The total force amounting to 15 officers, 249 enlisted men, 1 white citizen, and 2 colored boys.
The instructions Colonel Holabird could not find were handed to Lieutenant-Colonel Stedman as the steamer Che-Kiang was about to leave New Orleans for Galveston. They never reached Colonel Burrell. They were as follows:—
“Lieut.-Col. Stedman, 42d Reg’t Mass. Vols.:
“Colonel,—I am directed by the Commanding General to enclose you instructions, which he requests you to hand Colonel Isaac S. Burrell.
“Colonel:
“Your regiment having been ordered to Galveston, you are hereby placed in command of that post. You will execute such orders as you may receive from these headquarters. My instructions from the Department of War forbid me at present to make any extended military movements in Texas. The situation of the people of Galveston makes it expedient to send a small force there for the purpose of their protection, and also to afford such facilities as may be possible for recruiting soldiers for the military service of the United States. Every assistance in your power will be afforded for the complete attainment of these objects.
“General Hamilton is appointed Military Governor of the State of Texas, and will be recognized by you in that capacity, but your orders you will receive from these headquarters.
“Until the port of Galveston is regularly opened by the Government of the United States, no trade can be carried on, and no attempt for that purpose will be recognized, or countenanced by you.
“I rely fully upon your energy, vigilance and capacity, for the performance of the important duties intrusted to you. Do not fail to make frequent reports of all that transpires within your command, and of whatever important facts you may learn from the enemy in Texas, or from its people.
“It is not probable that any successful movement can be made upon the main-land until our force shall be considerably strengthened; and you will take care not to involve yourself in such difficulty as to endanger the safety of your command.
“Other instructions will be sent to you from time to time, as occasion may require and opportunity offer.
“N. P. BANKS, “Major-General commanding.
“Colonel Isaac S. Burrell,
“42d Regiment Mass. Vols.”
“Colonel:
“You will immediately cause to be constructed a tete-du-pont, to command the bridge which connects Galveston Island with the main-land.
“I directed an engineer officer to go there some time since, and I suppose he is there. If so, he will give suitable directions for the work.
“Very respectfully yours, “N. P. BANKS, “Major-General commanding.
“Colonel Isaac S. Burrell,
“commanding U. S. Forces at Galveston.”
The trip to Galveston was devoid of interest. The weather was fine and the sea moderately smooth. Few were sea-sick. At half past eleven on the morning of the twenty-fourth land was sighted; at noon, the gunboat Tennessee fired a shot across the bow of the Saxon, and she hove to, off Galveston Bar, for about two hours, when a pilot was taken. The navy had been expecting troops to arrive for some days. Commander Law, of the Clifton, when he ascertained what troops were on board the Saxon and their purpose, sent a boat to bring the colonel over the bar, and on board his vessel, which then proceeded up the channel a short distance. As the Saxon would not be able to get over the bar at once, an offer from Law, to take Burrell in his gig to see Commander Renshaw, was accepted. Upon reaching the flag-ship Westfield, Renshaw, who was entertaining Confederate officers in the cabin under a flag of truce, met the colonel at the gangway, extending a hearty welcome. He suggested the postponement of a conference at that time, not wishing the Confederate officers to see Colonel Burrell, and would meet him on board the Clifton with all commanding officers of gunboats then in the harbor, viz.:—
Westfield—A ferry-boat; eight guns; Commander W. B. Renshaw.
Clifton—A Staten Island ferry-boat; seven guns; Lieutenant-Commander R. L. Law.
Harriet Lane—Formerly a United States revenue cutter; eight guns; Commander J. M. Wainwright.
Owasco—Screw propeller; regular war vessel; six guns; Lieutenant-Commander H. Wilson.
Commander Renshaw, as agreed, met Colonel Burrell on board the Clifton. The situation was explained and discussed. Renshaw strongly urged landing the troops in the city, and was supported in this advice by all of his officers. Burrell suggested landing on Pelican Spit, an island near the harbor entrance, with plenty of space, and buildings that could be occupied until more troops arrived. Great stress was placed on the difficulty of obtaining water upon the spit, while abundance was to be had in the city. Renshaw scouted the idea of danger to so small a force in the city. A decision was finally made to land on Kuhn’s Wharf, occupy for barracks the wooden storehouse upon it, and fully understood by all officers present, that the troops would be under protection of the navy guns. They were to be protected or removed. In case an attack was threatened, the Owasco was to take position on the right, the Clifton on the left of Kuhn’s Wharf, and these vessels were accustomed to occupy those positions every night. Assurance was also given that the troops could be taken from the wharf in five minutes time if it became necessary to do so.
Galveston City in 1861 was a port of entry and capital of Galveston County. It is situated near the east end of Galveston Island, with the best and least difficult harbor on the whole Texas coast. It was the commercial emporium of Texas, with the bulk of its commerce coastwise with New Orleans and New York. The former port connected with it by regular steamship lines. The city contained the court-house, a jail, and other county buildings, several churches, numerous warehouses, wholesale and retail stores, and hotels; and published several newspapers. The island in which the city stands, is about thirty-six miles long, with an average width of two miles. The soil is good, being a black mould, about a foot deep, resting on sand and shells, and it has several ponds of good water. Separated from the main-land by West Bay, it was connected by a wooden railroad bridge, two miles in length, used by the Galveston and Houston Railroad. No portion of the surface is more than twenty feet above the level of the Gulf of Mexico, and with the exception of several groves of live oak, the whole is open prairie. Before the war the land was said to have been in a state of excellent cultivation, and the city the residence of many wealthy farmers. Very few slaves were held on the island, and the population was about seven thousand.
Federal naval forces had virtually been in possession of Galveston since October 8th, 1862, in full control of the harbor, but lacking adequate force to land and occupy permanently the city. Besides the four gunboats in the harbor when the detachment first arrived, the gunboat Sachem, an altered merchant screw propeller steamer, five guns, Acting Master Amos Johnson, came in December 29th with her boilers out of repair, and, securing the services of two boiler makers from the city, anchored in the channel on the city front to have them patched up. The small Government schooner Corypheus, Acting Master A. T. Spear, with one gun, and manned by fifteen men, also came into port with the Sachem.
The sailing barks Arthur, Cavallo, and Elias Pike, loaded with coal for the fleet; the transport steamer Mary Boardman, loaded with hay and horses; and the transport steamer Saxon, was all the shipping that was in Galveston Harbor, January 1st, 1863.
At two o’clock the Saxon passed over the bar, her keel striking bottom a few times, and at half-past four came to anchor in the harbor channel.
The troops made a landing December 25th, at ten o’clock in the morning. The two-story storehouse was occupied on the upper floor for sleeping, the lower floor to store quartermaster and commissary stores, ammunition, and intrenching tools, which were removed from the Saxon that day and next. A partitioned room on the lower floor was fitted up by Surgeon Cummings for a hospital. The commissary supplies consisted of coffee, hard bread, beans, salt pork, and molasses, sufficient to last about thirty days for three hundred men. The intrenching tools were spades, picks and axes, for five hundred men. Three months medical supplies and about twenty-five thousand rounds fixed ammunition for infantry was also landed.
