1 The MSS. have Saturday instead of Tuesday, and this seems reasonable, for there were no offerings on Tuesday (see infra). ↑
2 Text, Sakar. Now locally called the Sāgan, ‘sea,’ tank. ↑
3 The MSS. only speak of twelve. ↑
4 The MSS. seem to have merely ba tīr-i-banduq, ‘with bullets.’ ↑
6 That is, apparently, the journey back by sea from the Deccan. The MSS. have Ḥasan instead of Ḥusain, and say the route by Ormuz was closed. Perhaps the ba Mīr of text is a mistake for bar baḥr, ‘by sea.’ ↑
7 Tuqūz means nine in Turkī. ↑
8 The I.O. MSS. seem to have Sakakdar or Sakakandar. ↑
9 It appears from S͟hāh ʿAbbās’s letter to Jahāngīr (Tūzuk, p. 165) that Muḥammad Ḥusain Chelebī had been employed by Jahāngīr to collect curios in Persia. ↑
10 Note by Sayyid Aḥmad. They say that a poet recited this impromptu couplet—
“Though Nūr-Jahān be in form a woman,
In the ranks of men she’s a tiger-slayer.”
The point of this couplet is that before Nūr-Jahān entered Jahāngīr’s harem she was the wife of S͟hīr-afgan, the tiger-slayer. The line may also read “In battle she is a man-smiter and a tiger-slayer.” ↑
11 The two I.O. MSS. have “a pair of pearls and a diamond.” ↑
12 There is a fuller account of this flute-player in Price’s Jahāngīr, p. 114. The melody which he composed in Jahāngīr’s name is there called by Price Saut Jahāngīrī. (The text does not give the name Jahāngīrī.) It is there stated that S͟hāh Jahān brought the flute-player with him from Burhanpur and introduced him. ↑
13 Hauza-dāri, ‘with a basin-shaped litter on it.’ ↑
14 The word pās͟hīda, ‘scattered,’ does not occur in the I.O. MSS. But perhaps the word has two opposite meanings. ↑
15 Father and son both died apparently at the same age. ↑
16 It was in Sarkar Qanauj (Jarrett, ii, 185). It is Chibrāmau of I.G., iii, 97, and is in Farrukhabad district. ↑
17 Urvasi is the name of an Apsara or celestial nymph. Probably it is here the name of a dress. (In Forbes’s Hindustani Dictionary ūrbasī is said to denote a particular kind of ornament worn on the breast.) ↑
18 The MSS. have mag͟hra, which may be connected with the Arabic mag͟hr, ‘travelling quickly.’ It may be the name of a courier, or merely mean ‘quickly.’ ↑
19 Apparently it should be Bhīm; see infra. Gadeha is probably Gadhī in Khandesh; see Lethbridge’s “Golden Book of India,” p. 138. It is the Garvī of I.G., v, 33, and is one of the Bhīl States in the Dāng Tract. ↑
20 There was a Bodah in Sarkār Marosor in Malwa, but its revenue was only 2½ lakhs of dams (Jarrett, ii, 208). The two I.O. MSS. and Debi Prasad’s Hindi version have Ṭoḍā. Ṭoḍā was in Ajmir, Ranṭambhor Sarkar, and its revenue in Akbar’s time was 1½ lakhs of rupees (Jarrett, ii, 275). ↑
21 Ode 192 of Brockhaus’ edition, p. 112, first couplet. ↑
22 This is the building described by William Finch. See the Journal of John Jourdain, ed. by Foster for the Hakluyt Society, App. D. Finch speaks of a high turret 170 steps high. The tower was the Tower of Victory erected by Sult̤ān Maḥmūd I in 1443 to commemorate a victory over the Raja of Chitor. “The stump of it has been found.” Jourdain speaks of six storeys. It was built of green stone like marble. ↑
23 Two hundred rupees per storey(?). ↑
24 Blochmann, p. 371, and Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, ii, 537. Now locally called the Nīl-kanṭh, ‘blue neck.’ ↑
25 The text misses out a conjunction before ṣadā. ↑
26 Apparently the meaning is that the standard of two and three horses had not been kept up. ↑
27 Some lines of this agree with the verses in the Akbar-nāma, ii, 190. The last two lines are quoted again in the account of the 15th year (p. 299 of Persian text). ↑
