Each night, after taps, the men made this salt warehouse ring with fun and music up to midnight. Many rough remarks were passed to and fro with special reference to the lieutenant-colonel, who, the men thought, was not exerting himself to obtain transportation home. As great injustice was done Lieutenant-Colonel Stedman while at Algiers, it is proper some of the correspondence in relation to securing passage North should be read by the regiment. At first he endeavored to have the paroled men sent home; affairs in the Department would not warrant an application to send home those men able to do duty, as every man was wanted.

“Headquarters 42d Regiment, Mass. Vols.,
“Custom House, New Orleans, La., July 5th, 1863.

“Sir,—I would respectfully present the following facts to the attention of the commanding general of the Defences of New Orleans:

“January 1st, 1863, three companies of the Forty-Second Massachusetts Volunteers, viz., D, G and I, under Colonel I. S. Burrell, were taken prisoners at Galveston, Texas. These men were taken to Houston and kept several weeks, when they were sent to our lines at Baton Rouge and paroled. February 25th they arrived in New Orleans and were ordered by General Sherman to report to me at the camp of the Forty-Second Regiment at Gentilly Crossing, on the Ponchartrain Railroad, since which time they have been in camp at that place.

“These men have had nothing to do or to engage their attention, and as a consequence they have become very low spirited and much reduced in bodily vigor. Several of them have lately died very suddenly, and several are daily taken sick. One sergeant taken sick July 3d was buried July 4th.

“The time of this regiment expires the fourteenth of this month, according to the rule established by the War Department for the service of the nine months troops, this date being nine months from the date of muster of the last company in the regiment. In view of these circumstances and of the fact that these men have been of no service to the Government in their present condition, I would respectfully ask the commanding general that they be sent to their homes as soon as possible.

“Many of these men are from the best families in Boston and vicinity, and their friends are deeply anxious that they should be sent North, and personally I am deeply interested that their case may be acted on at an early day, for if they are kept in this climate even a few weeks longer many more will be lost by reason of sickness, not only to their friends but for future use to the country.

“There are also at Algiers forty-four men from different companies of this regiment who are paroled, having been taken at Brashear City; these with those first spoken of make a total of two hundred and seventy-six paroled men of this regiment.

“By allowing these men to be sent to their homes not only a humane act will be accomplished but a great and never-to-be-forgotten favor will be bestowed on these men, who faithfully served their country when in service, and on many true friends of the Union in Massachusetts.

“With the highest consideration,

“I remain, your obedient servant, “J. STEDMAN, Lieutenant-Colonel, “commanding 42d Mass. Vols.

“To Lieut.-Col. W. D. Smith, A. A. General, “Defences New Orleans.”

The transport-steamer F. A. Scott was partially promised by Provost-Marshal-General Bowen, but on July 11th he wrote Lieutenant-Colonel Stedman as follows: “General Emory, in view of the altered condition of affairs since the fall of Vicksburg and Port Hudson, revokes the order for the transportation of the paroled soldiers of the Forty-Second Regiment Massachusetts Volunteers to New York.” This letter was the first intimation that an early return North could be expected of all nine months regiments whose time had expired. Until the two Confederate strongholds surrendered they would have been retained in the Department.

As a matter of form a letter was sent to the Department commander June 19th, stating the time of expiration of service, with a request for transportation to Massachusetts.

The two following letters explain themselves:

“Headquarters Forty-Second Regt., Mass. Vols.,
“Lafayette Square, New Orleans, June 21st, 1863.

“Sir,—I have the honor to report that your communication of the eighteenth instant, relative to the muster into service of this regiment, is received.

“I would respectfully state that no formal muster was ever made of this regiment, and the field and staff were mustered on the eleventh November, 1862. But the War Department have decided that in the case of the nine months’ troops their time was to expire nine months from the date of muster of the last company, which in this regiment was the fourteenth of October, making our time, as above, the fourteenth of July next.

“I received a short time since an official order from Governor Andrew, based on an order from Secretary Stanton, that the time would be reckoned as above stated.

“I have the honor to remain,

“Very respectfully, your obedient servant, “J. STEDMAN, Lieutenant-Colonel, “commanding 42d Mass. Vols.

“To Lieut.-Col. R. B. Irwin, A. A. General, “19th Army Corps.”

“Headquarters Forty-Second Regt., Mass., Vols.
“Camp at Algiers, La., July 27th, 1863.

“Sir,—The time of service of the Forty-Second Regiment Massachusetts Volunteers having expired the fourteenth instant, I would respectfully request that transportation be furnished the regiment for their return to Massachusetts. I would state for the information of the commanding general that the aggregate strength of the regiment at this time is as follows: on duty with the regiment and on detached service, including sick, five hundred and eighty; paroled enlisted men, two hundred and seventy-five; this making a total of eight hundred and fifty-five officers and enlisted men, for whom I apply for transportation. Of this number from twenty to thirty will be unable to travel with the regiment on account of sickness, and these will need separate transportation. Of the above number I have only about two hundred men fit for duty. Many have become debilitated from exposure and from the effects of the climate (fever and ague being quite prevalent), which incapacitated them for duty at the present time.

“Of all the commissioned officers I have only the adjutant, one captain and nine lieutenants for duty, the balance being either sick, on detached service, or prisoners of war at Huntsville, Texas.

“I have five captains sick, who will probably never get well in this climate. In view of the present condition of the regiment I would urgently request that this matter receive an early consideration from the commanding general, on the ground of humanity, if for no other reason.

“The paroled men have done no duty since their capture at Galveston January 1st, and they have become much debilitated from this constant inactivity, and they have lost a large percentage of their number by death, and many more will be lost, not only to their friends but to their country, if a change of climate is not granted them soon.

“Nothing has yet been asked of the Forty-Second Regiment that they have not fully carried out, and if Port Hudson still remained in the hands of the enemy there is not a man but would volunteer to stay to assist in any manner in accomplishing so desirable a result, as its capture.

“But having been informed that the exigencies do not now exist for our services that prevailed previous to the fourteenth of July, and our time having expired, as above stated, every member of the regiment is more or less anxious that the Government should allow them their right of returning to their homes and friends.

“I have the honor to remain,

“Very respectfully, your obedient servant, “J. STEDMAN, Lieutenant-Colonel, “commanding 42d Mass. Vols.

“To Lieut.-Col. R. B. Irwin, A. A. General,
“19th Army Corps.”

A letter from Brigadier-General McMillan, dated July 28th, stated that the major-general commanding the Department would send all nine months men home in such order as he would select, and as fast as transportation could be obtained; that he would send all at once if he could, and that all petitions and representations would fail to expedite the sending.

July 17th—Paroled men of Companies D, G, I, A, B, E and H arrived at Algiers from Gentilly Camp and were assigned quarters in the warehouse.

July 21st—Company K rejoined the regiment.

