166 Moor and Roupell, quoted by Read and Dalton, op. cit. p. 7; also by Ling Roth, Great Benin, p. 71.
167 Cæsar, De bello gallico, vi. 16.
168 Snorri Sturluson, ‘Ynglingasaga,’ 25, in Heimskringla, i. 45 sqq.
169 Macrobius, Saturnalia, i. 7.
170 Suetonius, Nero, 36.
171 Spartian, Vita Hadriani, 14. Aurelius Victor, De Cæsaribus, 14. Dio Cassius, Historia Romana, lxix. 11.
172 Curtiss, Primitive Semitic Religion To-day, p. 208.
Men are sacrificed not only to preserve the lives of other men, but to help other men into existence. Barrenness is attributed to some god keeping back the children which would otherwise be born in the due course of nature. And in order to remove this obstacle a human being, generally a child, is sacrificed to serve, as it were, as a substitute. This I take to be the explanation of the practice of offering a human sacrifice with a view to promoting fecundity, a practice which has been particularly common in India.
In the history of ancient Mexico we read of Nezahualcoyotl, prince of the Tezcucans, who had been married some years without being blest with issue. “The priests represented that it was owing to his neglect of the gods of his country, and that his only remedy was to propitiate them by human sacrifice.”173 In Hindu traditions and books a numerous offspring is promised to him who offers a man in sacrifice.174 In Jainteapore, east of Sylhet, human sacrifices were made to the goddess Kali, in hopes of procuring progeny.175 Speaking of the Mahadeo sandstone hills which, in the Sathpore range, overlook the Nerbudda to the south, Sir W. H. Sleeman states:—“When a woman is without children she makes votive offerings to all the gods who can, she thinks, assist her; and promises of still greater in case they should grant what she wants. Smaller promises being found of no avail, she at last promises her first-born, if a male, to the god of destruction, Mahadeo. If she gets a son she conceals from him her vows till he has attained the age of puberty; she then communicates it to him, and enjoins him to fulfil it.” From that moment he regards himself as devoted to the god, and, at the annual fair on the Mahadeo hills, throws himself from a perpendicular height of four or five hundred feet, and is dashed to pieces upon the rocks below.176 In one of the tales of Somadeva an ascetic tells a woman that, if she killed her young son and offered him to the divinity, another son would certainly be born to her.177 We meet with a similar idea in the story of king Somaka. For some time he did not succeed in getting a single son from any of his one hundred wives. Finally he got a single son; but he wanted more, and asked the family priest whether there was not a ceremony which could help him to a hundred sons. The family priest answered:—“O king! let me set on foot a sacrifice, and thou must sacrifice thy son, Jantu, in it. Then on no distant date, a century of handsome sons will be born to thee. When Jantu’s fat will be put into the fire as an offering to the gods, the mothers will take a smell of that smoke, and bring forth a number of sons, valorous and strong. And Jantu also will once more be born as a self-begotten son of thine, in that very mother; and on his back there will appear a mark of gold.” The son was sacrificed; the wives smelt the smell of the burnt-offering; all of them became with child; and when ten months had passed one hundred sons were born to Somaka, of whom Jantu was the eldest, being born of his former mother. But the family priest departed this life, and was grilled for a certain period in a terrible hell as a punishment for what he had done.178
173 Prescott, History of the Conquest of Mexico, p. 91.
174 Chevers, op. cit. p. 399.
175 Macnaghten, quoted ibid. p. 397.
176 Sleeman, op. cit. i. 132 sq.
177 Crooke, Popular Religion of Northern India, ii. 173.
178 Mahabharata, Vana Parva, 127 sq. (pt. vi. p. 188 sq.).
Among certain peoples it is a regular custom to kill the firstborn child, or the firstborn son.
