6 Proverbs, xxiii. 21.
7 Laws of Manu, ii. 57.
8 Aristotle, Ethica Nicomachea, iii. 10. 10.
9 Cicero, De officiis, i. 30.
10 Whewell, Elements of Morality, p. 124 sq.
11 See Sidgwick, Methods of Ethics, p. 328 sq.
Sometimes temperance has been inculcated on grounds which in other cases lead to the duty of fasting, that is, abstinence from all food and drink, or at least (in a looser sense of the word) from certain kinds of food, for a determined period. The custom of fasting is wide-spread, and deserves special attention in a study of moral ideas.
Fasting is practised or enjoined for a variety of purposes. It is frequently adopted as a means of having supernatural converse, or acquiring supernatural powers.12 He who fasts sees in dreams or visions things that no ordinary eye can see. The Hudson Bay Eskimo “discovered that a period of fasting and abstinence from contact with other people endowed a person with supernatural powers and enabled him to learn the secrets of Tung ak [the great spirit]. This is accomplished by repairing to some lonely spot, where, for a greater or less period, the hermit abstains from food or water until the imagination is so worked upon that he believes himself imbued with the power to heal the sick and control all the destinies of life. Tung ak is supposed to stand near and reveal those things while the person is undergoing the test.”13 The Naudowessies totally abstain from every kind of either victuals or drink before a hunting expedition, because they think that “it enables them freely to dream, in which dreams they are informed where they shall find the greatest plenty of game.”14 The Tsimshian of British Columbia, if a special object is to be attained, believe they can compel the deity to grant it by a rigid fasting.15 The Amazulu have a saying that “the continually stuffed body cannot see secret things,” and, in accordance with this belief, put no faith in a fat diviner.16 A Tungus shaman, who is summoned to treat a sick person, will for several days abstain from food and maintain silence till he becomes inspired.17 Among the Santals the person or persons who have to offer sacrifices at their feasts prepare themselves for this duty by fasting and prayer and by placing themselves for some time in a position of apparent mental absorption.18 The savage, as Sir E. B. Tylor remarks, has many a time, for days and weeks together, to try involuntarily the effects of fasting, accompanied with other privations and with prolonged solitary contemplation in the desert or the forest. Under these circumstances he soon comes to see and talk with phantoms, which are to him visible personal spirits, and, having thus learnt the secret of spiritual intercourse, he thenceforth reproduces the cause in order to renew the effects.19 The Hindus believe that a fasting person will ascend to the heaven of that god in whose name he observes the fast.20 The Hebrews associated fasting with divine revelations.21 St. Chrysostom says that fasting “makes the soul brighter, and gives it wings to mount up and soar on high.”22
12 Tylor, Primitive Culture, ii. 410 sqq. Spencer, Principles of Sociology, i. 261. Avebury, Origin of Civilisation, p. 266 sqq. Landtman, Origin of Priesthood, pp. 118-123, 158 sqq. Müller, Geschichte der Amerikanischen Urreligionen, pp. 285, 651. Dorsey, ‘Siouan Cults,’ in Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn. xi. 390. Mooney, ‘Myths of the Cherokee,’ ibid. xix. 480. Herrera, General History of the West Indies, 1. 165 (ancient natives of Hispaniola). Niebuhr, Travels through Arabia, ii. 282.
13 Turner, ‘Ethnology of the Ungava District,’ in Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn. xi. 195.
14 Carver, Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, p. 285.
15 Boas, in Fifth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada, p. 50.
16 Callaway, Religious System of the Amazulu, p. 387, n. 41.
17 Krivoshapkin, quoted by Landtman, op. cit. p. 159.
18 Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, p. 213. See also Rowney, Wild Tribes of India, p. 77.
19 Tylor, Primitive Culture, ii. 410.
20 Ward, View of the History, &c. of the Hindoos, ii. 77.
21 Exodus, xxxiv. 28. Deuteronomy, ix. 9. Daniel, ix. 3.
22 St. Chrysostom, In Cap. I. Genes. Homil. X. (Migne, Patrologiæ cursus, Ser. Graeca, liii. 83). Cf. Tertullian, De jejuniis, 6 sqq. (Migne, ii. 960, 961, 963); Haug, Alterthümmer der Christen, pp. 476, 482.