28 The account is obscure. Elliot’s translation is “In the root of the tree is found a lump of sweet substance which is exactly like that of Faluda. It is eaten by the poor.” The text and some MSS. have yak pārcha-i-s͟hīrīnī, but B. M. Or. 3276 has yak pāra. Roxburgh says nothing about any such growth on the wild plantain. Fālūdā or pālūda is the name of a sweetmeat. ↑
29 It is curious that the word amūk͟hta, ‘taught,’ in the text, and which appears to be almost necessary for the sense, does not occur either in the two I. O. MSS. or in the R. A. S. one. Burhanpur is about 100 miles as the crow flies south-south-east of Mandu. ↑
30 The text has par, ‘feathers,’ instead of the sign of the comparative tar, but the MSS. have kalāntar. ↑
31 The word is ḥawālī, which is sometimes translated ‘neighbourhood,’ and has been so translated here by Mr. Rogers. But either Jahāngīr has made a mistake or the word ḥawālī is capable of a wide interpretation, for Jaitpūr appears to be Jaitpūr in Kathiawar. See Jarrett, ii, 258. and I. G., vii, 192. Possibly Mandu is a mistake for Bāndhū. But there is a Jetgarh in Malwa (Jarrett, ii, 200). ↑
32 Probably this was the author who collaborated with Jerome Xavier. See Rieu’s Catalogue, iii, 1077. ↑
33 I. O. MS. 305 has dānā-ī-nāzikī, ‘soft (or small) seeds.’ ↑
34 Note 181 has wāṣil gas͟htan. ‘becoming united’ (to the Deity). ↑
35 Jā dādan, ‘to give way,’ the meaning apparently being that they had protected Rūḥu-llah’s murderers. But I. O. MS. 305 seems to have jāwidān, ‘eternal,’ which would mean that they were killed and also eternally disgraced as rebels. The Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, iii, 13, has a different account of the manner of Rūḥu-llah’s death. He was Fidāʾī’s elder brother. ↑
36 The I. O. MSS. have Pīr Bahār and Chandra Kona, which latter may be the place in Midnapur. ↑
37 Text 8th, but should be 20th. See p. 196, where the next Thursday is mentioned as the 27th. See Elliot, vi, 351. ↑
38 Text 15 months and 11 days, but it should be 11 months. S͟hāh Jahān left his father at Ajmir on the last day of S͟hawwāl, 1025, and he rejoined him on 11th S͟hawwāl of the following year. ↑
39 So in text, but I.O. MSS. have kursī, ‘a chair or stool’ (l. 37). ↑
40 Text būdand, but Ūdā Rām is the only Dakhani officer mentioned. ↑
41 The MSS. have zar-baft, ‘gold brocade.’ ↑
42 In reference to his own name of Nūru-d-dīn. ↑
44 The Ūdājī Rām of Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, i, 142. ↑
45 Jamkūra is given in Forbes as the Dakhani word for a covering made of reeds or palm-leaves and used in rainy weather. ↑
47 In the MSS. the name seems to be Hansomat (swan-like?). ↑
48 Text has wālida-i-k͟hūd, ‘his own mother.’ ↑
51 Text k͟hat̤aʾ, ‘fault,’ but the MSS. show that the word is k͟hatar, ‘danger.’ ↑
52 The passage is obscure, and the MSS. do not throw much light on it. Fortunately for the Mīrzā, there was no bullet in his gun. The word which I have translated by ‘flexible’ is rawān. Perhaps the meaning is quite different. Possibly it is “he would fire a shot and then reload. As many of his bullets had been shot away, he put a pellet (g͟halulā) into his mouth and was shaping it,” etc. ↑
53 He has just spoken of Tuesday as the 15th! And as Jahāngīr did not shoot on Sundays, Sunday must be a mistake for Wednesday. It is Wednesday in I.O. MS. 305. ↑
54 Perhaps būkra here means a male nilgaw; būkra means also a he-goat. ↑
55 This is the same kind of bird that Nūr-Jahān is mentioned as having shot. Perhaps a green pigeon is meant. ↑
56 Text nīla, without the addition of gaw. The MSS. have gor or chor, a pheasant (?). ↑
58 The ‘two’ is omitted in text. ↑
59 In Sarkār Māndū (Jarrett, ii, 207) Debi Prasad’s Hindi version has Daknā. ↑
60 The MSS. have “more than 1,000.” Rāja Bhoj’s date, according to Tod, is 567 A.D. (Jarrett, ii, 211). ↑