Among some natives of Australia a mother used to kill and eat her first child, as this was believed to strengthen her for later births.179 In New South Wales the firstborn of every lubra used to be eaten by the tribe “as part of a religious ceremony.”180 In the realm of Khai-muh, in China, according to a native account, it was customary to kill and devour the eldest son alive.181 Among certain tribes in British Columbia the first child is often sacrificed to the sun.182 The Indians of Florida, according to Le Moyne de Morgues, sacrificed the firstborn son to the chief.183 We are told that, among the people of Senjero in Eastern Africa, many families “must offer up their firstborn sons as sacrifices, because once upon a time, when summer and winter were jumbled together in a bad season, and the fruits of the field would not ripen, the sooth-sayers enjoined it.”184 The heathen Russians often sacrificed their firstborn to the god Perun.185 The rule laid down in Exodus186 and Numbers,187 that all the firstborn of men and of beasts belonged to the Lord, but that the former were to be redeemed, seems to indicate the existence of an earlier custom among the Hebrews of offering up as a sacrifice, not only the firstling of an animal, but the firstborn child. As traces of such a custom may probably be regarded the story of Abraham’s surrender of his firstborn son to God and the tradition of the origin of the Passover.188 Among the Hindus, until the beginning of the last century, many parents sacrificed their firstborn to the river Ganges.189
179 Brinton, Religions of Primitive Peoples, p. 17 n.* Cf. von Scherzer, Reise der Oesterreichischen Fregatte Novara um die Erde, iii. 32.
180 Brough Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, ii. 311.
181 de Groot, Religious System of China (vol. ii. book) i. 679.
182 Boas, in Fifth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada, pp. 46, 52.
183 Bry, Narrative of Le Moyne, Descriptions of the Illustrations, 34, p. 13. Cf. Lafitau, Mœurs des sauvages ameriquains, i. 181; Strachey, op. cit. p. 84.
184 Krapf, Travels, p. 69 sq.
185 Mone, quoted by Frazer, Golden Bough, ii. 52.
186 Exodus, xiii. 2, 15.
187 Numbers, xviii. 15.
188 See Ghillany, op. cit. p. 494 sqq.; Kuenen, Religion of Israel, ii. 92; Frazer, op. cit. ii. 47 sqq.
189 Rájendralála Mitra, op. cit. ii. 70, 76.
In some instances the firstborn seems to be killed, not in sacrifice to a god, but for the purpose of being eaten as a kind of medicine.190 In other cases the act is a sacrifice in the true sense of the word and, apparently, substitutional in character. Considering that children are occasionally sacrificed to save the lives of their parents, or for the health of the families, or to promote fecundity, it seems probable that the regular sacrifice of the firstborn has similar objects in view. This supposition, indeed, is strongly supported by some statements in which the motive of the act is expressly mentioned.191 Among the Coast Salish of British Columbia the first child is sacrificed to the sun “to secure health and happiness to the whole family.”192 The same is reported of a neighbouring people, the Kutonaqa. The mother prays to the sun:—“I am with child. When it is born I shall offer it to you. Have pity upon us.”193 Among some tribes of South-Eastern Africa it is a rule that, when a woman’s husband has been killed in battle and she marries again, the first child to which she gives birth after her second marriage must be put to death, whether she has it by her first or her second husband. Such a child is called “the child of the assegai,” and if it were not killed, death or accident would be sure to befall the second spouse, and the woman herself would be barren.194 Among some peoples, including the ancient Hindus, we find the belief that the son is in some sense identical with his father, that he is a new birth, a new manifestation of the same person.195 The new birth might be supposed to endanger the life of the father, just as, according to a notion prevalent among the ancient Teutons196 and in some parts of Italy,197 a person would soon die if his name were given to his son or grandson whilst he was still alive. Among the Brazilian Tupis the father was accustomed to take a new name after the birth of each new son;198 whilst, on killing an enemy, a person used to take the enemy’s name so as to annihilate not only his body but also his soul.199 Among the Kafirs, “if a mother gives birth to twins, one is frequently killed by the father, for the natives think that unless the father places a lump of earth in the mouth of one of the babies he will lose his strength.”200 In some cases the practice of killing the firstborn son might possibly be traced back to a similar belief. But I can quote no fact directly supporting this suggestion.