Ideas of this kind partly underlie the common practice of abstaining from food before or in connection with the performance of a magical or religious ceremony;23 but there is yet another ground for this practice. The effect attributed to fasting is not merely psychical, but it also prevents pollution. Food may cause defilement, and, like other polluting matter, be detrimental to sanctity. Among the Maoris “no food is permitted to touch the head or hair of a chief, which is sacred; and if food is mentioned in connection with anything sacred (or ‘tapu’) it is considered as an insult, and revenged as such.”24 So also a full stomach may be polluting.25 This is obviously the reason why in Morocco and elsewhere26 certain magical practices, in order to be efficacious, have to be performed before breakfast. The Masai use strong purges before they venture to eat holy meat.27 The Caribs purified their bodies by purging, bloodletting, and fasting; and the natives of the Antilles, at certain religious festivals, cleansed themselves by vomiting before they approached the sanctuary.28 The true object of fasting often appears from the fact that it is practised hand in hand with other ceremonies of a purificatory character. A Lappish noaide, or wizard, prepares himself for the offering of a sacrifice by abstinence from food and ablutions.29 Herodotus tells us that the ancient Egyptians fasted before making a sacrifice to Isis, and beat their bodies while the victims were burnt.30 When a Hindu resolves to visit a sacred place, he has his head shaved two days preceding the commencement of his journey, and fasts the next day; on the last day of his journey he fasts again, and on his arrival at the sacred spot he has his whole body shaved, after which he bathes.31 In Christianity we likewise meet with fasting as a rite of purification. At least as early as the time of Tertullian it was usual for communicants to prepare themselves by fasting for receiving the Eucharist;32 and to this day Roman Catholicism regards it as unlawful to consecrate or partake of it after food or drink.33 The Lent fast itself was partly interpreted as a purifying preparation for the holy table.34 And in the early Church catechumens were accustomed to fast before baptism.35
23 Bossu, Travels through Louisiana, i. 38 (Natchez). Clavigero, History of Mexico, i. 285 sq.; Bancroft, Native Races of the Pacific States, iii. 440 sq. (ancient Mexicans). Landa, Relacion de las cosas de Yucatan, p. 156. Junghuhn, Die Battaländer auf Sumatra, ii. 311 sq. (natives of Tjumba). Beauchamp, in the Madras Government Museum’s Bulletin, iv. 56 (Hindus of Southern India). Ward, op. cit. ii. 76 sq. (Hindus). Wassiljew, quoted by Haberland, ‘Gebräuche und Aberglauben beim Essen,’ in Zeitschrift für Völkerpsychologie, xviii. 30 (Buddhists). Porphyry, De abstinentia ab esu animalium, ii. 44; Wachsmuth, Hellenische Alterthumskunde, ii. 560, 576; Hermann-Stark, Lehrbuch der gottesdienstlichen Alterthümer der Griechen, p. 381; Anrich, Das antike Mysterienwesen, p. 25; Diels, ‘Ein orphischer Demeterhymnus,’ in Festschrift Theodor Gomperz dargebracht, p. 6 sqq. Chwolsohn, Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus, ii. 23, 74.
24 Angas, Polynesia, p. 149.
25 See Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 434 sq.; Westermarck, The Moorish Conception of Holiness, p. 127.
26 Wuttke, Der deutsche Volksaberglaube der gegenwart, § 219, p. 161.
27 Thomson, Masai Land, p. 430.
28 Waitz, Anthropologie der Naturvölker, iv. 330; iii. 384.
29 von Düben, Lappland, p. 256. Friis, Lappisk Mythologi, p. 145 sq.
30 Herodotus, ii. 40.
31 Ward, op. cit. ii. 130 sq. Cf. Institutes of Vishnu, xlvi. 17, 24 sq.
32 Tertullian, De oratione, 19 (Migne, op. cit. i. 1182).
33 Catechism of the Council of Trent, ii. 4. 6.
34 St. Jerome, In Jonam, 3 (Migne, op. cit. xxv. 1140).
35 Justin Martyr, Apologia I. pro Christianis, 61 (Migne, op. cit. Ser. Graeca, vi. 420). St. Augustine, De fide et operibus, vi. 8 (Migne, xl. 202).