Kuhn’s Wharf was the largest on the harbor front, the storehouse end large and roomy, connected with the land by a bridge-like wharf some four hundred feet long, about twenty feet wide, built on piling. The water was quite shallow at any tide almost to the end. Tides in Galveston harbor and bay ebb and flow very little; the depth of water is greatly influenced by heavy northerly winds, which blow the water over the bar out to sea. Heavy draft vessels at such times must keep to the narrow channel.
A flag-pole was found which belonged on the storehouse, and being placed in position upon the cupola, the old garrison flag, used by the regiment at Readville, was run up about eleven o’clock and greeted with cheers. Sentries were at once posted in the city as far as Market Square, one of the principal places with all of the main streets leading into it. They were also posted on the streets to the right and left, communicating directly with the wharf. At night these posts were reënforced in such a manner as to constitute picket-posts.
Immediately upon landing and taking post, Colonel Burrell adopted such measures to secure all the protection possible that in his judgment the situation demanded. From this time until the morning of January 1st it was work, work, work. Fatigue and working parties were constantly employed. Guards and pickets were on duty day and night. Reconnoitring detachments were on duty by day and squads scouting at night. The Forty-Second Infantry, posted upon Kuhn’s Wharf, were very active during their short stay, occupying the city so far as the small force and prudence would allow, and exercising proper surveillance. The men were barely allowed sufficient time to obtain needed sleep.
Among the first things done was to barricade the interior of the storehouse facing the city, by placing against that side, on each floor, barrels of whiting, plaster and hair, found on the premises. For a temporary shelter to men on picket at night, if forced to seek it, it was decided to build a breastwork upon the wharf by tearing up and utilizing the planks. Volunteer Engineer Long saw no use or necessity for this, not exercising any supervision over the work until operations had commenced and he saw that the colonel was determined about it. Commencing at a point some fifty feet from the shore end, the hard pine planks were removed to make a gap in the wharf for the space of about another fifty feet, and the first breastwork was erected on the edge of this gap the day of landing. Fortunately Quartermaster Burrell, in looking around the city in the morning, had found a keg of large-sized spikes and ordered them taken to the wharf where they might be found useful. They were very useful in building this work.
An examination of the ammunition, ordered in a few days after landing when it was evident the enemy meant mischief, was not a welcome surprise. Company G was armed with Springfield rifles, and Companies D and I had Springfield smooth-bore muskets. The bulk of ammunition landed was found to be for rifles, with only a small supply of ball and buckshot cartridges for smooth-bores. There was also found to be a scarcity of caps. This is accounted for by the confused manner in which the regiment was embarked at Brooklyn on the different transports—a proper apportionment of the ammunition was not possible under the circumstances. Sending Adjutant Davis to the fleet for any surplus caps they had to spare added very little to the supply, as they were short also. It was found that cartridges and caps sufficient to give each man eighteen rounds in his cartridge box was all the ammunition that could be made serviceable when a distribution was made to the men on the thirty-first. This was kept a secret from the command. The men were cautioned to husband their ammunition until it could be used to effect at close quarters, in case of an action. No man was to fire his musket unless so ordered by an officer.
Commander Wainwright, with a few sailors armed with cutlasses and pistols, visited the wharf on the twenty-sixth. After a conference with Colonel Burrell, a reconnoissance through Galveston and its suburbs was determined upon. Captain Sherive, with about one hundred men, including the sailors, accompanied by the colonel, adjutant, quartermaster and chaplain, with Wainwright, started about nine o’clock in the morning to reconnoitre, proceeding as far as the brick kilns, some two miles outside of the city. It was not deemed advisable to go further in the direction of Eagle Grove, about three miles, but a circuit of the outskirts was made and the city looked over. The inhabitants had fled. It was almost entirely deserted. Unlike many other cities and towns occupied by Federal troops, very few colored people were to be seen. A lookout was established in a four-story brick building on the Strand near Market Square and within the guard lines, where all that was going on at Eagle Grove on the island, and Virginia Point on the main-land, was distinctly visible in the daytime by the aid of a field-glass. This lookout was constantly maintained.
In the afternoon Colonel Burrell, accompanied by Volunteer Engineer Long, proceeded in the Harriet Lane towards West Bay as far as the channel would allow. A good view of Eagle Grove and Virginia Point was obtained. The earthwork, mounting three guns, thrown up at Eagle Grove by Confederates, to protect the railroad bridge, was abandoned. The end of the bridge at Virginia Point was protected by extensive works with heavy guns in position, and here the enemy appeared to be in force. Their camps could be plainly seen.
It was while on this trip in the Harriet Lane that Colonel Burrell made up his mind to destroy the railroad bridge. None of the naval vessels could get near enough to do any permanent damage, on account of the narrow, tortuous and shallow channel. The distance from the fleet anchorage by way of the channel was about four and one-half miles. Heavy naval guns, fired from a point of anchorage where it would have been safe to try it, would not have reached the bridge with any accuracy, the gun-carriages not admitting a sufficient elevation of the guns to carry shot or shell that distance, while such heavy charges of powder would be required for the distance that the concussion upon the gun-decks of such vessels as were then at Galveston would have caused serious damage to the vessels, had everything been favorable in other particulars for attempting the destruction of the bridge in this manner. The bridge could not be effectually severed by the navy except by sending up armed launches prepared for such duty. These the gunboats did not have; all of their row-boats were small, not capable of carrying light guns, even if they had them. This would have been hazardous service, as the enemy were vigilant and brave. That the navy could have sent up boat crews and destroyed it when the vessels first entered the harbor in October, was admitted by a number of naval officers, because the enemy had precipitately taken flight, abandoning everything. The Confederate military commander at that time was a weak-kneed sort of man. In a very short time the Confederate troops rallied, removed all of their guns on the island, and built the works at Eagle Grove rendering the attempt hazardous. Destroying the bridge would not have prevented all communication between the island and the main-land, only rendered it difficult, as the enemy had plenty of boats hid in the creeks and bayous adjacent that could be used for ferry purposes. But no attempt of any sort had been made by the navy since first entering Galveston Bay to damage or sever this bridge.
Collecting barrels of tar pitch, with other combustible material, and confiscating a dray (all horses had been run out of town), the colonel ordered them stored ready for use, intending to move up immediately on the landing of the balance of his regiment, occupy the works at Eagle Grove, destroy the bridge as far as possible, mount some heavy guns, and shell the enemy from his works on the main-land. Those naval officers who talked the matter over with officers of the Forty-Second agreed that it ought to be done. Commander Wainwright was especially in favor of severing this means of communication. Had the seven companies of the regiment arrived on or before the twenty-eighth of December, it was thought not much difficulty would have been experienced. The enemy soon ascertained the small strength of the detachment landed, and on the twenty-ninth reoccupied the earthworks at Eagle Grove, and mounted heavy cannon to protect the bridge and approaches. Colonel Burrell then requested Commander Renshaw to go up the bay as far as possible with two of his lightest draft vessels, and shell the enemy from the island, which he refused to do. After the twenty-eighth December, the destruction of this bridge could not have been accomplished without an action with the enemy in force at Eagle Grove, but an attempt would have been made had not the event of January 1st occurred.
