzeit auch an den Hoefen des Abendlandes etwas Gewoehnliches ja Unausweichliches. Waehrend des 16 Jahrhunderts bildeten sie eine stehende Rubrik in Soll und Haben der Diplomatie; in London war bei Wolsey, in Spanien der Reihe nach bei Chièvres, Covas, dem jungeren Granvella und Lerma, in Frankreich bei den Hoeflingen und Staatsmaennern Ludwig XII und Franzens und der zwei Heinriche, nichts ohne Geld zu richten. Foermlich beneidet wurde die Pforte weil sie es nicht noetig hatte fur die Korruption Christlicher Regierung Summen auszusetzen.” Brosch, Aus dem Leben Dreier Grossvisere (Gotha, 1899), p. 48.

138 Bericht de Schepper 1533. Gévay, op. cit., i, p. 27.

139 A Hungarian ducat was worth about $2.34, with doubtless much greater purchasing power in the sixteenth century.

140 Die forigen potschaften hattenime von E. M. auch hunderttausend Gulden verheissen er solle helfen das sein Keiser E. M. die Flecken gab: ich hab innen gesagt aber gesagt und sage e eus solches auch das wir nit gedenkhen sollen dass er von Gelz wegen seines herrn Nachtheil raten wolle Er sey in obgemelten seines Herrn Schatz zu greifen gewellig wann er will er welt lieber seinem Keyser helfen alle Welt unterzusprinen, nit das er land und leut welchgeben soll. Er sey auch pey innen nit der Gebrauch das man Gelt und Miet neme und dem hern sein Nachtheil rate, oder seinem Schaden verhelfe, wie wir begert darum schweigt diesen Reden stil.” Gévay, i, Bericht Lamberg und Juritschitz.

141 Zeller, op. cit., Introd., p. 23.

142 Viscount Stratford de Redcliffe, The Eastern Question (London, 1881), p. 99.

143 Zeller, op. cit., Introd., p. 23.

144 Von Hammer quotes from Suleiman’s Journal a remark of Suleiman’s to Ibrahim on the occasion of the appearance of the grand vizir before the sultan, op. cit., vol. v, p. 41.

145 Op. cit., vol. iii, p. 418 et seq.

146 Imams are Moslem priests, combining with their religious functions those of notary publics.

147 David Urquhart, The Military Strength of Turkey, London, 1869, p. 76.

148 Op. cit., p. 87.

149 Op. cit., p. 93.

150 Urquhart, op. cit., p. 88.

151 William Watreman, The Fardle of Facions, containing the Anciente Manners Customs and Laws of the Peoples Enhabiting the two Partes of the Earth called Africa and Asia. London, 1555. Hakluyt’s Voyages, vol. v, p. 126.

152 Stato Militaire dell’ Imperio Ottomano, Marsigli, 1732.

153 Petchevi and Kemalpashazadeh are the contemporary Turkish narrators of the campaign. Petchevi takes his account from his grandfather, who was an eye witness of Mohacz. Kemalpashazadeh was sheik‐ul‐Islam under Suleiman and writes an account that is at once that of poet and courtier, but should be fairly accurate as to the movements of the army. The Monumenta Hungariae Historica (Pest, 1857), vol. i, gives some Hungarian comment on the events. Solakzadeh and Abdurrahman Sheref give second‐hand reports, while Leopold von Kupelwieser has excellent volumes on the subject entitled “Die Kämpfe Oesterreichs mit den Osmanen.” (Wien and Leipzig, 1899).

154 Kemalpashazadeh, Histoire de la Campagne de Mohacz. Trans. by Pavet de Courteille, Paris, 1869.

155 Kupelwieser, op. cit., p. 227.

156 Letter from Ferdinand of Austria to his sister. “Comme les turcz ayans donne plusieurs assaulx au chasteau de Peterwardein quils tienquient assiege y ont perdus beaucop de leuers gens comme de X ou XII in hommes.” Monumenta Hungariae Historica, vol. i, p. 37.

157 Kemalpashazadeh, op. cit., p. 95.

158 Kemalpashazadeh, op. cit., p. 104.

159 Ferdinand of Austria naturally did not feel so strongly. Cf. letter to Margaret in 1526. Mon. Hung. Hist., vol. i, p. 41.

160 Even the Sheik‐ul‐Islam acknowledges this, gloating over the fall of the enemies of God. Kemalpashazadeh, op. cit., p. 107.

161 “The spoils are Gods of the Apostles: fear God and settle it among yourselves.” Koran, Surah VIII.

162 “Ego inquit vici Hungaros. Magnus Caesar non interfuit prelio sad tantum audito clamore, conscendit equum et volebat succurere. Sed ego confestim misi nuncium, victoriam iam partam este.” Gévay, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 22.

163 Asaf was Solomon’s traditional vizir. Ardeshir was a famous Sassanian king.

164 Kemalpashazadeh, op. cit.

165 The letter is given at the end of the translation of Kemalpashazadeh, p. 145 et seq.

166 Cf. Sadullah Saïd in Solymannameh, who speaks of Ibrahim Pasha as conqueror of Roumelie, p. 81.

167 Mejmoua Menshaat el Selatin, ed. by Feridoun Bey, Stambul.

168 Ser means head, and asker army in Turkish.