In the case of a sacrifice it is considered necessary not only that he who offers it, but that the victim also, should be free from pollution. In ancient Egypt a sacrificial animal had to be perfectly clean.36 According to Hindu notions the gods enjoy pure sacrifices only.37 In the Kalika-Purana, a work supposed to have been written under the direction of Siva, it is said that if a man is offered he must be free from corporal defect and unstained with great crimes, and that if an animal is offered it must have exceeded its third year and be without blemish or disease; and in no case must the victim be a woman or a she animal, because, as it seems, females are regarded as naturally unclean.38 According to the religious law of the Hebrews, no leaven or honey should be used in connection with vegetable offerings, on the ground that these articles have the effect of producing fermentation and tend to acidify and spoil anything with which they are mixed;39 and the animal which was intended for sacrifice should be absolutely free from blemish40 and at least eight days old,41 that is, untainted with the impurity of birth. Quite in harmony with these prescriptions is the notion that human or animal victims have to abstain from food for some time before they are offered up. Among the Kandhs the man who was destined to be sacrificed was kept fasting from the preceding evening, but on the day of the sacrifice he was refreshed with a little milk and palm-sago; and before he was led forth from the village in solemn procession he was carefully washed and dressed in a new garment.42 In Morocco it is not only considered meritorious for the people to fast on the day previous to the celebration of the yearly sacrificial feast, l-ʿăîd l-kbîr, but in several parts of the country the sheep which is going to be sacrificed has to fast on that day or at least on the following morning, till some food is given it immediately before it is slaughtered. The Jewish custom which compels the firstborn to fast on the eve of Passover43 may also perhaps be a survival from a time when all the firstborn belonged to the Lord.44
36 Herodotus, ii. 38.
37 Baudhâyana, i. 6. 13. 1 sq.
38 Dubois, Description of the Character, &c. of the People of India, p. 491.
39 Keil, Manual of Biblical Archæology, i. 262.
40 Leviticus, xxii. 19 sqq.
41 Ibid. xxii. 27.
42 Macpherson, Memorials of Service in India, p. 118.
43 Greenstone, ‘Fasting,’ in Jewish Encyclopedia, v. 348. Allen, Modern Judaism, p. 394.
In some cases the custom of fasting before the performance of a sacrifice may be due to the idea that it is dangerous or improper for the worshipper to partake of food before the god has had his share.45 In India a regular performance of two half-monthly sacrifices is enjoined on the Brahmanical householder for a period of thirty years from the time when he has set up a fire of his own—according to some authorities even for the rest of his life. The ceremony usually occupies two consecutive days, the first of which is chiefly taken up with preparatory rites and the vow of abstinence (vrata) by the sacrificer and his wife, whilst the second day is reserved for the main performance of the sacrifice. The vrata includes the abstention from certain kinds of food, especially meat, which will be offered to the gods on the following day, as also from other carnal pleasures. The Satapatha-Brâhmana gives the following explanation of it:—“The gods see through the mind of man; they know that, when he enters on this vow, he means to sacrifice to them the next morning. Therefore all the gods betake themselves to his house, and abide by him or the fires (upa-vas) in his house; whence this day is called upa-vasatha. Now, as it would even be unbecoming for him to take food before men who are staying with him as his guests have eaten; how much more would it be so, if he were to take food before the gods who are staying with him have eaten: let him therefore take no food at all.”46 It is hardly probable, however, that this is the original meaning of the abstinence in question. It occurs about the time of new moon and full moon; according to some native authorities the abstinence and sacrifice take place on the last two days of each half of the lunar month, whilst the generality of ritualistic writers consider the first day of the half-month that is, the first and sixteenth days of the month to be the proper time for the sacrifice.47 We shall presently see how frequently fasting is observed on these occasions, presumably for fear of eating food which is supposed to have been polluted by the moon; hence it seems to me by no means improbable that the vrata has a similar origin, instead of being merely a rite preparatory to the sacrifice which follows it. But at the same time the idea that spirits or gods should have the first share of a meal is certainly very ancient, and may lead to actual fasting in case the offering for some reason or other is to be delayed. A Polynesian legend tells us that a man by name Maui once caught an immense fish. Then he left his brothers, saying to them:—“After I am gone, be courageous and patient; do not eat food until I return, and do not let our fish be cut up, but rather leave it until I have carried an offering to the gods from this great haul of fish, and until I have found a priest, that fitting prayers and sacrifices may be offered to the god, and the necessary rites be completed in order. We shall thus all be purified. I will then return, and we can cut up this fish in safety, and it shall be fairly portioned out to this one, and to that one, and to that other.” But as soon as Maui had gone, his brothers began at once to eat food, and to cut up the fish. Had Maui previously reached the sacred place, the heart of the deity would have been appeased with the offering of a portion of the fish which had been caught by his disciples, and all the male and female deities would have partaken of their portions of the sacrifice. But now the gods turned with wrath upon them, on account of the fish which they had thus cut up without having made a fitting sacrifice.48