On one occasion while at Algiers an act of insubordination had to be summarily dealt with. Details for picket duty had been ordered, and first-sergeants had notified their men for that duty. When the hour arrived to “fall in” and report to the adjutant, the men from Companies C, H and E refused to do so. Their company officers proved powerless to enforce the orders, and the case was reported at regimental headquarters, when the lieutenant-colonel, major, adjutant and sergeant-major went to quarters to straighten matters out. Most of the trouble was in Companies C and H. Lieutenant-Colonel Stedman ordered the first-sergeant of Company C to order his detail to “fall in,” fully equipped. The first man called absolutely refused to do so. He was given five minutes to obey by the lieutenant-colonel, who held his watch in one hand and a pistol in the other. This man reluctantly did as ordered before the time expired, and the rest followed suit. No difficulty was experienced with other company details, and the picket on duty was regularly relieved. This ended all serious trouble of this kind, although Private Lawrence Mannocks, Company I, was placed in arrest July 19th for inciting to mutiny and indulging in blasphemous remarks; it was also necessary, on the twenty-eighth, to reduce to the ranks Corporal Thomas P. Hobart, Company A; a regimental special order was issued to that effect. At Battery St. John Captain Coburn reduced to the ranks Corporal E. C. Crocker, Company A, June 5th.

The guard-house was filled each day by men temporarily placed there for being drunk. They were old, hard, chronic cases, poor soldiers, unfit to be in service. Captain Leonard, Company C, found it necessary, in June and July, to arrest and confine quite a number of his men for disobedience of orders. Of his men, Private Charles F. Towle was in arrest from June 10th to July 13th, for desertion; Private John Myers, for same cause, from July 1st to the 10th. No further action was taken in either case.

Confinements in the guard-house while at Gentilly were few. Privates Owen Fox, Michael Bresneau, Company A, and Thomas Matthews, Company D, frequently got placed there for drunkenness, disobedience of orders, and insolence. Private Fox was once sentenced to carry cannon balls for two days (February 25th and 26th), without a proper hearing into his case in the regular manner. Private Bresneau was once confined a week for insolence. At other times they would be released in a few days, when sober.

At Algiers the men suffered more from sickness than at any other period of service. The regimental hospital was at Bayou Gentilly until July 18th, Surgeon Heintzelman in charge, leaving that part of the regiment at Algiers without a medical-officer, as Surgeon Hitchcock was at Port Hudson on a visit, without orders. Hitchcock always claimed permission was granted him to go there, but the only order received at regimental headquarters which authorized his absence was Special Orders No. 207, Defences New Orleans, issued April 19th, 1863, ordering him to report for duty at Berwick Bay, where he remained for a short time. Department Special Orders No. 185, issued July 30th, read: “Relieved from duty at Berwick Bay.” This want of a surgeon caused a letter to be sent the medical director, Defences New Orleans, which read: “I would respectfully bring to your attention the following facts: many men of this command are sick at this camp, and without any medical attendance. Unless a surgeon can be sent us some of our men will die in forty-eight hours. The reason of our being destitute of a surgeon will be explained by Chaplain Sanger, the bearer of this note. Please send us a good surgeon for temporary service.” Surgeon Hitchcock allowed a personal matter with the lieutenant-colonel to interfere with his duty.

The medical director had the regimental hospital removed to Algiers on the nineteenth, in order to secure the services of Surgeon Heintzelman.

The hospital record tells the following story of sickness in July. At Bayou Gentilly, July 2d, forty-four men were taken sick, most of the cases among the paroled men recently arrived from Brashear City. On the third, of sick in quarters: fourteen were in Company A, twelve in B, six in C, two in D, fourteen in E, and eight in H. July 4th, ninety-five men were sick: twenty-seven in hospital and sixty-eight in quarters. The average sick per day at Gentilly up to July 11th was: taken sick, twelve; returned to duty, ten; in hospital, twenty-seven; in quarters, fifty-five. At Algiers, July 20th, one hundred and seven new cases were reported on the sick list; nearly all were sick in quarters. The largest number sick on any one day was reported by the surgeon in his morning report of July 22d, when one hundred and forty-five men were sick and unfit for duty, in and out of hospital, viz.: Company A, twenty-one; B, twenty-two; C, seventeen; D, two; E, twenty-seven; F, fifteen; G, two; H, eighteen; I, five; K, sixteen. Not until the twenty-third did the paroled men from Galveston begin to show signs of breaking down, when eleven men of Company D, six of G, and eight of I were taken sick. After this date sick in quarters gradually diminished, but the sick in hospital kept that building full. The average sick per day at Algiers was: taken sick, twenty-three; returned to duty, seventeen; in hospital, thirty; in quarters, sixty-two.

Had the regiment remained in the Department another month the deaths would have doubled those in July, owing to the debilitated condition of many men. The deaths were:

July 4th—Sergeant Philip P. Hackett, Company G, congestion of the brain. At Gentilly.

July 7th—Corporal Uriel Josephs, Company A, jaundice. At Marine Hospital, New Orleans.

July 8th—Private Rufus G. Hildreth, Company C, dysentery. At Gentilly.

July 12th—Quartermaster-Sergeant Henry C. Foster, suicide. In New Orleans.

July 17th—Private Thomas J. Clements, Company H, chronic diarrhœa. At Gentilly.

July 17th—Private Welcome Temple, Company H, disease not known. At United States Barracks.

July—Private Patrick Fitzpatrick, Company E, chronic diarrhœa. In New Orleans.

July 26th—Private Ezekiel W. Hanaford, Company H, chills and fever. At St. James Hospital, New Orleans.

July 25th—Private John M. Gates, Company K, chronic diarrhœa. At Algiers.

July 26th—Private William H. Bickers, Company G, swelling of glands. At Algiers.

Sergeant Hackett (at one time an active member of old Barnicoat Engine No. 4, of Boston) was a clever man, full of life and good spirits. His disease was the result of hard drinking.

Corporal Josephs was a thorough believer in the cold-water cure. When his disease first showed its symptoms, about one month before he died, while on duty as ordnance-sergeant, he refused to report to the surgeon, but got permission to hire a room in a house not far distant on the Gentilly road. Every day he would bathe in a tub of water and then go to bed wrapped up in a wet sheet, until the landlady complained at headquarters about the corporal acting like a crazy man in her house, and asked for his removal. As Josephs was found to be very sick, he was removed to the Marine Hospital in the city.

Poor Hildreth lost all courage and hope a month before his death. He was then able to move about, and was cheered up by those who met him, without any effect. Had he shown some strength of will, as others did, he might have reached home and recovered.

The case of Private Gates was sad. Although blind in one eye and quite old when mustered into service, being a good marksman, very enthusiastic to serve, the officers and men of his company assisted him to deceive the mustering officer that he was only forty-two years old. He did duty manfully until his disease took such a hold upon him that he gradually wasted away. At his death he could not have weighed more than fifty pounds.

Private Bickers was unconscious when he died. He was placed on an operating chair in an upright position, a nurse standing near with a fan to stir the air for him to breathe, and drive away swarms of flies infesting the place. Around the room were beds arranged upon the floor, occupied by sick patients, all watching with intense interest poor Bickers draw his last breath. The sight was not calculated to give them courage, for Bickers was sick in the hospital only a short time.

