The transit of the sun, that fulfils the hopes of the world, into his house of honour in Aries, took place on Friday, the 15th of the month of Rabīʿu-s̤-s̤ānī in the Hijrī year 1029, (10 March), 1620, after 12½ gharis, or 5 sidereal hours,1 had passed, and the 15th year of the reign of this suppliant at the throne of Allah commenced happily and auspiciously. On Saturday, the 2nd (Farwardīn), having marched 4½ koss, I halted at the village of Bakkar. On this road there was no hill-pass (kotal), but it was rather stony. I saw peacocks, black partridges, and monkeys (langūr), such as exist in the Garmsīr country (Afghanistan). It is evident that these can also exist in cold countries. From this place to Kashmir the road is along the bank of the river Bihat. There are hills on both sides, and in the bottom of the valley the water flows with great force, boiling and raging. However large an elephant may be, he cannot hold his feet firmly in it, but immediately rolls over, and is carried away. There are also water-dogs2 in the river. On Sunday, the 3rd, marching 4½ koss, I pitched at Mūsarān. On the eve of Friday the merchants who live in the pargana of Bāra Mūla came and paid their respects. I asked the reason of the name of Bāra mūla, and they represented that in the Hindi language they call a boar Bārāh (Varaha) and mūla a place—that is, the boars’ place. Among the incarnations that belong to the religion of the Hindus, one is the boar incarnation, and Bārāh mūla by constant use has become Bāra mūla. On Monday, the 4th, marching 2½ koss, I pitched at Bhūlbās. As they said these hills were very narrow and difficult (to pass), and they could be crossed by a crowd of men only with great trouble, I gave orders to Muʿtamid K. that, with the exception of Āṣaf K. and a few of the necessary attendants, no one should be allowed to march along with the prosperous stirrup (with the king personally), and the camp should be kept one stage behind. By chance, before this order was given, he had sent on his own tent. After this he wrote to his men that this order had been given with regard to him, and they should halt at whatever spot they had reached. His brothers heard this at the foot of the kotal of Bhūlbās,3 and pitched their own tent there. When the royal host reached the place, snow and rain began to fall. One plain of the road had not been crossed when his tent became visible. Looking on this as a gift from the hidden world, I and the ladies alighted, and remained protected from the cold and snow and rain. His brothers, according to orders, sent someone in haste to summon him. When the news reached him that the elephants and the advance camp had arrived at the top of the kotal, and blocked up the road, as it was impossible to ride, with great zeal, he, not knowing his head from his feet, traversed a distance of 2½ koss on foot in two hours, and came to wait on me, and repeated this couplet with the tongue of gesture.4

All that was in his store (bisāt̤) in the way of money and goods, of live stock or dead, he offered for me to tread upon. I gave them all back, and said: “What do worldly goods appear worth to the eye of our magnanimity? We buy the jewel of loyalty at a high figure. Such an event arising out of his devotion should be reckoned as the rising of his good star, in that a king like me with the people of his harem should remain in his house in comfort and at ease for a night and a day. It would be a cause of honour to him among his contemporaries and comrades.” On Tuesday, the 5th, having traversed 2 koss, I alighted at the village of Kahāʾī.5 I presented the dress (sar u pāy) I had on to Muʿtamid K., and an order was given assigning him the mansab of 1,500 personal and l,5006 horse. From this stage we entered within the boundary of Kashmīr. In the same kotal of Bhūlbās, Yaʿqūb, s. Yūsuf K. Kas͟hmīrī, fought with the victorious army of my father, of which Rāja Bhagwān Dās, father of Rāja Mān Singh, was the leader.