During the afternoon of the twenty-sixth, while Captain Sherive with a small force of men was out on a foraging expedition, to see what could be found for cooking-stoves, eight Confederate cavalry-men appeared under a flag of truce, with a request to see the British consul. No flag-of-truce trick could be played on Captain Sherive. He promptly halted the party, and notified his commanding officer. One man, under guard, was allowed to see the consul, and the Confederate captain in charge was ordered to leave by six o’clock, as after that hour they would be fired upon. For weeks had the enemy enjoyed the hospitality of Commander Renshaw under these convenient flags of truce, used freely for the most trivial reasons; but the military commander stopped all such nonsense at once. This truce flag was the only one recognized until the day of surrender.
Supplies of food were not plenty in the city. The Confederates would not allow any to be brought from the main-land, consequently, what few inhabitants remained in Galveston, mostly women, found it hard work to subsist. In a small way, rations were given to them by Colonel Burrell. Not much could be done in this direction, owing to the small supply on hand for the troops, who must be fed and kept in fighting condition. There were quite a number of German women with gold and silver coin, who wished to purchase provisions from the quartermaster. Their husbands were serving in the Confederate army, and much valuable information was obtained from them.
Confederate cavalry commenced to infest the city and suburbs at night, about three days after a landing was made; but did not attempt to molest the pickets. These cavalry-men came along the beach, concealed by a range of sand hills on the Gulf shore; on reaching the outskirts they would separate to go through the city in squads of two and three. Before daylight these squads would rendezvous at a place called Schmidt’s Garden, and return to Eagle Grove by the same route they came. They easily obtained, during these nocturnal trips, all information they required, for the men talked freely with such of the inhabitants as wished to converse. While there were a handful of Union men, or refugees as they were termed by the enemy, who sought protection under the Federal flag, the bulk of the small population, men, women and children, were secessionists to the core.
Lieutenant Eddy and Private Hersey must have had this fact very forcibly impressed upon their minds when they were entertained by some Galveston ladies at a house on the Strand, some two miles from quarters, on the afternoon of Sunday, December 28th. The ladies sang all of the latest Confederate songs, Eddy and Hersey in return singing the latest from the North. The conversation was bitter disunion on the female side, and well calculated to draw out information on military affairs. On bidding them good afternoon as they left, several young men were seen loitering in the vicinity, who had undoubtedly been listeners to the conversation.
While the enemy easily obtained information of the Federal strength, position and purposes, the men of the Forty-Second as easily secured definite information of the Confederate strength and intentions. At this game of cards honors were easy.
On the night of the twenty-seventh a report was brought in that a force of Confederate cavalry was in the city. Captain Sherive with fifty men and Captain Savage with fifty men received separate orders to drive them out. Taking different directions, a thorough scout failed to discover any traces of this cavalry until Captain Sherive arrived at the beach road leading to Fort Point, when fresh horse-shoe prints in the sand were discovered, showing that a force of mounted men had gone in the direction of Fort Point, where there was an abandoned earthwork thrown up to command the harbor entrance. Captain Savage came up soon after, joined forces with Sherive, and was directed to place his men on the sand ridge of the beach, lying down, while Sherive with his men covered the beach, and all awaited developments. About midnight Captain Savage became impatient, if not a little timid, as signal rockets were seen sent up in the city, and he declined to remain longer, proceeding back to the wharf. This forced Captain Sherive to retire also, as he doubted his ability to meet the supposed force of the enemy with the men left. It was afterwards ascertained that the party was General Magruder, reconnoitring the entrance to the bay with some eighty of his officers and men, who would certainly have been captured, killed, or wounded, if the detachments had remained where Captain Sherive had them posted. There was no escape, except by breaking through the detachments, and the enemy could not successfully do that while Captain Sherive was around. Captain Savage destroyed the telegraph lines connecting Galveston with the main-land, that had remained intact up to this time, as part of the night’s operations.
There was a lull in the preparations and rounds of duty on Sunday, the twenty-eighth, giving the men that rest they sorely needed. Only two civilians were molested by the troops during their short stay in Galveston. A German was arrested on this day for uttering seditious language. He was confined at guard quarters in the wharf storehouse, remaining there during the action of January 1st, almost forgotten, but miraculously escaped without a wound. The other was a citizen caught hanging around the head of the wharf in a suspicious manner, and was arrested for a spy, retained in confinement some six hours, and then released. This arrest occurred on the ——th.
Sunday afternoon Colonel Burrell, in a row-boat, proceeded to Fort Point to inspect a 100 Pr. gun, dismounted in the fort, with the intention of removing it to the earthwork at Eagle Grove when his force was increased. The gun was found to be sound, not spiked, and ready for immediate service, when mounted on a gun-carriage. The story of the dismounting of this heavy gun, as told by naval officers and sailors, is said to be true.
KUHN’S WHARF, GALVESTON, TEXAS.
It seems that when the fleet was sailing towards Galveston Bar the orders were not to fire, even if fired upon, until the signal was displayed from the flag-ship. A gunner on the Clifton, standing by his gun, with lanyard in hand, accidentally slipped when the vessel lurched, causing him to pull the lanyard with a sudden jerk and fire the gun. Without being trained on the fort, the solid shot took effect on the gun-carriage of this 100 Pr., near the stanchions, shattering the carriage, heaving the gun up in the air, tumbling it over backward in the sand. The garrison became panic struck at the effect of this chance shot and fled. The fleet then entered the harbor without another gun being fired.
The situation looked serious, and with a doubt in his mind about the loyalty of the naval commander, and no news from his expected reënforcements, Colonel Burrell decided on the twenty-ninth to send Quartermaster Burrell to New Orleans on the Saxon, with despatches for General Banks. The commissary supplies had dwindled down to fifteen days rations for three hundred men, and the ammunition was not available. Engineer Long decided to go also, not being under the orders of Colonel Burrell, and took passage on the Saxon. Much to the transport captain’s relief, for he had been in a highly nervous state while lying at the wharf, the Saxon left, proceeding as far as Pelican Spit, where she had to remain until January 1st. A strong northerly wind, that continued on the thirtieth and thirty-first, had blown the water from Galveston Bar so that only three feet of water covered it, rendering proceeding to sea impossible.
“Headquarters, “Galveston, Texas, December 29th, 1862.
“Sir: In obedience to orders, upon arriving at this place on the evening of the twenty-fourth instant, after consulting with the commander of the blockading fleet, I landed the three companies of my command, which were with me upon the transport Saxon, on the end of Kuhn’s Wharf, and quartered them in the warehouse there. I have taken possession of the city as boldly as I could with the small force at my command, and have thoroughly reconnoitred the built-upon portions of the city up to within range of their battery at Eagle Grove, which is apparently well built, mounting three guns. They have also one gun at the draw, which is about midway of the bridge. Upon Virginia Point they have a strong battery, mounted with heavy guns. From the best information obtainable, I judge their force in this immediate vicinity to be about two thousand strong.