45 Cf. Oldenberg, Die Religion des Veda, p. 414.
46 Satapatha-Brâhmana, i. 1. 1. 7 sq. Eggeling, in Sacred Books of the East, xii. 1 sq. Oldenberg, op. cit. p. 413, n. 1.
47 Eggeling, in Sacred Books of the East, xii. 1.
48 Grey, Polynesian Mythology, p. 26 sq.
Among many peoples custom prescribes fasting after a death. Lucian says that at the funeral feast the parents of the deceased are prevailed upon by their relatives to take food, being almost prostrated by a three days’ fast.49 We are told that among the Hindus children fast three days after the death of a parent, and a wife the same period after the death of her husband;50 but according to a more recent statement, to be quoted presently, they do not altogether abstain from food. In one of the sacred books of India it is said that mourners shall fast during three days, and that, if they are unable to do so, they shall subsist on food bought in the market or given unasked.51 Among the Nayādis of Malabar “from the time of death until the funeral is over, all the relations must fast.”52 Among the Irulas of the Neilgherries “the relatives of the deceased fast during the first day, that is, if … the death occur after the morning meal, they refrain from the evening one, and eat nothing till the next morning. If it occur during the night, or before the morning meal, they refrain from all food till the evening. Similar fasting is observed on every return of the same day of the week, till the obsequies take place.”53 Among the Bogos of Eastern Africa a son must fast three days after the death of his father.54 On the Gold Coast it is the custom for the near relatives of the deceased to perform a long and painful fast, and sometimes they can only with difficulty be induced to have recourse to food again.55 So also in Dahomey they must fast during the “corpse time,” or mourning.56 Among the Brazilian Paressí the relatives of a dead person remain for six days at his grave, carefully refraining from taking food.57 Among the aborigines of the Antilles children used to fast after the death of a parent, a husband after the death of his wife, and a wife after the death of her husband.58 In some Indian tribes of North America it is the custom for the relatives of the deceased to fast till the funeral is over.59 Among the Snanaimuq, a tribe of the Coast Salish, after the death of a husband or wife the surviving partner must not eat anything for three or four days.60 In one of the interior divisions of the Salish of British Columbia, the Stlatlumh, the next four days after a funeral feast are spent by the members of the household of the deceased person in fasting, lamenting and ceremonial ablutions.61 Among the Upper Thompson Indians in British Columbia, again, those who handled the dead body and who dug the grave had to fast until the corpse was buried.62
49 Lucian, De luctu, 24.
50 Ward, View of the History, &c. of the Hindoos, ii. 76 sq.
51 Vasishtha, iv. 14 sq. Cf. Institutes of Vishnu, xix. 14.
52 Thurston, in the Madras Government Museum’s Bulletin, iv. 76.
53 Harkness, Description of a Singular Race inhabiting the Neilgherry Hills, p. 97.
54 Munzinger, Die Sitten und das Recht der Bogos, p. 29.
55 Cruickshank, Eighteen Years on the Gold Coast, ii. 218.
56 Burton, Mission to Gelele, ii. 163.
57 von den Steinen, Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens, p. 435. Cf. ibid. p. 339 (Bakaïri).
58 Du Tertre, Histoire générale des Antilles, ii. 371.
59 Charlevoix, Voyage to North-America, ii. 187.
60 Boas, in Fifth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada, p. 45.
61 Tout, ‘Ethnology of the Stlatlumh of British Columbia,’ in Jour. Anthr. Inst. xxxv. 138.
62 Teit, ‘Thompson Indians of British Columbia,’ in Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, Anthropology, i. 331.
In several instances fasting after a death is observed only in the daytime.