On this day, the news came that Suhrāb K., s. Rustam Mīrzā, had been drowned in the Jhelam. The details are as follows: He, according to orders, was coming up one stage in the rear, and on the road it came into his mind that he would have a bathe in the river, though warm water was ready. The people forbade him, and said that when the air was so cold, unnecessarily to get into a river so agitated and bloodthirsty that it would roll over a war-elephant, was contrary to the dictates of caution. He was not restrained by their words, and as the unavoidable destined time had arrived, got in. From excessive self-will and pride and carelessness, in reliance on his powers of swimming, in which art he was unequalled, he was more determined than ever, and with a k͟hidmatīyya (Blochmann 252) and another servant, both of whom could swim, mounted a rock on the river bank and threw himself in. Immediately he fell, from the violent movement of the waves, he could not pull himself together or try to swim; to fall in and go were the same thing, and Suhrāb K.7 and the k͟hidmatīyya thus gave away the goods of their lives to the flood of destruction. The boatman,8 with a hundred difficulties, brought the boat of his being (himself) in safety to the shore. Mīrzā Rustam was much attached to this son. On hearing of this fatal news on the Pūnch road, he rent the robe of patience, and showed great agitation. With all his dependants, clothed in mourning garments, with head and feet bare, he came to wait on me. What shall I write of the grief of the mother? Although the Mīrzā has other sons, his heart was bound up in this one. His age was twenty-six years. In shooting with a gun he was an excellent pupil of his father, and knew well how to drive elephants and carriages. On the expedition to Gujarat he was often ordered to ride on the front part of my private elephant, and he was an active soldier.9

On Wednesday, the 6th, marching 3 koss, I pitched at the village of Rīwand. On Thursday, the 7th, crossing the kotal of Kuwārmat,10 which is the most difficult on this road (MS.), I alighted at the village of Wachaha (MS. and print differ). The distance of this stage is 4¼ koss. The kotal of Kuwārmat (Kulāmat in the MS.) is a difficult one, and is the last of the kotals on the road. On Friday, the 8th, having traversed nearly 4 koss, I halted at the village of Baltār.11 There was no kotal on this road. It was broad, and plain after plain, and mead after mead, of flowers. Sweet-smelling plants of narcissus, violet, and strange flowers that grow in this country, came to view. Among these flowers I saw (noticed especially) one extraordinary one. It had five or six orange flowers blooming with their heads downwards. From the middle of the flowers there came out some green leaves, as in the case12 of the pineapple (?). This is the būlānīk13 flower. There is another flower like the pūy (?), round which are small flowers of the shape and colour of the jessamine, some blue in colour and some red, with yellow points in the middle, exceedingly pretty in appearance: its name is “ladar pūs͟h.” They call it pūs͟h-i-ʿaliyyu-l-ʿumūm14 (the common pūs͟h?). There are many yellow arg͟hawān (Judas-trees) on the road as well. The flowers of Kashmīr are beyond counting and calculation. Which shall I write of? And how many can I describe? I have only mentioned the most remarkable. There is a waterfall on this road, very high and fine. It flows down from a high place. No other waterfall of such beauty was seen on the road. I delayed a moment at it, and filled my eye and heart with gazing on it from a high spot. On Saturday, the 9th, I marched 4¾ koss, and crossed over at Bāramūla.15 It is one of the noted towns of Kashmīr, and 14 koss16 distant from the city, situated on the bank of the Bihat. A number of the merchants of Kashmir live in it, and have built houses and mosques on the bank of the river, and spend their days in ease and contentment. According to orders, before the arrival of the host of prosperity, they had prepared decorated boats at the place. As17 the hour for entry (into Srinagar) had been fixed for Monday, when two watches of the day had passed, on Sunday, the 10th, I entered S͟hihābu-d-dīn-pūr. On this day Dilāwar K. Kākar, the Governor of Kashmir, came from Kis͟htwār,18 and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. He was exalted with various royal favours and all kinds of imperial gratifications. He had done his duty here in an acceptable manner, and it is hoped that the great Giver of favours may light up the foreheads of all my servants with honour.