“During the day we control the city, but at night, owing to our small force (as the balance of my regiment has not yet arrived), I am obliged to draw in the pickets to the wharf on which we are quartered. I think there are still living upon the island about three thousand persons, a large proportion of whom are women and children. A great many of these people are almost entirely destitute of the means of subsistence, as the enemy will not allow anything to be brought over from the main-land, thinking, doubtless, to make them disloyal by starvation. The naval officer in command has contributed all he could spare from his stores, and my men have shared their bread rations with them. I believe the larger part of the residents now here to be loyal and really desire to remain in the city, and that common humanity calls upon us to render them assistance. This, in my judgment, can best be done by placing the city under martial law as soon as my force is large enough, and forcing the rich, who are mainly the secessionists, to feed the poor. I would most respectfully urge upon your consideration the necessity of sending provisions for immediate relief. These can be sold to them at Government prices, thus conferring a real charity, without subjecting them to the mortification of being beggars. Under the existing circumstances I have thought it best to send one of my staff, Quartermaster Burrell, and Mr. Long, the engineer, who accompanied us here, to report to you in person. These gentlemen will explain in detail the state of affairs, and the importance of the knowledge which they can convey to you has, in my judgment, authorized me in ordering the Saxon back to New Orleans, which I humbly trust will meet your approbation.
“I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, “ISAAC S. BURRELL, “Colonel commanding 42d regiment Mass. Vols.”
The small schooner Corypheus had lying useless upon her deck two captured 12 Pr. Howitzer field-guns, with over three hundred rounds of ammunition for them. Adjutant Davis was sent on the night of the twenty-ninth to Commander Renshaw, with a request for the guns to be landed upon the wharf. Colonel Burrell intended to place them in position in the storehouse, opening port-holes on the land side. Company D (the old Roxbury Artillery) had many Roxbury men who knew how to handle such guns, besides having in the ranks a dozen man-of-wars men, who had enlisted in Boston shortly after their discharge from a war-vessel, that had arrived from a long cruise. The idea was ridiculed by Renshaw, who flatly refused the request.
General Magruder, when he assumed command in December of the Confederate forces in Texas, immediately set about perfecting plans to recover possession of Galveston, and to capture or cripple the fleet. These plans were so far matured that he intended to attack on the twenty-seventh, but was obliged to postpone it until the morning of January 1st from delay in fitting out his river steamers.
The naval commander heard of these steamers being got in readiness to attack him, but did not think he would have much difficulty in blowing them to pieces with his guns; in fact, affected to look upon such preparations of the enemy as futile. As for the information of Magruder’s plan of action on land, obtained by the military force, none of the naval officers, with the exception of Wainwright, placed much reliance upon it until the thirty-first, as they had heard every day since they had been there reports of an attack to be made.
Definite news was obtained on the thirtieth that the enemy would make an attack that day or next. Commander Renshaw had not at any time since the troops landed been very communicative, or evince any desire to consult over the situation, although an occasional visitor to the military headquarters. Determined to protect the men as far as possible, a second breastwork, close to the storehouse, was commenced in the afternoon and finished by midnight, tearing up the wharf in front and opening another gap for fifty feet.
The two breastworks were strong enough to resist infantry-fire, but not artillery. Composed of two and two and one-half inch planking laid one upon the other, two planks deep, so that the faces were composed of the edges only, they were some thirty inches in thickness, built shoulder high. On this last work the entrance port was protected by a cotton bale. Not satisfied with this, a raft lying at the wharf, such as is used by caulkers in working on vessels’ seams near the water line, was raised from the water by hard labor, and securely placed in position on the right of the second breastwork, to protect as far as it would a fire from the next wharf on that flank, one-eighth of a mile distant. The storehouse protected the left flank from infantry-fire from the wharf on that side, also about one-eighth of a mile distant.
That night a false alarm, about ten o’clock, brought the entire force to arms behind the breastworks, and gunboats took positions near the wharf as agreed—one on the left and one on the right.
While the city was apparently deserted for some days after landing, on the thirtieth and thirty-first of December it was noticed that many men in citizen’s attire had returned and were strolling around. It was believed then, by the officers of the Forty-Second, that these men were in the Confederate service. No attempt was made to interfere with them so long as they remained civil, committing no overt wrong. With the small force on hand, no decisive measures concerning the inhabitants could be adopted, or any attempt made to govern the city.
During the day of the thirty-first, in company with Commander Wainwright, Colonel Burrell with a guard patroled some of the streets, and noticed many of these strange faces, who seemed to shun them. From the lookout station the enemy were seen assembling on the plain near Eagle Grove, horse, foot and artillery. Wainwright remarked: “Active operations going on, colonel; things look squally, and we had better not remain here. I will go up to-morrow and feel of them.” He intended to go up in his vessel as far as the channel would permit, and endeavor to shell them from the island.
Between these two officers a friendship for each other existed from their first meeting. They were frequently together, strollers around the city and suburbs, consulting the STATUS of affairs. Many of the other naval officers were frequent visitors, very courteous and obliging, but none appeared to take the same interest in matters that Wainwright did. The Forty-Second officers thought he was the only live man in the fleet.
In none of their perambulations and confidential talks did Wainwright breathe a word against his superior officer, although the colonel, after a few days on shore, could not remain quiet with the conviction forced upon his mind that Renshaw was not acting in such a manner as to warrant confidence, and bluntly told Wainwright only a day or two before the final events took place he thought Renshaw was a traitor. To this plain and straightforward expression of opinion the naval captain made no reply. Not so with the sailors; they, coming in contact with the enlisted men, frequently expressed their suspicion of the “commodore.”
On the morning of the thirty-first of December the Owasco went down to the coal bark Arthur, lying in the channel near the harbor entrance, about a mile and one-half from the wharf, for a supply of coal. Contrary to her usual custom she did not return to her position near the wharf when night came. The Westfield lay near Pelican Spit, on guard at the harbor entrance, and covering the Bolivar channel of the bay. She had lately received a new heavy gun, brought by the Tennessee to replace one disabled while on the coast some time previous. Up to midnight the balance of the fleet were distributed along the water front of Galveston, in the channel, which averaged at any point only a little less than two hundred and twenty yards in width. The Clifton was at the right of Kuhn’s Wharf, about one hundred yards distant; then came the Sachem, still at work on repairs to her boilers; then the small schooner Corypheus; and up the channel, a mile away, nearly opposite the depot wharf, was stationed the Harriet Lane.
At night a conference was held by officers of the Forty-Second. Positions were assigned for the companies in case of attack. Companies D and I remained upon the wharf, in the building, to snatch what sleep they could, while Company G, Captain Proctor in command, was on picket during the night. The three companies had been held in readiness every night since landing. Those not on duty slept on their arms. On the thirtieth and thirty-first only one company at a time was allowed to sleep. The men were informed of what was expected, their courage and manhood appealed to, with every point emphasized, that would naturally tend to inspire them with confidence. Not a word was uttered that could possibly convey any idea foreign to the fact, that fight was a duty they were to perform.
Burrell did not like the outlook, nor his position upon the wharf. Commodore Renshaw had failed to inspire him with any confidence in his integrity. Seated in his quarters that evening to muse over his situation, without allowing his officers or men to know his thoughts for fear of disheartening them, the colonel fully determined to order the Saxon up to the wharf next morning, embark his men, and remain on board in the harbor until reënforcements arrived.