61 This iron pillar is not now in existence at the mausoleum of Akbar (Note of Sayyid Aḥmad). The pieces of the pillar are still lying at Dhār, outside the Lāt Musjid (I.G., new ed., xi, 295). ↑
62 The MSS. have 807, and this is correct, for Dilāwar conquered Malwa in 803 = 1400. ↑
63 Probably this means that ʿAmīd was the son of Dāʾūd. ↑
64 Text 70, but should be 7. 807 = 1405. ↑
65 A son of Hūs͟hang. Muḥammad S͟hāh, intervened. ↑
66 The MSS. have Jalot (as in the Hindi version). ↑
67 Text, “the parganah aforesaid.” But the MSS. have Badnor. See infra, p. 204 of text. (In this passage the Hindi version has Madlor.) ↑
70 Daḥūt in MSS. But Doḥad seems right, as it means two boundaries. ↑
71 The dam was also used as a weight, and was equal to 5 tānk or 1 tola, 8 masha, 7 surk͟h (Blochmann, p. 31). ↑
72 Apparently Sahrā is the name of a town, and does not mean an open space here. ↑
73 Perhaps the line refers to the bee, and means that the bee wishes to suck the moisture of the flower. ↑
74 The MSS. have gul-i-kūl, ‘the flower of the tank.’ It seems to be a water-lily. ↑
75 Query “the tank of Yasodā,” the foster-mother of Krishna? ↑
77 Jahāngīr crossed the Ghātī Chand or Chānd, between Ajmere and Malwa, in the 11th year (see p. 172), but he does not speak of having had any rohu fish there. Perhaps the reference is to his halt at Rāmsar shortly before coming to Ghātī Chand. He got 104 rohu at Rāmsar. See p. 169. ↑
79 Mondah of Jarrett, ii, 253. ↑
80 Text Nīlāo. No such parganah is mentioned in the Āyīn; the two I.O. MSS. have Naryād. ↑
81 Pitlād is mentioned in Bayley’s Gujarat, p. 9, as having a very large revenue. It is the Patlād of Jarrett, ii, 253. Text wrongly has Nīlāb. Possibly Bhīl is the parganah meant. ↑
83 The I.O. MSS. have Abhay or Abhī Kār. ↑
84 Tiefenthaler, i, p. 380, etc., has an interesting notice of Cambay. He also gives a sketch of its bay (plate xxxii). ↑
85 Now so silted up that no tolerably large vessel can approach it. ↑
86 Abū-l-faẓl calls them tāwarī (Jarrett, ii, 241). ↑
88 Tāl tārang. Possibly tārang should read tarang (waves), and the meaning be that Jahāngīr went to see the famous bore in the Gulf of Cambay. ↑
89 See Elliot, vi, 355, and note. ↑
90 In the text aḥdī occurs by mistake instead of ʿahdī, and man instead of mas. ↑
91 Wrongly so in text, but Jay Singh should be corrected to Rāj Singh. The son of Jay Singh, Raja of Ajmir, was Rām Singh, who was born in Sambat, 1692. ↑
93 Mātar or Nātar in I. O. MSS. ↑
94 I. O. MS. 181 has “in all the cities of Upper India.” ↑
96 A saint of Multan who died in 1384. See Beale, s.v. S͟haik͟h Jalāl, and Jarrett, iii, 369. ↑
97 So in text, but surely it should be “8th or 7th”? It appears from the K͟hazīnatu-l-aṣfiyā, ii, 71, that the attendant who lost the child was a female disciple, and that the child was young. ↑
98 According to Bayley’s Gujarat, p. 238, and Index, p. 515, the name is either Tāj K͟hān Tūrpāli or Narpāli. ↑
99 Suwārī-i-k͟hūd u k͟hwus͟h-jalū-i-ū, “my own riding and his pleasant paces (?).” It does not seem likely that Jahāngīr would himself drive the elephant. The meaning here probably is that Jahāngīr trusted to his being on the elephant. K͟hwus͟h-jalū is used lower down about another elephant, and seems to refer to the elephant’s paces. See p. 214. ↑
100 Or doors. The Iqbāl-nāma, 108, has “in front of each gate there is a bazar.” ↑
103 Panjara-i-sang, presumably lattice-work in stone. ↑
104 See for dimensions of the mosque Bayley’s Gujarat, p. 92 and note, and the authorities there quoted. ↑
105 Text wrongly has Sunday. ↑
106 Muḥammad G͟haus̤ was accused of heresy by some of the Gujarātī mullas. He was much respected by Humāyūn, and is buried at Gwalior. ↑