Privates Temple, Fitzpatrick and Hanaford were sent to the general hospitals for better treatment than could be given them in the regimental hospital. During the latter part of July medical supplies became scarce. With difficulty were sufficient quantities of proper medicines obtained to treat a majority of cases; the supply of quinine gave out completely. Such a large quantity of medical stores lost at Brashear City could not be replaced until supplies from New York were received.

Private Hanaford lay upon the warehouse floor for some days, suffering with chills and fever, and nothing could be done for him. When taken with chills, it seemed as though he would shake the breath out of him. His removal to St. James Hospital was not made until nearly dead. This case caused much comment among the men, who freely charged he had been neglected.

About noon, July 12th, word was brought in to the headquarters room by a corporal in charge of the guard stationed at a house on Canal Street, corner of Magazine Street, occupied by the regimental quartermaster, quartermaster-sergeant and commissary-sergeant, that Quartermaster-Sergeant Foster had committed suicide a few minutes before. The news was hardly credited, but an immediate visit to his room, in which the sad event happened, proved it to be a fact. Foster lay upon the floor near the centre of the room, not far from a bureau, feet towards the door, dressed in his flannel shirt, pants and socks, just as he fell; a small pool of blood upon the floor near his head, a small bullet wound in the centre of his forehead, encircled by a small black-and-blue ring, and a pistol upon the floor by his side. Sergeant Foster had not been in good health for some time, and latterly shown great despondency. The reason was not known. His sickness was nothing more than came from extreme debility, and was not dangerous. For a few days previous he had given some evidence of not being exactly in his right mind, but there was nothing exhibited to lead any one to think him not capable of taking care of himself. He occupied a room with acting Quartermaster-Sergeant Hodsdon, both men sleeping in the same bed.

That morning Hodsdon thought Foster spoke and acted queer, without exciting any suspicion however, and when obliged to go out on business Hodsdon, contrary to his usual custom, laid his belt, containing a holster and pistol, upon the bureau, intending to be back in a moment and then wear it. He left the room, leaving Foster upon the bed, and had barely closed the door when he heard the report of a pistol and immediately opened the door again, to see Foster lying upon the floor as described. He never spoke, dying in a few moments.

His effects were taken in charge by the chaplain and sent to his parents, then residing in Dorchester, Massachusetts, from which place Foster enlisted. From a partial examination of his knapsack, where a few letters were found, it was thought the sad act was caused by unwelcome news from home.

The weather being hot, by orders of the commanding general all bodies had to be buried the same day that death occurred. Quartermaster-Sergeant Foster was buried in Greenwood Cemetery, at dusk, on the twelfth, escorted to the cemetery by a proper detail becoming to his rank, under command of Sergeant-Major Bosson, and the customary volleys fired over his grave. The burial party started at half-past three in the afternoon, and reported back to quarters at nine o’clock same evening.

Corporal Alonzo I. Hodsdon was made quartermaster-sergeant, July 13th, vice Foster, deceased.

Special-duty details in July were few:

July 18th—Private William A. Clark, Company B, was placed on duty as a wagoner.

July 23d—Private Leavitt Bates, Company A, was made clerk at regimental headquarters in place of Clark K. Denny, returned to duty with Company F.

July 25th—Private Lewis Buffum, Company B, to be a locomotive engineer on the Opelousas and Great Western Railroad.

CHAPTER XIV.
Companies C and H on Detached Service at Camp Parapet.

Special Orders No. 16, issued from headquarters Defences of New Orleans, January 15th, 1863, detailed Companies C and H for duty in the Department engineer service. The two companies made a skeleton battalion, under command of Senior-Captain Leonard, who, after reporting to Major D. C. Houston, chief-engineer Nineteenth Army Corps, for instructions, on the seventeenth marched them to Camp Parapet, three miles up river, with their camp equipage, and pitched tents upon a level piece of low, muddy land, formerly used as a burial place for soldiers. This Camp Parapet was so called because a large number of troops were in camp near earthworks thrown up a few miles above Carrollton. These works then consisted of a parapet and other fortifications on the east bank, between the river, the swamps and Lake Ponchartrain, with an abandoned Confederate redoubt upon the west bank, re-named Fort Banks.

The camp was moved to a fig grove January 21st, tents provided with floors, and here the battalion remained until relieved from detached duty, without suffering any inconvenience except, when a portion of camp was drowned out, February 15th, by a terrible thunder shower that forced men to seek shelter in barns not far away. Regular Sunday and monthly inspections were maintained, with an occasional drill. The inspections were thorough, as they should always be, and more drills would have been ordered had the details been less heavy. The companies suffered from a lack of commissioned officers. In Company C, Captain Leonard, as battalion commander, occupied the best quarters obtainable in the vicinity, and exercised command as such. Lieutenant White, absent on detached duty a greater part of the time, left but one company officer on duty, Lieutenant Sanderson. In Company H, Captain Bailey took things easy until placed in arrest April 16th, leaving Lieutenant Phillips the only company officer on duty; Lieutenant Gould was on detached service as an acting quartermaster.

There was little sickness among the men in this detachment during their stay at the Parapet. The position of their camp was more favorable for health than others at the post, with the additional good feature of being kept scrupulously neat; the prettiest camp at the post. On the extreme right of the earthworks, near the Jackson Railroad track, ground was so unhealthy it was nicknamed “Camp Death.” Here the One Hundred and Fifty-Sixth New York suffered severely from sickness. This ground, near the railroad, was also a risky place for the troops there stationed on account of shells exploding in the neighborhood, fired from the gunboats when practising to obtain a range of this road. All shells had time fuses and would explode high in air, but fragments occasionally fell where not wanted. On one occasion, March 31st, a shell from the Portsmouth went over the One Hundred and Fifty-Sixth New York camp to explode nearly half a mile away, as every one thought, yet a large fragment was flung into camp and took off the head of a Zouave, who did not dream his death was so near. At another time a shell in passing over Companies C and H camp prematurely exploded overhead; pieces were flung into camp, fortunately without injury to anybody.

Among the few inhabitants who lived near Camp Parapet must have been some treacherous, be-deviled secessionists. Ammunition was occasionally stolen, the empty boxes afterwards found in places where they had been thrown. An attempt was once made by them to cause a break in the levee above the fortifications, by removing pickets placed to keep the levee embankment from giving way. This attempt was discovered before any damage resulted, and guards were afterward placed upon the river banks to prevent other attempts of a like nature.

Private Charles E. Warren, who had been an apothecary clerk in Boston, was detailed by Captain Leonard to act as medical-officer for the two companies. Warren did not take the position from any love for the medical profession, but did so to advance his personal interest and comfort. He was a social, jolly, good fellow, with a certain amount of acquired knowledge how to use medicines, but had no diploma as a graduate from any medical institute authorizing him to assume the practice of medicine.

Other details from the enlisted men were made to serve in various capacities, viz.:

Sergeant Frederick C. Blanchard, Company C, acting adjutant.

Sergeant Edward P. Fiske, Company C, acting sergeant-major.

Sergeant Edward L. Jones, Company H, acting commissary-sergeant.

Sergeant Dennis A. O’Brien, Company H, wagon-master.

Private David N. Phipps, Company H, carpenter.

Corporal William A. Hinds and Private Reuben Smith, Company H, clerks in Commissary Department.