About midnight Colonel Burrell, Captain Sherive, and Chaplain Sanger, visited the picket sentinel posts in the city, finding the men were drawn in from their original positions, and did not occupy the usual ground. The original posts were reëstablished. Rumbling noise of artillery wheels was heard distinctly through the night, together with the sound of moving railroad cars accompanied by the locomotive whistles. Captain Proctor had reported in person to inform Colonel Burrell, “there was trouble ahead”; so when the Harriet Lane, in the moonlight, discovered black smoke from smoke-stacks of Confederate vessels across the bay, some two miles away, and signaled with rockets, Lieutenant Stowell, placed in charge of the fireworks signals, burned some lights for the purpose of giving information to the navy that the military force was wide awake and ready. Every man on the wharf was ordered to man the breastworks.
It was at this time the colonel noticed that the Clifton had left her position. She was signaled by Renshaw from the Westfield that he was aground, and gone to her assistance between twelve and one o’clock. The Westfield discovered these Confederate steamers about the same time as the Harriet Lane and got under way, but very soon was hard and fast ashore at high water. The absence of both the Owasco and Clifton left the military upon the wharf unprotected on the flanks for some hours.
The Bayou City had left Choppers Bar, at Morgan’s Point, between nine and ten o’clock Wednesday night, December 31st, with the Royal Yacht and J. F. Carr in tow. The Royal Yacht got aground at Redfish Bar and had to be left behind. The Confederate boats being light draft steamers could navigate the shoal waters of the bay, and were not obliged, on arriving opposite the city, to keep to the ship channel. Upon being discovered these steamers withdrew out of sight to Half Moon Shoals, six miles distant. The military force went into their barracks again to sleep on their arms.
Captain Sherive, with the chaplain, made a second visit to the city, by a mistake getting outside of the lines; they had been drawn in once more without any notification to the rest of the command. They found the city full of people; and had the enemy been ready then for operations, both officers would have been killed, or wounded and taken prisoners. Not ready to act, the Confederates kept in hiding as much as possible.
About half-past three o’clock in the morning, masses of moving men in the streets were discovered by the picket sentries, who fired at them and slowly fell back toward the wharf, without eliciting a fire in return. The troops asleep in the barracks, equipments and overcoats on, for the night was cold, and guns by their side, were immediately ordered up, and to line the work built on the thirtieth. The order was promptly obeyed: Company I upon the right; Company G upon the left; while Company D was to be stationed in line, with its left resting at the breastwork, the right prolonged towards the harbor, ready to wheel either to the right or left up to the work. As the picket detail came in over the single plank left upon the openings in the wharf for that purpose, they took position with Company G. Lieutenant Newcomb was the last man in. Up to between one and two o’clock a bright moonlight enabled objects to be distinguished for some distance, but after two o’clock darkness had shut in to such a degree that objects ten feet off could not be seen. A few cheering words were rapidly addressed to his men by the colonel, who cautioned them not to forget the State they represented, and to reserve their fire until orders were given to commence. The enemy lost no time in getting into position. Magruder must have expected to be able to cut off the whole or part of the picket from reaching the wharf by placing his first gun at the large open door of the Star Foundry, a building at the head of the next wharf to the right of Kuhn’s Wharf, for the position gave him a chance to rake the wharf. It was this gun that was first fired, having been rapidly placed in the foundry after the pickets gave warning he was at hand.
A city clock had a few minutes previous struck four o’clock when this gun was fired by General Magruder in person, the ball glancing over the edge of the breastwork, crashing through the storehouse, and the action opened. All of the enemy’s artillery opened fire shortly after with solid shot, shell and canister. Before he fired the first gun, Magruder remarked: “Boys, now we will give them hell,” and after firing left for his headquarters, established on Broadway, saying, “Now boys, I have done my part as private, I will go and attend to that of general.”
A number of men not exactly sick, but worn out and tired from continued hard work, together with a few lazy fellows, remained in the building when the rest filed out. They did not stay long. Private Mosely, Company D, who was lying down when told by Sergeant Waterman to get up and come along, said it was “d——d nonsense,” and proposed to have some sleep. The cannon ball crashing and smashing things over his head sent Mose rolling down the run that lead to the second story. Private Dave Howe, Company D, who claimed to be sick, climbed out of a window to a pitch roof, that covered the water tank, straddling along until the end was reached, when he found himself looking down into the water; a shell over his head just then sent him wriggling back and through the window again, and down he tumbled over the run to the wharf. One of the incidents the men can never forget was the chaplain finding Privates Thompson and Vining6 had got into a large iron tank, used to catch rain-water from the storehouse roofs, that was set upon its side close to the building, drove them out and got in himself. Not a very safe place to take shelter if a solid shot happened to strike it.
6 Daniel Harvey Vining, of Weymouth, an odd character, was sixty-five years old. He tried to get mustered with Company A, but the mustering officer rejected him as too old. When Company D was mustered into service Vining dyed his hair, fixed up to look young, and tried it again with that company. The officer knew him however, and asked: “How old are you to-day?” Vining answered promptly, “Forty-four years old.” No further questions were put and he was mustered in, to his delight.
The Confederate land force under General Magruder, consisted of infantry commands of Colonels Green, Bagby and Reily, Lieutenant-Colonel L. A. Abercrombie and Major Griffin; Colonel Pyron’s regiment dismounted dragoons; Colonel X. B. Debray’s cavalry regiment; and cavalry companies of Captain Bowles, Atkins, Andrews, and Durant; Colonel J. J. Cook’s regiment artillery; and Wilson’s six-gun light battery. The country for miles around was thoroughly scoured for volunteers, who flocked to Magruder’s force, in this way swelled to about five or six thousand men of all arms. The brigade commanders were Brigadier-General W. R. Scurry and Colonel Reily. General Scurry had command in the immediate vicinity of the wharf. Besides Wilson’s light battery the enemy had six siege guns, fourteen field pieces—some of them rifled—and a railroad ram, armed with an eight-inch Dahlgren mounted on a railroad flat car. Most of this artillery arrived from the Mississippi River a week before. In regard to the numbers of his men General Magruder, in conversation with the officers some time after they were prisoners of war, admitted he had no means of officially knowing the strength of his force, and then placed it as about five or six thousand men because such large numbers of volunteers joined him.
Details of the attack were made at Pyron’s camp. Three heavy guns were ordered to Fort Point in charge of Captain S. T. Fontaine, of Cook’s artillery regiment, supported by six companies dismounted dragoons, under Colonel Pyron. Major Wilson was to open fire on the wharf with his battery. The railroad ram was to take position on railroad wharf to fire at the Harriet Lane. The remainder of the artillery, manned by Cook’s regiment, was to be posted in eligible positions on the Strand and water front, and warehouses along the edge. Artillery was hauled by mules and by hand half way to the city from the railroad bridge, at one o’clock that night. A large quantity of cotton was also carried by rail to railroad wharf for use in building a breastwork, besides a large quantity of intrenching tools, for the purpose of Magruder was to throw up intrenchments at the ends of streets leading to the water if his plan of action did not succeed before daylight. Signals agreed upon were: white light—enemy in sight; blue light—order to prepare; red light—make ready for action; at twenty minutes intervals.
General Magruder is credited with sending this dispatch to Major Leon Smith from Summit Station, thirty-five miles from Galveston, on the Galveston and Houston Railroad, as his soldiers commenced the march to take positions assigned them: “I am off, and will make the attack as agreed, whether you come up or not. The rangers of the prairie send greeting to the rangers of the sea.”