191 Cf. Micah, vi. 7: “Shall I give my firstborn for my transgression, the fruit of my body for the sin of my soul?”
192 Boas, op. cit. p. 46.
193 Ibid. p. 52.
194 Macdonald, Light in Africa, p. 156. Frazer, op. cit. ii. 51 sq.
195 Hartland, op. cit. i. 217 sq. von den Steinen, Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens, p. 336 sq. Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, p. 98 sqq. Idem, Alt-arisches Jus Civile, i. 189 sqq. Laws of Manu, ix. 8: “The husband, after conception by his wife, becomes an embryo and is born again of her.”
196 Storm, quoted by Noreen, Spridda Studier, Anara Samlingen, p. 4.
197 Placucci, Usi e pregiudizj dei contadini della Romagna, p. 23.
198 von den Steinen, op. cit. p. 337.
199 Staden, quoted by Andree, Anthropophagie, p. 103.
200 Kidd, The Essential Kafir, p. 202. I am indebted to Mr. N. W. Thomas for drawing my attention to this statement.
Human sacrifices are offered in connection with the foundation of buildings. This is a wide-spread custom, which not only occurs among various uncivilised and semi-civilised peoples of the present day, but which is proved to have existed among the so-called Aryan races.201 In India we find traces of it in traditions and popular beliefs.202 The Hindu rajas, we are told, used to lay the foundation of public buildings in human blood.203 When Mr. Grierson wanted to photograph a Bihār peasant house, the grandmother of the family refused to allow any of the children to appear in the picture, her reason being that the Government was building the bridge across the Gandak and wanted children to bury under the foundations.204 Among the ancient Romans the old custom survived in the practice of placing statues or images under the foundations of their buildings.205 In the island of Zacynthus the peasants to this day believe that in order to secure the durability of important buildings, such as bridges and fortresses, it is desirable to kill a man, especially a Muhammedan or a Jew, and bury him on the spot.206 South Slavonian folk-tales speak of the immuration of a woman or a child as a foundation sacrifice.207 In Servia no city was thought to be secure unless a human being, or at least the shadow of one, was built into its walls;208 and the Bulgarians, when going to build, are still said to take a thread and measure the shadow of some casual passer-by, and then bury the measure under the foundation-stone, expecting that the man whose shadow has been thus treated will soon die.209 A similar custom prevails in Roumania.210 According to Nennius, when Dinas Emris in Wales was founded by Gortigern, all the materials collected for the fortress were carried away in one night; and materials were thus gathered thrice, and were thrice carried away. When he then asked of his Druids, “Whence this evil?” the Druids told him that it was necessary to find a child whose father was unknown, put him to death, and sprinkle with his blood the ground on which the citadel was to be built.211 A Scotch legend tells that, when St. Columba first attempted to build a cathedral on Iona, the walls fell down as they were erected; he then received supernatural information that they would never stand unless a human victim was buried alive, and, in consequence, his companion, Oran, was interred at the foundation of the structure.212 It is reported that, when not long ago the Bridge Gate of Bremen city walls was demolished, the skeleton of a child was found embedded in the groundwork;213 and when the new bridge at Halle, finished in 1843, was building, “the common people fancied a child was wanted to be walled into the foundations.”214
201 Sartori, ‘Ueber das Bauopfer,’ in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, xxx. 5 sqq. Tylor, Primitive Culture, i. 104 sqq. Baring-Gould, Strange Survivals, p. 4 sqq. Trumbull, Threshold Covenant, p. 46 sqq. Grant Allen, Evolution of the Idea of God, p. 249 sqq. Liebrecht, Zur Volkskunde, p. 284 sqq. Andree, Ethnographische Parallelen, p. 18 sqq. Nyrop, Romanske Mosaiker, p. 63 sqq. Krause, ‘Das Bauopfer bei den Südslaven,’ in Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien, xvii. 18 sqq. Wuttke, Der deutsche Volksaberglaube der Gegenwart, § 440, p. 300 sq.