Privates John Davis, Company H, Larry O’Laughlin, Company H, James Haley, Company H, Daniel E. Demeritt, Company C, Solomon Kennison, Company C, and Henry C. Dimond, Company C, overseers of contrabands. Private Henry C. Dimond was also clerk in the superintendent’s office.

Corporals Charles E. Loring, Company H, Charles M. Marden, Company H, and George H. Smith, Company H, clerks in office superintendent of contrabands, Engineer Department.

Private Henry A. Fenner, Company H, orderly to Major Houston, United States Engineers.

Companies C and H contained a queer mixture of men, that made it hard to handle them in good shape. No other companies in the regiment were like them in their personnel. There were good men, with excellent reputations at home and from families of high standing; many men whose reputations were known to be bad, taken from the rough element of cities and towns, whose faces and behavior were enough to stamp them what they were; also many excellent fellows who did their duty manfully, though they did come from the ordinary ranks of society. This much must be said about the tough characters: fight as often and hard as they could among themselves, a frequent occurrence, whenever an outsider molested any comrade belonging to their companies, they came to his rescue, and would stand by each other to the last.

The duty performed by these companies was not arduous. It mainly consisted of guard duty and acting as overseers to gangs of contrabands at work on the fortifications. There was plenty of this kind of work to keep in good order earthworks already finished, change the lines of some portions, raze and rebuild other portions, cut and haul wood, and, under direction of Mr. Long, volunteer United States engineer (the same young officer who was at Galveston), a bastioned redoubt, to form a part of the earthwork defences, was commenced January 30th, and completed before the companies rejoined their regiment.

There were several large contraband camps maintained at the Parapet, known as colonies number 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5, the Greenville colony and Brickyard colony. Women and children were kept in camps separate from the men. These camps received additional negroes brought from abandoned plantations by details of men sent up river to collect them. A number of men from C and H were detailed in various capacities to assist such officers as were in command of these negro camps, for they had to be governed and fed by the military authorities.

No guard was kept over these contraband colonies, the negroes in them allowed to go and come as they pleased; but over those able-bodied negroes in the engineer camp a line of sentinels was placed, whose orders, at first, allowed them considerable liberty after their day’s work was done. A great many had what they called wives, who were domiciled in the colonies, and at dusk would go to see them, frequently remaining out of camp all night. Sometimes they got on a carouse, and made things lively. A considerable number would attend the numerous religious meetings held every night in the swamps. This exodus, at times, was so great that detachments of men from Companies C and H, mounted upon mules, would be started to hunt them up and bring them into camp, a fact Sergeant Meserve well remembers, because on one of these night hunts his mule became stubborn, and refused to obey the reins or the sergeant, finally landing him upon a tree-limb, where he hung until assisted to get down.

It was thought necessary to have more stringent orders than those in force, and by directions from General Sumner, Engineer Department, the sentries were ordered to shoot any one that attempted to leave without authority to do so. Naturally, this created considerable dissatisfaction among them, especially those who had wives and children in other camps. This state of feeling led some officers to apprehend acts of insubordination several times, and the orders caused an unfortunate affair to happen on the evening of April 17th, when a negro man, while attempting to creep out of the engineer camp, was detected in the ditch and challenged; not responding, he was shot in the back by a sentry from Company H. His wound was an ugly one, and he died the next day, after receiving every attention that could be given. The negro camp was thrown into great excitement by this event, requiring a large force of soldiers on the spot before quiet was restored. Many officers expressed their indignation at the manner in which negroes were restricted and guarded in this camp, as they did not consider these strict rules necessary. To get the case before a court, where their views could be ventilated, Lieutenant White placed the sentry in arrest, insisting that he should stand an inquiry into his conduct; by such action he incurred the displeasure of Company H. The man was released next day by Captain Leonard, for the case was clear that the orders compelled him to fire as he did.

Eleven days later, April 28th, an uproar of voices within this same camp alarmed Private Martin, on sentry duty, who thought trouble was brewing in the camp and raised an alarm, which caused both guard-reliefs to turn out and double-quick to the spot, while the rest of the men also ran down, some with arms, others without, seizing for a weapon anything they could lay hands on, ready and willing to fight anybody if their comrades were in danger. An investigation showed that the contrabands had built a large bonfire, and were singing around it. After these two events no further trouble was given by the negroes on engineer duty.

Thrown in contact with such large numbers of contrabands of both sexes as they were, it would not be Companies C and H if the men did not manage to find amusement in their surroundings. Perhaps the officers could tell a good story in connection with the marriage of Captain Bailey’s negro servant, an occasion they graced with their presence; while enlisted men could spin startling and true tales of pranks they played in these camps when off duty.

First-Sergeant Henry C. Mann, Company C, met with a serious and curious misfortune March 26th. It is surmised he had imbibed freely during the day, a fault common to many enlisted men at this camp, and as acting officer of the guard slept at night in the guard tent, upon the ground, without covering. At daylight he was quite sick from a cold thus contracted, and was unable to speak above a whisper. Nothing was thought of this at the time, as every one supposed upon a recovery from the cold his voice would return. It did not, and Sergeant Mann was incapacitated from further duty with his company during the term of service on account of this infirmity. One year after, while walking on Washington Street, Boston, Mann was seized with a violent coughing spell, and coughed up two pieces of gristle-like matter, when his natural voice suddenly returned. Sergeant Mann afterwards served in an unattached heavy artillery company. He died from consumption several years ago.

Of the officers from the regiment on detached service, Lieutenant White had more adventure than the rest. Immediately after the two companies arrived at Camp Parapet he was detailed, by orders from General Banks, to visit any abandoned plantations he could find within or without the Federal lines, gather together what negroes he could and bring them to the Parapet to work on the fortifications. He usually took from the two companies a detail of ten men as a guard, finally reducing this detail to seven men, for his own convenience and to obviate some difficulty he had experienced in obtaining rations. All of his trips were successful.

The first trip was made January 17th, and resulted in bringing in about four hundred on the nineteenth. The second trip was made on the twenty-seventh, when about six hundred were obtained and brought in January 30th. The third and last trip was made early in February to Donaldsonville and below. The detail for this trip consisted of: Corporal Augustus H. Young, Privates Elbridge G. Martin, Jr., Cornelius Dougherty, and Francis Droll, Company C; Sergeant Joseph J. Whitney, Company H; Private George H. Brown, Company C; and John Scroder, a Boston boy, who had been servant to Captain Leonard.

Complaints had been made by old resident planters in the parish, who remained to work their plantations, that many negroes were gathered on the plantations committing depredations. Major W. O. Fiske, First Louisiana Infantry (white troops), suggested to Lieutenant White that a trip to those plantations be made, and he would be able to get together a considerable number of negroes to bring down; by so doing benefit the planters, if they told the truth in their complaint, and also the Government. Caution was to be exercised, however, as the major did not fully believe the planters wished to have these negroes disturbed, as they had work for them to do upon the plantations. What occurred on the trip would seem to prove this view of the case was correct.

There was a detachment of thirty men, under a lieutenant from the One Hundred and Tenth New York, stationed at Magnolia Plantation, in St. John Parish, for what purpose Major Fiske said he did not understand, but did know this officer was having a fine time there and was on good terms with the planters, a fact that would make it probable he could not be counted on to render any assistance. This proved to be so.