Upon reaching the city, shortly before four o’clock, the Confederates placed a 32 Pr. gun at the cotton press near McKinney’s Wharf, to engage the Harriet Lane. This point was the left of the Confederate battle line. A 42 Pr. gun was placed at the head of Kuhn’s Wharf, near Social Hall, and a section of Wilson’s battery was near Hendleir’s Wharf. Why they did not attempt to place guns upon ends of the wharves on each side of Kuhn’s Wharf, where an enfilading fire upon the soldiers of the Forty-Second could have been obtained, is a mystery, unless they feared the positions too much exposed.
Of the navy, the Sachem was first to open fire, followed by the Corypheus and the Harriet Lane. For an hour did shot and shell fly all around the troops upon the wharf, accompanied with musket balls, causing them to think they were to get “h—ll” sure, as Magruder said, and to hug the planks and huddle close to the breastwork in such a manner that the original position planned for them to take at that work was lost. After a few rounds had been fired at them with no wholesale slaughter occurring, many of the men began to gain that confidence old soldiers possess, and to note progress of the action.
The navy fired high and made hot work in the city, but did not for some time do any execution among the enemy’s guns. Seeing this, Captain Sherive shouted to them: “Fire lower, and not so high,” In spite of the distance, sailors of the Sachem, who were afterwards taken prisoners at Sabine Pass, said they distinctly heard the warning, and then depressed their guns as much as possible. The Confederates admitted that the firing from heavy guns on the naval vessels was hard to stand. The crashing of walls and falling timbers, and a constant rain of bricks, mortar and roofing, as the shot and shell plunged through buildings, added to the crash of many hundreds of window panes, assisted to make the night hideous.
At the first shot from the enemy Colonel Burrell ordered every man to lie down. During the first hour the colonel walked the wharf, taking careful notice of all that occurred. Many shells would drop upon the wharf and explode, or burst overhead, pieces flying forward and overboard, yet he did not receive a scratch. A shell exploded in the storehouse and, seeing flame and smoke, he ran in, but a wooden partition prevented his reaching the fire. He shouted: “Is any one in there?” Private Hersey, with a few others, was lying down close to one of the rain-water hogsheads in the building when the fire started among the tents stored there, and at once endeavored to put it out. Hersey answered that HE was and that the tents were on fire, when Colonel Burrell ordered them thrown into the water by a back door, that could be easily reached. Part of the burning tents were soon floating in the harbor; but finding an empty pail, and drawing water from the hogshead, Hersey soon extinguished the fire. The ammunition that lay in dangerous proximity to the tents was at once attended to. A call for men to “come in here and rout out this ammunition” was promptly obeyed by a squad of men, who soon placed the boxes near the end of the wharf where they could easily be pitched overboard in case of necessity.
It was still dark at five o’clock when the enemy suddenly ceased their artillery fire. This was ominous; everybody felt an assault was premeditated. Not a shot had been fired from the wharf, which must have deceived the enemy as to the condition the Forty-Second detachment was in to repel an assault. They supposed many were killed or wounded. A sharp lookout from the breastwork was ordered. Somebody sung out that they were coming in boats to the left of the wharf. Colonel Burrell called for men, and ran to where the storehouse abuts the wharf-edge, but could not see or hear anything. Leaving the men to watch, he rapidly passed back to the breastwork to see that the men there took position ready to open fire, and again ran back to the left. He was there when the first fire was opened to repel the assault.
The assaulting column (about five hundred men) under Colonel Cook, said to have been composed of two small regiments, could be heard splashing in the water as they waded out. The understanding among the officers was, in case of an assault they were to wait until the enemy came within easy range before firing.
Adjutant Davis, Captains Proctor and Sherive, and Lieutenant Newcomb, were anxiously looking over the breastwork into the darkness to catch a glimpse of where the enemy were. Captain Proctor sang out that he could see moving objects in the water, when Adjutant Davis gave the order to fire. A volley was given, followed up by some rapid firing at will, as fast as the men could load. Those in the front ranks had to look out, for in the excitement men from the rear would crowd up and blaze away regardless of friend or foe. As the line of fire was mostly straight away from the shoulder, very few firing downwards into the water, the casualties to the attacking force was not heavy. Some of them attempted to come out upon the wharf, by placing planks over the openings where they had been torn up. They did get to the first breastwork, and showed their heads above it, as the musketry flashes lit up the scene, but no further.
The Sachem and Corypheus, attracted by this fight, sent shot and shells toward the head of the wharf among the enemy in such a manner that they were glad to fall back, with such scaling ladders as they carried, taking most of the dead and wounded ashore. A few bodies were floating in the water during the morning hours.
After this repulse the enemy retired behind the protection of buildings and side streets, out of musket range. The combined fire of the three gunboats, who continued to send their compliments among the enemy’s artillery placed to cover Kuhn’s Wharf, prevented the Confederates from anything more than random artillery firing after this assault. Some of their batteries they had previously found great difficulty in keeping manned; the gunners were forced to return to their pieces many times by cavalry patrols stationed in the rear.
As daylight dawned, a scattered musketry-fire was opened on both sides. The Confederate riflemen took positions in windows, and upon the flat roofs of such warehouses as overlooked the wharf within range. The small field-gun, stationed at the Star Foundry, was sending some shells which exploded underneath the wharf, making it a question whether the piling would not eventually be severed and destroy the wharf. The gunners had also got the range where the men lay, and by a little elevation they could sweep them. Hastily calling for some good rifle shots, Colonel Burrell posted them near the flanking raft, with orders to prevent that gun from being served. This detail did the duty well, effectually putting a stop to the Confederates dodging from around the street corner to load and fire. Major Dickinson, General Magruder’s assistant adjutant-general, lost an eye while gallantry trying to attach a drag-rope to the gun in order to draw it away, when they found it dangerous to keep at work; a nephew of the general, Lieutenant George A. Magruder, aide-de-camp, also made the attempt after Dickinson was wounded—all of no avail, the gun had to be abandoned by them.
An attempt was made about seven o’clock to launch a boat that was upon the wharf for repairs, and then supposed to be in condition for use, in order to send Captain Sherive, who volunteered to go, on board one of the vessels with a request that they come up and take the troops off. Colonel Burrell, Captain Sherive, Adjutant Davis, Lieutenant Cowdin and Private Morrill, Company D, had got the boat launched from the end of the wharf, but it filled with water and sank at once, because some bullet holes had not been noticed, when the riflemen from a brick building at the head of the next wharf commenced to fire at them. As the bullets began to whistle over their heads the men shouted: “Look out, colonel, they are firing at you!” Private Morrill was severely wounded in a hand, Captain Sherive and Adjutant Davis dodged behind hawser posts, Lieutenant Cowdin jumped for shelter, and the colonel disappeared in a hurry down a sloping freight gangway that was handy. The men thought he was shot until he called to them: “I am all right.”