Kis͟htwār is to the south of Kashmir. From the city of Kashmir (Srinagar) to the stage of Alkah (?),19 which is the capital of Kis͟htwār, the distance is 60 koss by measurement. On the 10th of the Ilāhī month of S͟hahriwar, in my 14th year, Dilāwar K., with 10,000 horse and foot, determined to conquer Kis͟htwār. He appointed his son, Ḥasan by name, with Gird ʿAlī Mīr-baḥr (admiral) to guard the city and administer the territory. And as Gohar Chak and Aiba Chak laid claim to Kashmir as heirs, and were stirring up strife in Kis͟htwār, and were wandering in the valley of confusion and ruin, he left Haibat, one of his brothers, with a force at Desū, which is near the kotal of Pīr Panjāl, by way of caution, and, dividing his forces at that place, he himself hastened with a force by the road of Sangīnpūr, sending his son Jalāl, with Naṣru-llah ʿArab, and ʿAlī Malik Kas͟hmīrī, and a band of Jahāngīrī servants by another road, and his elder son Jamāl with a band of zealous young men as an advanced guard to his own force. At the same time he placed two other forces to move forward on his right and left. As no horses could go on the road, by way of precaution he took some with him, but left nearly20 all his sipahis’ horses behind, and sent them to Kashmir (i.e., Srinagar). The young men girded the belt of duty on their waists, and went up the hills on foot. The g͟hāzīs of the army of Islam fought from post to post with the ill-fated unbelievers as far as Narkot, which was one of the enemy’s strongholds. There the corps of Jalāl and Jamāl, which had been sent by different roads, met, and the enemy, not having the power to oppose them, took to flight. The brave ones who offered their lives traversed many ups and downs with the courage of determination, and hastened on to the Mārū river. On the bank of that river the fire of slaughter was lighted, and the g͟hāzīs of the army of Islam displayed approved activity. The ill-fated Aiba Chak, with many of the people of ruin, were slain. By the death of Aiba the Raja became powerless and without heart, and took the road of flight, and, crossing by the bridge, stopped at Bhandarkoṭ, which is on the other side. A band of the brave ones (bahādurān) quickly advanced, wishing to cross the bridge. A great fight took place at its head, and some of the young men attained to martyrdom. In this way for twenty days and nights the servants of the Court tried to cross the river, and the unbelievers of darkened fortune did not fail to attack and try to drive them back, until Dilāwar K., after establishing thānas and arranging for the commissariat, arrived with his army. The Raja, by way of stratagem and vulpine trickery, sent his Vakils to Dilāwar K., and begged that he might send his brother with offerings to the Court, so that when his offences obtained pardon, and his mind were freed from fear and trouble, he could also himself proceed to the Court, the refuge of the world, and kiss the threshold. Dilāwar K. did not lend his ear to these deceitful words, and did not throw away from his hand the coin of opportunity. He dismissed the envoys of the Raja without the attainment of their object, and made every exertion to cross the bridge. His eldest son Jamāl, with a band of the crocodiles of the sea of bravery and valour, went up the river, and by bravely swimming it although swollen crossed over, and engaged in a fierce battle with the enemy. The devoted servants of the Court made an attack from the other side, and made matters tight for these ruined people. These, when they found they had no longer the strength to oppose them, broke down the planking of the bridge, and took to flight. The victorious servants made the bridge strong again, and transported the remainder of the army. Dilāwar K͟hān drew up his forces at Bhandarkoṭ. From the aforesaid river (the Mārū) to the Chenāb, which is a strong support of these unfortunate people, is a distance of two bow-shots, and on the bank of the Chenāb there is a lofty hill. The crossing of the water is a difficult matter, and, with a view to the coming and going of people on foot, they attach strong ropes, and place planks of the width of a cubit between two ropes, and fasten one rope’s end to the top of the hill, and the other on the other side of the water. Then they attach two other ropes a gaz higher than these, that foot-passengers may place their feet on the planks, and, taking hold of the upper ropes, may descend from the top of the hill to the bottom, and so cross the river. This bridge they call zampa, in the language of the people of the hill country. Wherever they apprehended that a rope bridge might be constructed, they stationed musketeers and archers and men-at-arms, and so felt secure. Dilāwar K. made rafts (jhāla), and, placing on them eighty of his valiant young men, sent them across the river at night. As the water was flowing with great violence, the rafts were carried down by the flood of destruction, and sixty-eight of these gallant men were drowned in the sea of non-existence, and obtained the renown of martyrdom, whilst ten, by the aid of swimming, reached the shore of safety (i.e., returned), and two on the other side became prisoners in the hands of the infidels. In short, for four months and ten days Dilāwar K͟hān, having planted the foot of courage at Bhandarkoṭ, made endeavours to cross over; but the arrow of stratagem did not reach the target of intent until a Zamindar pointed out a place which the enemy had no idea of. There, having constructed a zampah, in the heart of night, Jalāl, Dilāwar K.’s son, with some of the servants of the Court and a band of Afghans, about 200 in number, crossed over in safety, made unawares in the morning an attack on the Raja, and blew loudly the trumpets of victory. A few who were around and before the Raja rushed out, bewildered, half asleep and half awake, and most of them became the harvest of the blood-drinking sword, while the rest quickly withdrew themselves from that whirlpool of calamity. In that encounter one of the soldiers came upon the Raja, and wished to finish him with a sword. He called out: “I am the Raja; take me alive to Dilāwar K͟hān.” The men rushed on him and made him prisoner. After the Raja was made prisoner, his people all fled. When Dilāwar K͟hān heard this good news of victory, he prostrated himself in thankfulness to Allah, and, having crossed the river with the victorious army, came to Mandal Badr,21 which was the capital of the country, and is 3 koss from the river. The daughter22 of Sangrām Raja of Jammu, and the daughter of the abandoned Sūraj Mal, s. Rāja Bāso, were in the Raja’s house (i.e., married to him). By Sangrām’s daughter he had children. Before the victory he had, by way of caution, sent his family for refuge to the Raja of Jaswāl and other Zamindars. When my victorious retinue approached, Dilāwar K͟hān, according to order, took the Raja with him, and came to kiss the threshold, leaving Naṣru-llah ʿArab with a body of horse and foot to guard the country.