Taking a river boat White and his men arrived at a landing two miles below this plantation about ten o’clock at night. On visiting this lieutenant a pleasant evening was passed without any mention made of the business in hand. Quarters were furnished for the night. Early next morning Lieutenant White, in company of the New York officer, made a round of adjacent plantations to look over the ground carefully. Upon their return White explained what he was after, when the lieutenant stated his position: he was pleasantly situated, well treated, on good terms with the inhabitants, and did not feel like doing a thing to disturb his pleasant life. Lieutenant White at once made up his mind the work must be done without assistance. He quietly gathered his men together and informed them there was considerable work to do, with a hint how easier it was to ride than to walk, then left them for the night. After breakfast, next morning, when he reached the place where his men quartered, he found seven horses ready, bridled and saddled. To his inquiry: “What does this mean?” one of the men replied: “It is White’s cavalry.” As he said it was easier to ride than walk, his men acted on the suggestion and equipped themselves in the night. Without difficulty he procured a mount for himself and proceeded to make a tour of the surrounding plantations, collect the negroes together, and explain what he wanted to do with them. They received the intelligence with delight, and were told to bring all of their effects and families with them, occupy a large storehouse situated by the river bank, where they could live until he could take them down river. They came in large numbers.

White left two men to look after matters at the storehouse, with instructions how to find him in case of need, and with five men started upon another tour on the succeeding day. While absent, a civilian provost-marshal, named Marmillon, or calling himself by that name, rode up to the storehouse, accompanied by a squad of hard-looking characters, fully armed, and demanded to see the lieutenant in charge. Word was despatched to White, who returned and confronted the gang. After some parley, Marmillon demanded that the detail should get out of the parish; said they had no business there; that he had orders of a later date than White’s instructions, which stated that all officers on such detailed duty as his should cease their operations and forthwith join their commands, insisting that White should read the orders, which he refused to do in a positive manner, but informed Marmillon no such orders had been received by him, furthermore, he could not receive them through him as official, and that he was on a service he meant to put through to the best of his ability.

The following orders were all that Marmillon could have had at the time, issued from headquarters of the Department, viz.: a circular of February 16th, 1863, which explained a system of labor adopted for the year in utilizing unemployed negroes, and General Orders No. 17, issued February 18th, 1863, that reads: “No negroes will be taken from the plantations until further orders, by any officer or other person in the service of the United States, without previous authority from these headquarters.”

While the conversation was at its height, with sharp questions and answers upon both sides, the men of “White’s cavalry” became uneasy and were ready for a fight, intimating to Lieutenant White their desire to “clean out” the provost-marshal’s gang. They were held in check, until finally Lieutenant White notified Marmillon it was of no use to talk further about the matter, he did not intend to leave the parish and should not, but the best thing he (Marmillon) could do was to get out himself with his crowd of scallywag cut-throats, about as rascally a set of men as he ever saw, for his own men were a little excited, and if he did not clear out he would not hold himself responsible for the consequences. This appeared to settle the matter, for the provost-marshal and his men went away saying they would be heard from again. That night Marmillon, or somebody, sent to Lieutenant White a threatening letter, with peremptory orders to leave the parish.

The negroes were attentive listeners to all that passed between the two parties. During the evening one of them quietly asked White to go with him to the storehouse, where he found these negroes had made a barricade, with their bedding, baggage, and sundry traps of all kinds, on the three sides approached by land (the fourth side was on the water front), so as to make the building almost bullet proof. In the vicinity were about two hundred negroes, armed with long sugar-cane knives, very excited and full of fight. They said, let the provost-marshal and his gang make an attempt to use force and they would wipe them out of existence.

The situation was not pleasant to contemplate, not knowing what Marmillon with his men would attempt to do, and they could not get away. Repeated attempts to stop boats on the river were failures. The boats hug the east bank as though they feared some trick was attempted upon them. This uncertain state of affairs continued for several days without interference from any quarter, White and his men in the saddle most of the time, raiding around to prevent any attempt to surprise them. Finally Lieutenant White and Corporal Young seized a horse and wagon, drove to Donaldsonville and, by pluck combined with CHEEK, compelled a steamer bound down river to land at the storehouse and take the negroes on board. They were landed at the Parapet and turned over to the proper officers. This detail was absent about thirteen days, unable all that time to communicate with Captain Leonard, who thought the party had been captured by the enemy.

Several other short trips after negroes were made at various times by Lieutenants Phillips and Sanderson without any trouble while performing that duty.

Preliminary steps were taken in March towards enlisting from the negro camps a sufficient number of men to organize the First Regiment Louisiana Engineers, to form a part of the “Corps d’Afrique,” then under consideration, and later on ordered to be organized as proposed in General Orders No. 40, from headquarters Nineteenth Army Corps, issued May 1st, 1863, at Opelousas. In those orders Major-General Banks proposed to organize a corps d’armee of colored troops, to consist ultimately of eighteen regiments, representing all arms—infantry, artillery and cavalry—organized in three divisions of three brigades each, with appropriate corps of engineers, and flying hospitals to each division.

Considering the character and standing of many men who received commissions in these regiments the following part of General Orders No. 40 sounds like buncombe. The extract is as follows:

“In the field the efficiency of every corps depends upon the influence of its officers upon the troops engaged, and the practicable limits of one direct command is generally estimated at one thousand men. The most eminent military historians and commanders, among others Thiers and Chambray, express the opinion, upon a full review of the elements of military power, that the valor of the soldier is rather acquired than natural. Nations whose individual heroism is undisputed have failed as soldiers in the field. The European and American continents exhibit instances of this character, and the military prowess of every nation may be estimated by the centuries it has devoted to military contest, or the traditional passion of its people for military glory. With a race unaccustomed to military service, much more depends on the immediate influence of officers upon individual members than with those that have acquired more or less of warlike habits and spirit by centuries of contest. It is deemed best, therefore, in the organization of the Corps d’Afrique to limit the regiments to the smallest number of men consistent with efficient service in the field, in order to secure the most thorough instruction and discipline, and the largest influence of the officers over the troops. At first they will be limited to five hundred men. The average of American regiments is less than that number.

The chief defect in organizations of this character has arisen from incorrect ideas of the officers in command. Their discipline has been lax, and in some cases the conduct of the regiments unsatisfactory and discreditable. Controversies unnecessary and injurious to the service have arisen between them and other troops. The organization proposed will reconcile and avoid many of these troubles.”

The First Louisiana Engineers comprised twelve companies of sixty-five men each, in three battalions, under command of Colonel Justin Hodge, U. S. A. This regiment was conceived in the following manner: all negroes employed at work upon the fortifications were in a camp by themselves, styled “the engineer camp.” These negroes were organized into gangs of one hundred and twenty-five men each, commanded by two enlisted men from Companies C and H, each gang numbered one, two, three and so on, the same as companies in a regiment. The gangs were further subdivided into squads of twenty-five men, commanded by the most intelligent negro to be found. Before recruiting for this regiment was thought of, acting under orders these gangs were often drilled in marching, the facings, and other exercises without arms, by the detailed men who commanded them. Contrary to expectation, they took a great interest in these drills and improved rapidly, manifesting considerable intelligence for slaves, one reason why it was easy work to handle them, for they obeyed all orders without causing trouble, accustomed as they had been to doing so for their late masters.