David and his people fasted for Saul and Jonathan until even on the day when the news of their death arrived.63 Among the Arabs of Morocco it is the custom that if a death takes place in the morning everyone in the village refrains from food until the deceased is buried in the afternoon or evening; but if a person dies so late that he cannot be buried till the next morning the people eat at night. In the Pelew Islands, as long as the dead is unburied, fasting is observed in the daytime but not in the evening.64 In Fiji after a burial the kana-bogi, or fasting till evening, is practised for ten or twenty days.65 In Samoa it was common for those who attended the deceased to eat nothing during the day, but to have a meal at night.66 In the Tuhoe tribe of the Maoris, “when a chief of distinction died his widow and children would remain for some time within the whare potae [that is, mourning house], eating food during the night time only, never during the day.”67 The Sacs and Foxes in Nebraska formerly required that children should fast for three months after the death of a parent, except that they every day about sunset were allowed to partake of a meal made entirely of hominy.68 Among the Kansas a man who loses his wife must fast from sunrise to sunset for a year and a half, and a woman who loses her husband must observe a similar fast for a year.69 In some tribes of British Columbia and among the Thlinkets, until the dead body is buried the relatives of the deceased may eat a little at night but have to fast during the day.70 Among the Upper Thompson Indians a different custom prevailed: “nobody was allowed to eat, drink, or smoke in the open air after sunset (others say after dusk) before the burial, else the ghost would harm them.”71
63 2 Samuel, i. 12. Cf. ibid. iii. 35.
64 Waitz, op. cit. v. 153.
65 Williams and Calvert, Fiji, p. 169.
66 Turner, Nineteen Years in Polynesia, p. 228. Idem, Samoa, p. 145.
67 Best, ‘Tuhoe Land,’ in Trans. and Proceed. of the New Zealand Institute, xxx. 38.
68 Yarrow, ‘Mortuary Customs of the North American Indians,’ in Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn. i. 95.
69 Dorsey, ‘Mourning and War Customs of the Kansas,’ in American Naturalist, xix. 679 sq.
70 Boas, loc. cit. p. 41.
71 Teit, loc. cit. p. 328.
Very frequently mourners have to abstain from certain victuals only, especially flesh or fish, or some other staple or favourite food.
In Greenland everybody who had lived in the same house with the dead, or who had touched his corpse, was for some time forbidden to partake of certain kinds of food.72 Among the Upper Thompson Indians “parents bereft of a child did not eat fresh meat for several months.”73 Among the Stlatlumh of British Columbia a widow might eat no fresh food for a whole year, whilst the other members of the deceased person’s family abstained from such food for a period of from four days to as many months. A widower was likewise forbidden to eat fresh meats for a certain period, the length of which varied with the age of the person—the younger the man, the longer his abstention.74 In some of the Goajiro clans of Colombia a person is prohibited from eating flesh during the mourning time, which lasts nine days.75 Among the Abipones, when a chief died, the whole tribe abstained for a month from eating fish, their principal dainty.76 While in mourning, the Northern Queensland aborigines carefully avoid certain victuals, believing that the forbidden food, if eaten, would burn up their bowels.77 In Easter Island the nearest relatives of the dead are for a year or even longer obliged to abstain from eating potatoes, their chief article of food, or some other victuals of which they are particularly fond.78 Certain Papuans and various tribes in the Malay Archipelago prohibit persons in mourning from eating rice or sago.79 In the Andaman Islands mourners refuse to partake of their favourite viands.80 After the death of a relative the Tipperahs abstain from flesh for a week.81 The same is the case with the Arakh, a tribe in Oudh, during the fifteen days in the month of Kuâr which are sacred to the worship of the dead.82 Among the Nayādis of Malabar the relatives of the deceased are not allowed to eat meat for ten days after his death.83 According to Toda custom the near relatives must not eat rice, milk, honey, or gram until the funeral is over.84 Among the Hindus described by Mr. Chunder Bose a widow is restricted to one scanty meal a day, and this is of the coarsest description and always devoid of fish, the most esteemed article of food in a Hindu lady’s bill of fare. The son, again, from the hour of his father’s death to the conclusion of the funeral ceremony, is allowed to take only a meal consisting of atab rice, a sort of inferior pulse, milk, ghee, sugar, and a few fruits, and at night a little milk, sugar, and fruits—a régime which lasts ten days in the case of a Brahmin and thirty-one days in the case of a Sûdra.85 In some of the sacred books of India it is said that, during the period of impurity, all the mourners shall abstain from eating meat.86 In China “meat, must, and spirits were forbidden even in the last month of the deepest mourning, when other sorts of food had long been allowed already.”87