In Kis͟htwār there are produced much wheat, barley, lentils, millet, and pulse. Differing from Kashmir, it produces little rice. Its saffron is finer than that of Kashmir. About a hundred hawks and falcons are caught there (annually). Oranges, citrons, and water-melons of the finest kind are obtained. Its melons are of the same kind as those of Kashmir, and other fruits, such as grapes, apricots, peaches, and sour pears, are grown. If they were cultivated, it is possible they would improve. A coin23 of the name of sanhasī24 is a relic of the old rulers of Kashmir, one and a half of which equal a rupee. In their business transactions they reckon fifteen sanhasī, or ten rupees, as one pāds͟hāhī muhar. They call two seers of Hindustani weight a man (maund). It is not the custom for the Raja to take revenue from cultivation; he takes annually six sanhasī—that is, four rupees—from each house. All the saffron is assigned, as pay, to a body of Rajputs and to 700 musketeers (tūpchī) who are old retainers. When the saffron is sold, four rupees per maund, or two seers, are taken from the purchaser. The whole income of the Raja consists of fines, and for a small offence he takes a heavy sum. From whomsoever is wealthy and in comfortable circumstances the Raja, on some pretext, clears out all that he has. From all sources his income is about Rs. 100,000. In time of war 6,000 or 7,000 men on foot collect together; there are but few horses among them. The Raja and the chief men have about fifty between them. I bestowed a year’s revenue on Dilāwar K. by way of reward. By conjecture, his jagir was worth about 1,000 personal and 1,000 horse, according to the Jahāngīrī rules. When the chief diwans calculate the allowances to the jagirdars, the exact amount will be ascertained.

On Monday, the 11th, after two watches and four gharis had passed, the royal cortege alighted auspiciously and happily at the buildings lately erected on the bank of the lake (the Dal lake). By order of my father, a very strong fort of stone and lime had been built. It is not quite completed, one side being unfinished. It is hoped that hereafter it will be completed. From Ḥasan Abdāl to Kashmir by the road I came is a distance of 75 koss; this was accomplished in nineteen marches and six halts—that is, in twenty-five days. From Agra to Kashmir, in the space of 168 days, a distance of 376 koss was traversed in 102 marches and 63 halts. By land25 and the ordinary route the distance is 304½ koss.

On Tuesday, the 12th, Dilāwar K., according to order, brought the Raja26 of Kis͟htwār, chained, into my presence, and did homage. He (the Raja) is not wanting in dignity. His dress is after the Indian fashion, and he knows both the Hindi and the Kashmiri languages. Contrary to other Zamindars of these regions, he looked like the inhabitant of a town. I told him that, notwithstanding his offences, if he would bring his sons to Court, he should be released from confinement, and might live at ease under the shadow of the eternal State, or else he would be imprisoned in one of the forts of Hindustan. He said that he would bring his people, his family, and his sons to wait on me, and was hopeful of my clemency.