Opinions differ in regard to whether the negroes enlisted of their own free will, fully understanding what they were about, when this regiment was determined upon. Lieutenant White says, that the two companies taken by him to Brashear City were sent away in a hurry, and the manner in which they were mustered into the service was this: the men were drawn up in line, when a German officer, who spoke poor English, said something to them that White could not understand, though he stood near him, and then declared the two companies mustered into service. These negroes afterwards asked what had been going on, and appeared ignorant of the nature of the ceremony. No enlistment papers had been made out or signed that White ever knew. On the other hand, soldiers who were engaged in recruiting for this regiment say, that the men signed enlistment rolls, nearly all by affixing their mark, and that they fully understood what was wanted of them, enlisting of their own free will. This is probably true so far as other companies than the first two are concerned. At all events, it is a fact, none of them ever protested against their enlistment, or mode of muster in, and were wonderfully tickled at the idea of becoming soldiers, proud to belong to the “machinery department,” as they termed it, in their ignorance supposing as a matter of course anybody called an engineer must have something to do with machinery in some manner.

After passing an examination early in April, the following men of the Forty-Second were appointed officers in this engineer regiment, and received their commissions a month later, viz.:

Sergeant Moses Washburn, Company C, to be captain. Commissioned May 23d.

Sergeant Frederick C. Blanchard, Company C, to be captain. Commissioned May 23d.

Private William E. Melvin, Company C, to be captain. Commissioned May 23d.

Sergeant Edward L. Jones, Company H, to be captain. Commissioned May 23d.

Sergeant Samuel H. Everett, Company H, to be captain. Commissioned May 23d.

Sergeant John G. Meserve, Company C, to be first-lieutenant. Commissioned May 21st.

Corporal Joseph McField, Company C, to be first-lieutenant. Commissioned May 21st.

Sergeant James G. Hill, Company K, to be first-lieutenant. Commissioned March 27th.

Sergeant William H. Shepard, Company K, to be second-lieutenant. Commissioned March 27th.

Corporal Augustus H. Young, Company C, to be second-lieutenant. Commissioned May 21st.

Private Edwin G. Sanborn, Company C, to be second-lieutenant. Commissioned May 23d.

Private Charles E. Warren, Company C, made assistant-surgeon, June 24th.

Private George F. Clark, Company C, appointed quartermaster-sergeant, June 26th.

Other men in Companies C and H had commissions tendered to them, which they declined for personal reasons. Some of the above-mentioned promotions were good—men adapted to carry out the spirit of Major-General Banks’ order.

An expedition made February 12th by the Third Division down Plaquemine Bayou, for the purpose of capturing Butte a la Rose, at the head of Grand Lake, was obliged to abandon the attempt on account of timber drifts in the swollen bayous, that made a passage through them impracticable, and returned February 19th. Lieutenant Swift, Thirty-Eighth Massachusetts, had got an idea into his head that he could, with a proper force, remove the greatest obstacle encountered by the Third Division: a completely-packed drift of wood like a raft, about three miles long, situated at the upper end of Bayou Sorrel, in St. Martins and Iberville Parishes, a narrow sheet of water about nine miles long. Swift had received permission, with orders from General Banks, to attempt it.

In winter months it had been the custom for light-draft river boats to make a short cut from Berwick Bay by way of Grand Lake, Lake Chilot, Bayou Sorrel, the Atchafalaya River, and Bayou Plaquemine to the Mississippi River. In summer months this route is almost dry in places, and not navigable for local boats. From Brashear City, via Grand Lake, to Lake Chilot is about thirty miles; Lake Chilot to Bayou Sorrel, about eight miles; through Bayou Sorrel, nine miles; and from Bayou Sorrel to Plaquemine, upon the Mississippi, is about twelve miles.

On April 26th, at the earnest request of Colonel Hodge, Lieutenant White consented to take command of two companies, about one hundred and thirty men, from the colored engineer regiment, under orders to proceed to Brashear City to assist Lieutenant Swift in his project.

The officers in command of these two companies were: Captain Samuel H. Everett, Captain William E. Melvin, Acting Lieutenant David C. Smith and Acting Lieutenant James S. Lovejoy, from Company C, Forty-Second Massachusetts Volunteers, Acting Lieutenant —— Purrington, from Twelfth Maine Volunteers, and Acting Lieutenant ---- McCown, a clerk to Colonel Hodge.

At Brashear City the expedition had to remain some three weeks, until suitable steamers could be furnished from boats in use by the army, then advancing up the Teche. Two small tug boats and two barges were finally provided, with all the equipment and rations supposed to be sufficient for the time it would occupy, calculated by Lieutenant Swift to be ten days. A start was made about May 20th. No surgeon was detailed or medicines provided, although an attempt was made to obtain both in Brashear City. The post hospital officers refused to do anything in the absence of direct orders to do so, although White had a personal request from General Banks to get a couple of panniers, with a full set of surgical instruments and medicines. The bags were obtained, but no instruments and but few medicines. Lieutenant Swift had with him a detail of thirty men, Twelfth Maine Infantry, all practical river lumber drivers. He did not conceal his opinion, that the negro troops were of no use to him in this scheme, and that the men from the Twelfth Maine would make short work of the obstacle.

On arrival at Bayou Sorrel, where they were attacked the first night by guerillas, they went to work with a will for some days, sending the logs right and left floating down towards Lake Chilot, where they again collected together to form a formidable obstacle in their rear, and before they were aware of it they were caught between the obstructions; they could not go ahead or go back. The weather was extremely hot, with mosquitos and flies terribly annoying, and before many days Lieutenant Swift was obliged to call upon Lieutenant White to assist him with the negro troops.

The expedition lay in this bayou between three to four weeks, the water falling steadily until there were places in their rear fordable over sand bars. The men sickened rapidly, measles appeared, and all of the Maine detachment, except five or six men, were on the sick list unfit for duty. Fortunately none died. About sixty-five of the negro detachment were also sick and unfit for duty; seven of them died. Provisions ran short. The few inhabitants in the vicinity gave information that the Confederates were operating around their rear to cut them off, not expecting they could get through in front and must eventually abandon the boats to try and work back by land towards Brashear.

In this emergency Swift appealed to White for a trustworthy man to go to Brashear City for provisions, and arms for the negro companies. Acting Lieutenant McCown was selected, who, with two negroes, managed by travelling at night to work their way back to Brashear, where they obtained provisions, also forty muskets, without bayonets or ammunition, and brought them up upon a small steamer.

Work was pushed day and night by all of the available hands to break through the obstacle in front, as it had become impossible to work back. This was at last accomplished, and with a clear passage beyond this obstacle the steamers were rushed through to the Mississippi, reaching that river late in the afternoon of June 19th, and the men were landed on the east bank, opposite Plaquemine.