In a few moments the Owasco was seen in the slight foggy mist of the morning coming along from the coal bark, and when off the wharf sent a few shells into the building, driving the annoying riflemen out. The Clifton, ordered by Renshaw to return to the city when the action opened, with difficulty kept the channel, and returned from Pelican Spit soon after daylight, opening fire upon the enemy’s guns placed in position on the sand beach near Fort Point by Captain Fontaine, driving the gunners away, and continued on past the wharf a short distance, taking position near the Sachem. In passing, a solid shot was fired over the wharf obliquely, into the brick building used for a lookout station, one quarter of a mile distant, tearing a corner out and making a bad wreck of the building.
With the exception of a few shot and shell fired into the city by the gunboats nearly all firing had ceased when it was about broad daylight. The enemy had removed most of their artillery; only a few pieces remained that they could not and dare not persist in attempting to take away: the rifles of Company G could reach them and prevented it. Captain Sherive asked permission to take his company out and secure them, but the colonel would not allow it, fearing an ambuscade. Volunteers were called for, to go out and ascertain the position of the enemy. Several volunteered, but the selection fell upon Private Colson, Company I, a rather tough customer, who had been put in irons for misbehavior and confined in the guard-house for some time, but been released. He went out, soon returned, and reported the enemy hid behind buildings and massed in the yards not far away.
The naval force, excepting the Westfield, all assembled on the harbor front, daylight to assist them in discovering the enemy’s position; the front of Kuhn’s Wharf cleared of their presence, it did seem for a short time that a victory would eventually be won.
In less than fifteen minutes the whole aspect of affairs was changed. The State authorities had taken the Bayou City, a Houston and Galveston packet steamer, made bulwarks of cotton bales upon her sides and armed her with a 68 Pr. rifled gun, placed in the bow. The river steamer Neptune was also fitted out in the same manner and carried two Howitzer guns. Steamers Lucy Govirn and Royal Yacht were used as tenders to collect wood for the gunboats, and steamer John F. Carr was fitted up for a hospital boat.
The Bayou City was commanded by Captain Henry Lubbock, with Captain M. McCormick for pilot. Colonel Green had command of troops on board, about one hundred and fifty men. Captain A. R. Wier, Cook’s regiment artillery, was in charge of her artillery. Captain Martin, of the cavalry, was a volunteer on board. The Neptune was commanded by Captain Sangster, with Captains Swift and McGovern for pilots. Colonel Bagby had command of troops on board, about one hundred men. Lieutenant Harby, in command of a company infantry acting as artillery, was in charge of her artillery. The John F. Carr was commanded by Major A. W. McKee. General Magruder called for three hundred volunteers from Sibley’s brigade, armed with Enfield rifles and double-barrel shot-guns, to man this flotilla.
The entire flotilla was under command of Captain Leon Smith, a man of great experience in steamboat management, who was employed by Magruder in the Quartermaster Department, made a volunteer aide on his staff with rank of major, and afterwards called commodore by the general. Major Smith had charge of all work in preparing these steamers for action. He had orders to be ready to attack the Federal vessels at midnight.
At half-past four o’clock the Confederate flotilla, at Half Moon Shoals, fired up with rosin and proceeded towards Galveston, arriving within a mile of the Federal gunboats at daylight.
When a lookout on the Harriet Lane soon after midnight first discovered the Confederate flotilla, Wainwright, asleep in his stateroom, was notified and assumed charge of the deck. After this flotilla disappeared the Harriet Lane retained her position, with steam on, while her officers, on the watch for further developments, leaned over her rails listening to sounds from on shore, that indicated some movement there by the enemy, until the first gun was fired at the wharf. Her anchor was then raised to the cathead, but not secured, and attempts made to turn around for the purpose of proceeding towards Kuhn’s Wharf to occupy the place made vacant by the Clifton, gone to Renshaw’s assistance. To do this without getting aground necessitated a use of great skill and consumed much time, for the vessel had to forward and back to gradually swing her bow around. Why she should have been stationed at this point—head of the ship channel where it was impossible to manœuvre her—when the Westfield or Clifton (old ferry-boats) were better adapted for the position, had often been discussed by naval officers at Galveston.
While working his vessel around Wainwright opened fire on the city. Her bow was headed towards the wharf when signs of an approach by the flotilla were again seen, which caused him to abandon proceeding down the channel and to work his vessel around again in order to present her bow to the enemy. Fairly around she steamed up to meet the Bayou City and Neptune, who showed a disposition to attack, other cotton boats keeping out of harm’s way. A fire was opened upon them with shells from her eight-inch forward gun, sending three shells and a cannon shot into the Bayou City; the shells passed through her engineer’s room, one exploding near the engineer, doing some damage; the cannon shot passed through her messroom and pantry.
Within one-half a mile the Bayou City opened fire. Her second shot struck the Lane plumb behind a wheel, close to the magazine, making a hole large enough for a man to crawl through; when fired a fourth time the gun exploded, killing Captain Wier, with others, and wounding Captain Schneider, with other men.
As it was plain that the enemy’s intention was to close with him, Wainwright backed his vessel some distance in order to get a good headway, for it was understood on board, the Lane was to try and ram her bow into the Bayou City, cut her down even if it crippled the Lane, then reach the Neptune and capture her by boarding. This was not to be, because just before reaching the Bayou City her bow ran aground, barely allowing the Confederate pilot time to put his helm hard around in season to prevent his boat going on to the Lane’s bow in a strong ebb tide, which also prevented his running against the Lane so as to strike forward of the port or left wheel-house, which was his purpose to enable the Confederates to board. He did carry away the Lane’s port cathead, whereby an anchor was let go, and ran out fifteen fathom of chain attached. The Harriet Lane was now at an anchor and also aground.
Wainwright, from his position upon the bridge with Third Assistant Engineer Mullen by his side, ordered the crew forward upon the forecastle ready to repel boarders. As the Bayou City struck a glancing blow in passing, about twenty of her men jumped for the forecastle deck. Many fell into the water, and those that reached the deck were met by sailors armed with pistols, cutlasses and boarding pikes, to be hurled overboard. One colored sailor, Nick Wheeler, caught a man upon a pike, which entered his body near the stomach and came out between his shoulders, and had to shake him off into the water. All this occupied very few minutes.
As the Bayou City passed to shoal water off in the harbor beyond the channel, with her outside planking of port wheel-house and sides torn off from contact with the Lane’s strong upper works, her men from behind cotton bales opened a scattering musketry-fire upon the blue-jackets. The blue-jackets trained a gun upon her, and at a favorable moment Acting Master Hamilton pulled the lanyard, which broke; he reached for a hatchet that had lain beside the gun-carriage a few moments before, intending to strike the percussion-cap to fire the gun, but it was gone; some one had seized that hatchet for a weapon when Wainwright called for boarders to be repelled.
It was then thought she would be taken in hand by other naval vessels, and attention was given to the Neptune, that came up immediately afterwards and struck the Harriet Lane upon the starboard (or right) side, intending to board, but did not succeed, and passed by, her men firing from their rifles. At this time Commander Wainwright was killed upon the bridge where he had remained a mark for the enemy, paying no attention to suggestions from his officers not to expose himself. He received one ball in the forehead, that went out back of his head, and four balls in the body. Lieutenant Lea was also mortally wounded in the abdomen and carried below, and Acting Master Hamilton was wounded in the arm. Fire was returned by the Lane’s crew as fast as they could load their small-arms.