202 Winternitz, ‘Bemerkungen über das Bauopfer bei den Indern,’ in Mittheil. Anthr. Gesellsch. in Wien, xvii. [37] sqq.
203 Wheeler, History of India, iv. 278.
204 Grierson, Bihār Peasant Life, p. 4.
205 Coote, ‘A Building Superstition,’ in Folk-Lore Journal, i. 23.
206 Schmidt, Volksleben der Neu-Griechen, p. 197.
207 Krauss, loc. cit. p. 19 sqq.
208 Ralston, Songs of the Russian People, p. 127.
209 Ibid. p. 127. Krauss, loc. cit. p. 21.
210 Folk-Lore Record, iii. 283.
211 Nennius, Historia Britonum, Irish Version, ch. 18, p. 93.
212 Gomme, ‘Some Traditions and Superstitions connected with Buildings,’ in The Antiquary, iii. 11. Carmichael, Carmina Gadelica, ii. 316.
213 Baring-Gould, Strange Survivals, p. 5.
214 Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, iii. 1142.
It seems highly probable that the building-sacrifice, like other kinds of human sacrifice, is based on the idea of substitution. A new house or dwelling-place is commonly regarded as dangerous, a wall or a tower is liable to fall down and cause destruction of life, a bridge may break, or the person who crosses it may tumble into the water and be drowned. In the Babar Islands, before entering a new house, offerings are thrown inside, that the spirit, Orloo, may not make the inmates ill.215 Before the Sandwich Islanders could occupy their houses “offerings were made to the gods, and presents to the priest, who entered the house, uttered prayers, went through other ceremonies, and slept in it before the owner took possession, in order to prevent evil spirits from resorting to it, and to secure its inmates from the effects of incantation.”216 Among the Kayans of Borneo, on the occasion of the king or principal chief taking possession of a newly-built house, a human victim was killed, and the blood was sprinkled on the pillars and under the house.217 The Russian peasant believes that the building of a new house “is apt to be followed by the death of the head of the family for which the new dwelling is constructed, or that the member of the family who is the first to enter it will soon die”; and, in accordance with a custom of great antiquity, the oldest member of a migrating household enters the new house first.218 In German folk-tales “the first to cross the bridge, the first to enter the new building or the country, pays with his life.”219 Even nowadays, in the North of Europe, there is a wide-spread fear of being the first to enter a new building or of going over a newly-built bridge; “if to do this is not everywhere and in all cases thought to entail death, it is considered supremely unlucky.”220 This superstition has been interpreted as a survival of a previous sacrifice;221 but there can be no doubt, I think, that the foundation sacrifice itself owes its origin to similar notions and fears of supernatural dangers. Uncultured people are commonly afraid of anything new, or of doing an act for the first time;222 and, apart from this, the erecting of a new building is an intrusion upon the land of the local spirit, and therefore likely to arouse its anger. There are houses which remain haunted by spirits all their time.223 It is natural, then, that attempts should be made to avert the danger. And, human life being at stake, no preventive could be more effective than the offering up of a human victim.
215 Riedel, De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua, p. 343.
216 Ellis, Polynesian Researches, iv. 322.
217 Burns, ‘Kayans of the North-West of Borneo,’ in Journal of the Indian Archipelago, iii. 145.
218 Ralston, Songs of the Russian People, p. 126. Cf. Krauss, loc. cit. p. 21 sq. (Southern Slavs).
219 Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, i. 45, n. 2.
220 Baring-Gould, Strange Survivals, p. 2. For various instances of similar beliefs, see Sartori, in Zeitschr. f. Ethnol. xxx. 14 sqq.; Crawley, Mystic Rose, p. 25.
221 Baring-Gould, op. cit. p. 4.
222 Crawley, op. cit. p. 25.
223 Westermarck, ‘Nature of the Arab Ğinn, illustrated by the Present Beliefs of the People of Morocco,’ in Jour. Anthr. Inst. xxix. 253, 260.