One boat struck a snag while entering the Mississippi and sank in water almost up to her deck cabin; all hands, except the captain with a few of the crew, were taken on board other boats. Next morning Confederate soldiers appeared on the river bank and captured those who remained upon the wreck. It was afterwards ascertained that a force of about two thousand cavalry reached a point on the Bayou Plaquemine very soon after the expedition had passed, to find they were too late, when they pushed for Plaquemine Town, capturing the small force stationed there, burning the hospital building, and committing other acts of vandalism.

At the season of the year it was undertaken this expedition was a farce. Had an intelligent officer first made proper inquiries to ascertain the true state of that line of water course, when it was navigable and when not, the probabilities are that the expedition would not have started.

Lieutenant White, Acting Lieutenants Smith and Lovejoy proceeded immediately to the regimental hospital at Bayou Gentilly, sick with fever, and for a time it was doubtful whether they would recover. The two companies went to Port Hudson to rejoin their regiment.

The First Louisiana Engineers received orders to proceed to Baton Rouge May 20th, with General Neal Dow’s brigade. The brigade passed up river May 21st; on the twenty-second the engineer regiment had its first dress parade, with music furnished by the Forty-Seventh Massachusetts regimental band, that regiment having arrived at the Parapet a few days before. Without arms, clothed in straw hats and uncouth clothing (regulation uniforms had not been issued), this regiment made an appearance that agreeably disappointed the military spectator.

On Sunday, May 24th, camp was struck, transports taken, and the First Louisiana passed up the river for Port Hudson, where it did some hard work, received well-merited praise for duty actually performed, and praise for what it did not do. At Port Hudson this regiment did about all of the engineer hard labor of the army, divided into detachments to cover the whole Federal front (about five miles), to throw up temporary fortifications, dig approaches and mines. On the extreme left a work for twenty-one guns was made by these colored troops. In the first assault this regiment carried fascines to fill the ditch, and to their credit it must be said they ran forward, threw them in helter-skelter, expecting to receive the enemy’s fire every moment. The enemy did not fire on them (that was reserved for the assaulting columns of white troops), and they got back without loss. During this siege the regiment was as much under fire every day as any white regiment, suffered a loss of about seventy men, and displayed good pluck for untrained men.

While convalescent, Lieutenant White, disregarding the advice of Surgeon Heintzelman, returned to his company in New Orleans the last of June. From there he started for Port Hudson to report to Colonel Hodge. At Springfield Landing, the base of supplies for the army, an attack was made on the post July 2d, by a raiding party of Confederate cavalry, just as a party, including Lieutenant White, were about to start in a sutler’s wagon for Port Hudson, seven miles distant.

The Confederates dashed through a force of some ninety men from a New York regiment on duty at the landing, and then divided into squads. One of these squads rode down to the river bank where White, with a dozen other men, had taken refuge in an old trading boat. After discharging a few volleys, from the saddle, they rode away. They did not dare to dismount, because a sharp musketry-fire was springing up behind them from the New York infantry-men, who rallied, behind shelter, by twos and fours, as they saw a chance, until they drove the Confederates away, after a half hour’s skirmish, and before the Thirtieth Massachusetts, ordered down from Port Hudson, could intercept them.

From the boat Lieutenant White witnessed the capture of his old companion, Lieutenant Swift, by a Confederate squad who rode up to look inside a tent occupied by Swift a few moments before busily engaged in writing, and who had hid, with two men, in bushes close by. They would have been safe had not one of the men incautiously looked out to see what was going on and been seen by the enemy, who ordered them out and made them prisoners.

Lieutenant White was relieved from duty with the engineer troops July 7th, to rejoin his company.

To sum up what these two companies did is to say that they done their duty well. They were once, April 24th, under orders for Port Hudson, and held in readiness for two days to proceed there; the nearest they ever came to going into active field service.

June 5th, Companies C and H were relieved from duty in the Engineer Department, and marched seven miles to Bayou Gentilly, accompanied by the regimental band (sent them at the request of Captain Leonard), and rejoined the regiment.

CHAPTER XV.
Company K in Charge of Pontoons—Baton Rouge—Teche Campaign—Siege of Port Hudson—Donaldsonville—Return to Regiment.

Company K, under command of Lieutenant Henry A. Harding, a talented young officer, twenty-one years old, in obedience to Division Special Orders No. 51, issued February 16th, proceeded to New Orleans on the eighteenth from Gentilly Camp, and reported to Major Houston for duty in the engineer service. Quarters were assigned in Shippers’ cotton press, already partially occupied by the Twenty-Sixth New York Battery, one hundred and fifty men, eight brass guns and one hundred and ten horses. This battery remained at the cotton press until March 8th, the two commands fraternizing without any trouble.

Company K was ordered to take charge of the pontoon train. The pontoons, in two sizes, were made of rubber, inflated with air by hand bellows in lieu of air pumps, when all ready for use. Such miscellaneous articles as planks, guy ropes, oars, etc., occupied a large amount of space. Thirty wagons, drawn by four mules to each wagon, were used to transport this bridge and material. Negroes were employed as drivers, “bossed” by a large, powerful Irishman called “Big Slattery.” Slattery was a bully, always ready to curse and whip his negro drivers. His brutality assumed such proportions men of Company K had to interfere and put a stop to it. The company wagoner, in charge of the wagon used to convey company property, was Private Jotham E. Bigelow, until Wagoner Porter Carter was ordered to join his company.

At first sight the men made up their minds they were to see hard service in handling this cumbersome, clumsy-looking pontoon bridge. To bridge a river or bayou the requisite number of pontoons were inflated by hand-bellows, then launched and placed in position, afterwards planked, and fastened by ropes to remain steady. Company K had eighty men for this duty, until sickness and death gradually reduced the number to about fifty. They learned how to handle the pontoons without instruction from an engineer officer, by practice drills with sections of the bridge, and gained much valuable knowledge of the property confided to their care by odd jobs of necessary work done to have everything in complete order.

Two accidents happened that, for a short time in March, left the company without a commissioned officer. Lieutenant Harding, kicked by a horse about a week previous, had to go into hospital March 1st, on account of the injury. In the afternoon Lieutenant Gorham was thrown, his horse fell upon him, and he was insensible until taken to the St. James Hospital next day. He returned to duty March 9th, in season to command the company ordered to Baton Rouge with the pontoons on March 10th. They went up river upon the steamer Eastern Queen and arrived at Baton Rouge March 11th at three o’clock P.M., going into camp about half a mile from the river.

All signs pointed to a forward movement by the large body of troops massed at this place, commanded by General Banks in person. Great activity was observed on board naval vessels, which caused the men to understand they were about to do active field duty and gain some practical knowledge how to use pontoon bridges for service. Early on the twelfth the pontoon train was marched to Bayou Montesino, five miles from Baton Rouge, and the men commenced to throw a bridge seventy-seven feet long across this bayou. Picket lines were established some two miles in front until next morning, when the Forty-Eighth Massachusetts and Second Louisiana Infantry, with unattached Massachusetts cavalry companies, commanded by Captains Godfrey and Magee, were sent up river on transports to Springfield Landing, proceeding to the junction of Springfield Landing and Bayou Sara roads, driving in Confederate pickets and clearing the roads down to where the bridge was thrown. At night, work was suspended, but Company K kept on the alert, as pickets were firing throughout the night and alarms frequent; the men were formed into line three times, ready for a defence of the bridge. By noon of the thirteenth all was made ready, and at night troops commenced to cross on the advance towards Port Hudson.