I shall now give a brief account of the country of Kashmir and of its peculiarities.

Kashmir27 belongs to the fourth climate. Its latitude is 35° N., and its longitude, from the White Islands, 105°. In old times the country was in the possession of Rajas. Their dynasty lasted for 4,000 years. An account of them, and a list of their names, are given in the Rāja-tarang, which, by my father’s order, was translated28 from the Sanskrit (Hindi in text) into Persian. In the Hijrī year 712 (1312–13) Kashmir was illumined by the religion of Islam. Thirty-two Muhammadan princes reigned over it for 282 years, until, in 994 (1586), my father conquered it. From that date till now, being a period of thirty-five years, the country has been in the possession of the Crown. Kashmir, from the Pass of Būlīyāsa29 to Qambarbar, is 56 Jahāngīrī koss long, and its breadth is never more than 27 koss, or less than 10 koss. S͟haik͟h Abū-l-Faẓl has, in the Akbar-nāma, stated, by guess and conjecture, that the length of Kashmir from the Kis͟han Gangā to Qambarbar is 120 koss, and its breadth from 10 to 25 koss. I, out of prudence and caution, appointed a number of trustworthy and intelligent men to measure the length and breadth with ropes (t̤anāb). The result was that what the S͟haik͟h wrote as 120 koss came out as 67. As it is agreed that the boundary of a country is the place up to which people speak the language of that country, it follows that the boundary of Kashmir is Būlīyāsa, which is 11 koss on this side (i.e., east) of the Kis͟han Gangā. So, according to the preceding figures, the length of Kashmir is 56 (67 - 11) koss. The variations in breadth were found to be not more than 2 koss. The koss30 which is in use during my reign is that prescribed by my father. That is, a koss is 5,000 yards, and the yard is 2 s͟harʿī yards, each of the latter (yards) being 24 digits31 (angus͟ht̤). Wherever the koss or gaz is mentioned, the reference is to the above koss and the above gaz. The name of the city is Srīnagar, and the Bihat river flows through the midst of it. They call its fountain-head Vīr-nāg.32 It is 14 koss to the south. By my order they have made a building and a garden at that source. There have been built in the city four very strong stone and wooden bridges, over which people come and go. They call a bridge in the language of this country kadal. There is a very lofty mosque in the city, one of the marks of Sult̤ān Sikandar,33 made in 795 (1393). After a time it was burnt, but was rebuilt by Sult̤ān Ḥusain. It had not been completed when the mansion of his life fell down. In 909 (1503–04) Ibrāhīm Māqrī, Vizier of Sult̤ān Ḥusain, finished it handsomely. From that day till now it is 120 years since it has been in existence. From the Miḥrāb to the eastern wall it is 145 yards, and its breadth is 144 yards, containing four (t̤āq) alcoves. On all sides of the hall they have erected beautiful cloisters and pillars. In short, no better memorial of the rulers of Kashmir has been left than this. Mīr Sayyid ʿAlī of Hamadan (may his grave be sanctified!) was for some time in this city. There is a monastery34 to his memory. Near the city there are two35 large lakes full of water all the year round. Their flavour36 does not vary; they are the means for coming and going of the people, and for the conveyance of grain and firewood on boats. In the city and parganas there are 5,700 boats, with 7,40037 boatmen. The country of Kashmir has thirty-eight parganas. It is divided into two provinces; the territory on the upper part of the river they call Marrāj, and that on the lower Kāmrāj. It is not the custom to use gold and silver for payment of the revenue from land or in commerce, except for a portion of the cesses (sāʾir-jihāt).38 They reckon the value of things in k͟harwārs of rice, each k͟harwār being three maunds and eight seers of the current weight. The Kashmiris reckon two seers as one maund, and four maunds, or eight seers, make one tark. The revenue of Kashmir is 30,63,050 k͟harwārs and 11 tarks, which in cash represents 7,46,70,000 dāms. Ordinarily it maintains 8,500 horse. It is very difficult to enter Kashmir. The routes by Bhimbhar39 and Paklī are the best. Though that by Bhimbhar is the shorter, yet if one wishes to find spring in Kashmir, he is confined to the road by Paklī, for the other roads at this season are blocked with snow. If one were to take to praise Kashmir, whole books would have to be written. Accordingly a mere summary will be recorded.