107 Jahāngīr means that Wajīhu-d-dīn was a very learned man, and that his devotion to Muḥammad G͟haus̤, who was an ignorant man (ummī), shows what a great personality the latter was. Cf. Iqbāl-nāma, 169, and Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, ii, 583, where we are told that Wajīhu-d-dīn thanked God that both his Prophet and his Pīr were ignorant. ↑
108 He wrote a history of Gujarat—the Mirāt-i-Sikandarī. Rieu, Cat., i, 287. ↑
110 “S͟haik͟h Aḥmad K͟haṭṭū, who had the title of Jamālu-d-dīn, was born at Delhi of a noble family in 737 A.H. (1336–7). He was the disciple and successor of Bābā Isḥāq (Isaac) Mag͟hribī. His name was Naṣīru-d-dīn. By the jugglery of the heavens he was separated from his home in a storm, and after a while entered the service of Bābā Isḥāq. Mag͟hribī. He acquired from him spiritual and secular learning, and came to Gujarat in the time of Sult̤ān Aḥmad. High and low accepted him, and paid him homage. Afterwards he travelled to Arabia and Persia, and made the acquaintance of many saints. He is buried at Sarkhech, near Aḥmadabad.”—Āyīn-i-Akbarī (vol. ii, p. 220, of Bib. Ind., ed. Jarrett, iii, 371). See Bayley’s Gujarat, p. 90, note, and K͟hazīnatu-l-aṣfiyā, ii, 314, and Blochmann, 507, note, where the reference to the K͟hazīna, 957, seems wrong. The story told in the K͟hazīna is that S͟haik͟h Aḥmad belonged to the royal family of Delhi, and was, as a baby, blown out of his nurse’s arms into the street during a storm. ↑
111 Text k͟hawānīn, ‘khans,’ but evidently this is a mistake for k͟hawātīn, the plural of k͟hātūn, ‘a lady.’ ↑
112 I.O. MSS. have Sundar Sen. ↑
114 This name is doubtful, for the MSS. have a different reading, apparently Namūd. There is a Halōd in Gujarat (Jarrett, ii, 242). See also Bayley’s Gujarat, 439. Perhaps it is the Halol of the Indian Gazetteer. ↑
115 The existence of this son of Bāqī Tark͟hān does not seem to have been known to Abū-l-faẓl or to Blochmann. Nor is he mentioned in the Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā. See Jarrett, ii, 347, where only Payanda is spoken of as the son of Bāqī K͟hān, and Blochmann, p. 362. See also Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, iii, 485, the biography of Mīrzā ʿĪsā Tark͟hān. His name appears, however, in the pedigree of his house in the Tarkhān-nāma of Jamāl Shīrāzī. ↑
116 The word s̤ānī in Ṣāḥīb-qirān-i-s̤ānī in text is a mistake. ↑
117 S͟haqāʾiq, which perhaps means tulips. In Price’s Jahangir, p. 115, there is much more said about the “Garden of Victory,” and Jahāngīr’s entertainment there by his wife K͟hairu-n-nisā, the daughter of the K͟hānk͟hānān. ↑
118 Bagīna in text. Debi Prasad has Bakīnā. ↑
119 Banoh in text. See Bayley’s Gujarat, p. 237; also Tiefenthaler, i, 377, who speaks of it as being 3 leagues south of Ahmadabad. See also Jarrett, ii, 240, n. 7. ↑
120 For Sayyid Mubārak and his son see Bayley’s Gujarat. Sayyid Mubārak was the patron of the author of the Mirāt-i-Sikandarī. See loc. cit., p. 454. ↑
121 It is the Chandsuma of Bayley’s map. ↑
122 Jarrett, iii, 210; and Akbar-nāma, translation, i, 147, n. 2. ↑
123 This should be Tapā. See Addenda. ↑
124 I.O. MS., instead of k͟hātimat-i-aḥwāl-ū, has chunānchih aḥwāl, “as has been stated in its place.” This is probably correct, as Jahāngīr has already referred to his death. See also the account of the 2nd year, where he speaks of Rāy Singh’s going home without leave. ↑
125 Perhaps an explanation of Zamak͟hs͟hari’s Commentary. ↑
126 A Persian commentary on the Koran (Rieu, p. 96). ↑
127 A life of Muhammad (Rieu, i, 147). ↑
128 Dābhol (I.G., new ed., xi, 100). ↑
129 Biyāẓ. The meaning is not clear. Perhaps what is meant is that there was no writing, only the circles. ↑
131 MSS. seem to have Mānīb. ↑
132 MSS. seem to have Nīmda. ↑
133 The MSS. have Muḥammad Ḥusain Saudāgar (trader). ↑