The men remained on duty at their bridge until the seventeenth, with the Forty-Ninth Massachusetts Infantry on guard for a part of the time, witnessing the constant movement of troops, accompanied by baggage trains, and listening to the guns from the fleet while Admiral Farragut succeeded in pushing two gunboats past Port Hudson batteries March 14th. The retrograde march towards Baton Rouge commenced on the fifteenth, a rainy day, and on the seventeenth Company K commenced to take up, load their bridge upon wagons and go in the same direction, ordered to accompany the Third Brigade, First Division, Colonel N. A. M. Dudley in command, under orders to reconnoitre the west bank of the river.

On the eighteenth teams went to the levee and remained until five a.m. the next day (all hands sleeping upon the levee), when they embarked on the Sallie Robinson and proceeded to within five miles of Port Hudson, landing in the afternoon at Hunter’s Plantation. The brigade foraged, scouted, and opened communication with Farragut, while naval vessels below Port Hudson kept the Confederate steamers well under the protection of their own forts. Without having to make any use of the pontoons, the brigade returned to Baton Rouge on the afternoon of March 22d, and Company K left the next day, still upon the Sallie Robinson, for New Orleans, where they arrived on the twenty-fourth at four P.M., and marched immediately, with their train, to Shippers’ Cotton Press. Several men were taken sick from exposure to damp atmosphere at night, which almost penetrated their blankets as they slept upon the river bank.

For two weeks the company was kept busy in making alterations in the pontoons, found necessary during the short service they had seen, preparatory to moving with the army, about to commence a campaign in Western Louisiana towards Red River.

Hospital-Steward Charles J. Wood was detached from the regiment March 31st, by Department special orders, and joined April 3d, to act as medical-officer. First-Sergeant J. Gilbert Hill and Sergeant William H. Shepard were detached, by Department special orders, March 26th, and ordered to Baton Rouge to report to Captain Justin Hodge, assistant-quartermaster, on recruiting service for the First Louisiana Engineers, colored troops. They afterwards received commissions as first- and second-lieutenants. The following sick men were sent to hospitals: Sergeant George L. Johnson to St. James Hospital in New Orleans; Privates W. J. Bacon, C. B. Bacon, Samuel Johnson and S. M. Stafford to the regimental hospital at Gentilly Bayou.

Preliminary movements of troops were in progress as follows: the Second Brigade, First Division, under General Weitzel, had advanced to Brashear City from Bayou Bœuff April 2d; the Third and Fourth Divisions were en-route from Baton Rouge by transports to Algiers, thence by rail, a portion marching from Donaldsonville via Thibodeaux, when orders were received by Company K, April 5th, to move with the pontoons. At eight o’clock P.M. next day, the detachment took cars at Algiers for Brashear City, where they arrived early next morning. The bridge was unloaded, piled compactly near the track, and tents pitched close at hand.

Weitzel’s brigade was transported across the river to Berwick on the ninth, and the Third Division followed as fast as limited facilities at hand would admit, occupying two days in crossing. The bridge was put together about a mile from camp, below the city, on the ninth, using all of the material, that made a bridge two hundred and eighty-seven and ten-twelfths feet long. This took an entire day, and completely tired out everybody. Next day an attempt was made to tow this pontoon bridge to Bayou Teche, but the tide proved too strong for a tug-boat, and the steamer St. Mary’s was called on to render assistance, and then the Sykes had to assist before it could be moved and brought up to the railroad wharf at Brashear. This day was lost. The Sykes, at two P.M. on the eleventh, took the bridge in tow, with all hands upon it, bound for Pattersonville, three miles above Brashear. After a hard pull, obliged once to make fast to the shore, the bridge reached Pattersonville in the evening and remained all night. The men remained upon it, in readiness to obey any orders. On the twelfth the bridge was thrown across the bayou, and one infantry regiment, one cavalry company and five artillery guns crossed over. While at work Company K was fired on, and seven men were thrown forward to ascertain if a force was in the vicinity; a small guard was found, who beat a hasty retreat. Lieutenant Harding, with a boat’s crew, went up river at night for orders; Lieutenant Gorham, left in command, tried to execute an order to bring up the bridge to a spot about three miles from his position, where a bridge was destroyed by the enemy, but the captains of steamers Sykes and Smith thought it unsafe to try it, and the bridge was not towed up until next day, the thirteenth, when it was placed in position about three-quarters of a mile from the battle-field. Gorham was placed in arrest by Major Houston for the delay, and released and ordered to duty on the fifteenth, as it was not his fault.

The Third (Emory’s) Division, the Second (Weitzel’s) Brigade, First Division, advanced to Pattersonville, threw out pickets, and went into bivouac on the eleventh. The enemy was posted behind breastworks on the Bisland Plantation, about four miles above Pattersonville. On their left were six hundred men, with six guns, defending the ground from Grand Lake to the bayou. The gunboat Diana defended the bayou main road, and there were two 24 Pr. guns in position upon the bank, on their right, to assist the Diana. Sixteen hundred men, with twelve guns, held the line of their right to a railway embankment, where General Green was posted with his dismounted men.

After this position was reconnoitred on the twelfth, with skirmishing and considerable artillery firing in the afternoon, an advance on the enemy was made about ten A.M. April 13th, by a strong line of skirmishers, supported by artillery. No attempt was made to assault. This movement on the enemy was evidently made to occupy their attention until Grover’s division could gain the roads in their rear at Franklin. At noon the gunboat Clifton pushed up river to aid the troops, until she ran afoul of a torpedo. For fear of being blown up by these machines, she anchored until afternoon, and then commenced to throw shot and shell dangerously near the Federal troops. This was soon stopped, for the Clifton was not in a proper place to render any service. The bridge was in constant use during the day, soldiers and ambulances crossing and recrossing. The company remained under arms, on guard, until the fourteenth, squads of men going up river in small boats to witness the army movements on the twelfth and thirteenth, collect small boats and carry orders. The enemy retreated to Franklin on the fourteenth, after destroying their one gunboat on the bayou (the Diana), to escape a threatened rear attack by Grover’s fourth division, that had by way of Grand Lake, on transports, effected a landing with difficulty near Hutchin’s Point, not far from Franklin, and advanced to the Bayou Teche.

In this first Western Louisiana campaign the pontoons did not see much service. Bridges over the small watercourses General Taylor attempted to burn or otherwise destroy were repaired without difficulty, as the pursuit was close enough to prevent much destruction. A great flood existed, but saving the bridges obviated a call for use of pontoon-sections. The labor done by Company K was not heavy, but kept them constantly at work on the river for ten days, exposed at night to foul air and bad vapor from swamps. This exposure caused a large proportion of the men to be taken sick. Serious cases were sent to post hospitals at Berwick Bay, a portion distributed among hospitals in New Orleans, and those who could travel were sent to Bayou Gentilly.