The Neptune passed astern, turned, and came back making for the port side, with a brisk musketry-fire maintained by her men, when a shot or shell from one of the Lane’s nine-inch port guns, fired by Engineer Mullen (who broke the lanyard on the first pull, quickly tied it together and tried a second time with success), smashed the Neptune’s bow, causing her to take water fast. She got on to the channel’s edge, and soon sank in about eight feet of water. Many of her men jumped overboard to reach land, and for a time the Confederate riflemen on shore opened a fire upon their own men escaping from one of their own vessels.
When it was seen that the Neptune was out of the fight a round of cheers went up on board the Harriet Lane, and her men threw their caps in the air with joy, supposing all was ended. But the vessels below had not attended to the Bayou City, and she had rounded and again approached the Lane, swung diagonally across the channel, aground, with her anchor out, for sufficient time had not elapsed to remedy either mishap. As she came along evidently intending to board, the pivot gun forward was trained upon her and fired; the shot struck her wheel-house without inflicting any perceptible damage, and before another gun could be brought to bear she struck the Lane abaft the port wheel-house, running her bow so far under the gunwale and wheel that both vessels were stuck fast.
After a short exchange of shots with small-arms the enemy, headed by Major Leon Smith, Colonel Tom Green and Captain Martin, commenced to jump into the boarding nettings that were up in place, cutting them apart with their long knives. They got aboard in three places, on the wheel-house and aft; met with a gallant resistance by the Lane’s crew, who fought upon deck until driven under the gangway, forecastle and hurricane decks by superior numbers, where they still kept it up, and hurled at the enemy their pistols, boarding pikes, and whatever they could find suitable for such a purpose after their small-arm ammunition had been expended.
No formal surrender of the Harriet Lane was made, and no man can tell just when her capture could be considered complete. It is said that her pennant was hauled down by James Dowland, Jr., clerk to Captain Wharton, assistant quartermaster, and it is a settled fact, the claim made by Major Leon Smith that he killed with his own hands Commander Wainwright is not true, and could not be, as Wainwright was dead some time before.
Why the casualties upon the Harriet Lane and Bayou City were so light as they proved to be, is one of those rare circumstances impossible to explain. While it lasted the fighting had been of a desperate character on both sides; shot and dangerous missives of destruction flew in all directions. Upon a comparison of notes afterwards, officers of both sides considered it a miracle so few were seriously injured. Many men suffered from bruises and light wounds, easily healed, who are not mentioned in the official report of killed and wounded.
Like their companions on shore the Confederates upon the Bayou City were without discipline, and for a time after they had obtained control of the Harriet Lane her officers and crew were in danger of being shot down in cold blood. Sailing Master Munroe, as he came down from the hurricane-deck to surrender, had a shot-gun levelled at him, and was shot in the face by a drunken Confederate loafer. He could not be called a soldier, for soldiers do not act in such a cowardly manner. This loafer met his deserved punishment then and there, by being instantly shot through the head by Engineer Mullen.
Among the Lane’s crew were several colored sailors who fought nobly; and little Robert Cummings, a second-class white boy, with two revolvers in his hands danced about the deck, continually yelling at the top of his voice and sending a shot at the enemy every opportunity he got, full of fight as any man aboard.
Beside the crew, made prisoners, were the following officers: Commander Wainwright, killed; Lieutenant-Commander Edward Lea, mortally wounded in bowels; Acting Master Charles H. Hamilton, wounded in arm; Acting Master Josiah A. Hannum; Acting Master W. F. Munroe, seriously wounded; Second Assistant Engineers M. H. Plunkett (in charge) and Charles H. Stone; Third Assistant Engineers A. T. E. Mullen, Robert N. Ellis and John E. Cooper; Assistant Surgeon Thomas N. Penrose; Paymaster R. Julius Richardson.
When it was seen that the Harriet Lane had been captured, the Clifton and Owasco tried to get near enough to so disable her as to be unfitted for use to the enemy. One of the eleven-inch shells, fired while on the way, struck close to her stern-post, and opened a hole in her hull large enough for a man to walk in. When this shell from the Owasco went into the stern, Paymaster Richardson was about to open his stateroom door to obtain his watch. The entire shell passed crashing through his room, while he was turning the door handle; a moment sooner and he would have been killed or wounded.
The Confederates then placed the captured officers upon the hurricane-deck, with a threat to shoot them down if another gun was fired by the Owasco, an act of barbarism they would have carried out in their state of excitement. The Owasco got too close and within easy range of the Confederate riflemen, who fired a volley that killed and wounded several of the crew, including every man serving the rifled gun. In consequence of this loss, all of her guns could not afterwards be manned. The gunboats were short of a full complement of men; none of them could suffer much loss without being seriously crippled.
None of the Confederate steamers were a match for any United States vessel present. They were considered mere playthings by naval officers, upon which an officer of sound judgment and discretion would not have risked his life or reputation in attacking the Federal navy. An ordinary man-of-war steam launch, armed with a light bow gun, could have coped successfully with them. They took the chances, and by nothing but good luck were saved from an ignominious defeat. Look and see how this luck favored them: first, the Harriet Lane should not have been placed where she was, while two other vessels were present who could have been more easily handled at this point of the channel; second, she ran aground when on the verge of ramming the Bayou City, and that steamer barely had time to save herself; third, the gun missing fire that Hamilton had trained upon the Bayou City, which undoubtedly would have sent that steamer where the Neptune went. Everything favored the Confederates at critical moments during the engagement, and they had nothing to brag about, except good fortune, for their dare-devil bravery.
After the volley had been fired the Owasco fell back, opening fire upon the city. In passing Kuhn’s Wharf, within thirty feet, she was hailed by Colonel Burrell, to take his men off. This request was heard on board, but no response given. The Owasco kept on.
The Bayou City and Harriet Lane, entangled and aground, disabled for any service they could render in this fight, with the Neptune sunk, were at the mercy of the Federal vessels if they acted promptly. The Lucy Govirn and John F. Carr remained out of danger. In this emergency Major Leon Smith ordered a white flag run up at 8 A.M., and adopted bluff tactics. Captain Lubbock was sent on board the Clifton and Owasco to demand an immediate surrender of the fleet. This demand was made of Lieutenant-Commander Law, who asked what terms of surrender were offered, and received for a reply “that he would be allowed a ship to remove his people, the balance of the public property to be surrendered.” Law was also informed by Captain Lubbock, that Wainwright and Lea were killed, with two-thirds of the crew killed and wounded, a statement Acting Master Hannum, who was with Lubbock, confirmed. The truth was, only ten out of a crew of one hundred and twenty men were seriously injured. Hannum had lost his head and did not know what he was about.
Commander Law asked for three hours’ time to consult with Commander Renshaw, still aground near Pelican Spit, and a three hours’ truce was then agreed upon at about eight o’clock. Law proposed to go with his vessel, but Lubbock insisted he should go in his gig, anchoring the Clifton exactly where she was until the truce was over. Law thought it was rather rough, but agreed. The senior officer of the Harriet Lane fit for duty, Acting Master Hannum, was allowed to go with Law, on his parole of honor to return. All of the gunboats then displayed white flags.