On the other hand it is maintained that the foundation-sacrifice is partly, if not exclusively, performed for the purpose of converting the soul of the victim into a protecting demon.224 This opinion, no doubt, has the support of beliefs actually held by some of the peoples who practise the rite. When the gate of the new city of Tavoy, in Tenasserim, was built, Mason was told by an eye-witness that a criminal was put in each post-hole to become a guardian spirit.225 The Burmese kings used to have victims buried alive at the gates of their capitals, “so that their spirits might watch over the city.”226 Formerly, in Siam, “when a new city gate was being erected, it was customary for a number of officers to lie in wait near the spot, and seize the first four or eight persons who happened to pass by, and who were then buried alive under the gate-posts, to serve as guardian angels.”227 But whatever be the present notions of certain peoples concerning the object of the building-sacrifice, I do not believe that its primary object could have been to procure a spirit-guardian. According to early ideas, the ghost of a murdered man is not a friendly being, and least of all is he kindly disposed towards those who killed him. Several instances are known in which later generations have put upon human sacrifices an interpretation obviously foreign to their original purpose.228 Thus, according to a North German tradition, a master-builder was immured by a certain knight in the tower which he had built, as a punishment for boasting that he could have built a still finer tower if he had liked to do so.229 An Indian raja, we are told, was once building a bridge over the river Jargoat Chunâr, and when it fell down several times he was advised to sacrifice a Brahman girl to the local deity; however, “she has now become the Marî or ghost of the place, and is regularly worshipped in time of trouble.”230 Considering that the foundation-sacrifice was offered for the purpose of protecting the living against the attacks of the spirit of the place, it is quite intelligible that the ghost of the victim came in time to be looked upon as a guardian spirit; and it was all the more natural to attribute to the dead the function of a guard in cases where he was buried at the gate. But he was buried there, I presume, simply because that spot was thought to be the most dangerous. The gate of a town corresponds to the entrance of a house, and the threshold has almost universally been regarded as the proper haunt of what the Moors call “the owners of the place.”231
224 Tylor, Primitive Culture, i. 106. Grant Allen, op. cit. p. 248 sqq. Lippert, Christenthum, Volksglaube und Volksbrauch, p. 456 sq. Idem, Kulturgeschichte der Menschheit, ii. 270. Gaidoz, in Mélusine, iv. 14 sqq. Sartori, in Zeitsthr. f. Ethnol. xxx. 32 sqq.
225 Tylor, Primitive Culture, i. 107.
226 Woodthorpe, in Jour. Anthr. Inst. xxvi. 24. See also Shway Yoe, The Burman, i. 286.
227 Alabaster, Wheel of the Law, p. 212 sq. Cf. Gaidoz, loc. cit. p. 14 sq.
228 See Nyrop, Romanske Mosaiker, p. 73 sqq.; also infra, p. 465 sq.
229 Nyrop, op. cit. p. 73.
230 Crooke, Popular Religion of Northern India, ii. 174.
231 See Trumbull, Threshold Covenant, passim.
Whilst the man who is sacrificed is in some cases described as a guardian, he is in other cases regarded as a messenger. The Mayas of Yucatan maintained that the human victims whom they offered in times of distress were sent as messengers to the spirit-world to make known the wants of the people.232 The same idea prevailed in Great Benin. When the head jujuman had said the prayer in which he asked Ogiwo to let no sickness come for Benin, he thus addressed the slaves who were going to be clubbed to death and tied in the sacrifice-trees:—“So you shall tell Ogiwo. Salute him proper.”233 A message was likewise sent to the head juju with the slave who was sacrificed to it;234 and a message saluting the rain-god was put in the mouth of the woman who was sacrificed when there was too much rain.235 Mr. Ling Roth suggests that the main object of the human sacrifices which were offered in Benin “was the sending of prayers, by means of the special messengers, for the welfare of the community, to the spirits of the departed, or to other spirits, such as the spirits of the beads, the Rain-God, Sun-God, the God-Ogiwo”; and he thinks that this explains “a cult of world-wide prevalence.”236 But considering that in Yucatan and Benin, as elsewhere, the human victim was sacrificed for the avowed purpose of averting some mortal danger from the community or the king, I conclude that there, also, the primary object of the rite was to offer a substitute, though this substitute came to be used as a messenger.