Kashmir is a garden40 of eternal spring, or an iron fort to a palace of kings—a delightful flower-bed, and a heart-expanding heritage for dervishes. Its pleasant meads and enchanting cascades are beyond all description. There are running streams and fountains beyond count. Wherever the eye reaches, there are verdure and running water. The red rose, the violet, and the narcissus grow of themselves; in the fields, there are all kinds of flowers and all sorts of sweet-scented herbs more than can be calculated. In the soul-enchanting spring the hills and plains are filled with blossoms; the gates, the walls, the courts, the roofs, are lighted up by the torches of banquet-adorning tulips. What shall we say of these things or of the wide meadows (julgahā) and the fragrant trefoil?

The finest inflorescence is that of the almond and the peach. Outside the hill-country the commencement of blossoming is the 1st Isfandārmuẕ (February 10). In the territory of Kashmir it is 1st Farwardīn (March 10), and in the city gardens it is the 9th and 10th of that month, and the end of their blooming joins on to the commencement of that of the blue jessamine. In attendance on my revered father I frequently went round the saffron fields, and beheld the spectacle of the autumn. Thank God that on this occasion I beheld the beauties42 of the spring. The beauties of the autumn shall be described in their place. The buildings of Kashmir are all of wood; they make them two-, three-, and four-storied, and covering the roofs with earth, they plant bulbs of the chaug͟hās͟hī43 tulip, which blooms year after year in the spring season, and is exceedingly beautiful. This custom is peculiar to the people of Kashmir. This year, in the little garden44 of the palace and on the roof of the chief mosque, the tulips blossomed luxuriantly. There are many blue jessamines in the gardens, and the white jessamines that the people of India call chambīlī are sweet-scented. Another kind is of the colour of sandal-wood, and this is also very sweet-scented. This is special to Kashmir. I saw several sorts of red roses: one is specially sweet-scented, and another is a flower of the colour of sandal (light yellow), with an exceedingly delicate scent. It (the scent?) is of the nature of (that of) the red rose, and its stem is like that of the red rose. There are two kinds of lilies. That which is grown in gardens is vigorous (bālīda) and fresh (lit. green) coloured, the other is a wild kind. Although the latter has less colour it is very sweet-scented. The flower of the Jaʿfarī45 (a yellow flower) is large and sweet-scented; its stem is above a man’s height, but in some years, when it has grown large and has flowered, a worm is produced, and spreads over the flower a kind of spider’s web, and destroys it and dries up its stem. This year it has so happened. The flowers that are seen in the territories of Kashmir are beyond all calculation. Those that Nādiru-l-ʿaṣrī Ustād Manṣūr,46 has painted are more than 100. Before my father’s time there were no s͟hāh-ālū (cherries).47 Muḥammad48 Qulī Afs͟hār brought them from Kabul and planted them, and there are now ten or fifteen fruit-bearing trees. There were also some apricot-trees. The aforesaid made them known in this country, and now there are many of them. In fact, the apricot49 of Kashmir is good. There was a tree in the S͟hahr-ārā garden at Kabul, called Mīrzāʾī, better fruit than which I had not eaten, but in Kashmir there are trees equal to this in the gardens. There are pears (nās͟hpātī) of the best kind, better than those of Kabul, or Badakhshan, and nearly equal to those of Samarkand. The apples of Kashmir are celebrated for their goodness. The guavas (amrūd) are middling. Grapes are plentiful, but most of them are harsh and inferior, and the pomegranates are not worth much. Water-melons of the best kind can be obtained. The melons are very sweet and creased, (? s͟hikananda)50, but for the most part when they become ripe a worm is found in them that spoils them. If by chance they are preserved from this misfortune they are very delicate. There are no s͟hāh-tūt51 (some kind of large mulberry), but there are other (tūt) mulberries everywhere. From the foot of every mulberry-tree a vine-creeper grows52 up. In fact, the mulberries of Kashmir are not fit to eat, with the exception of some on trees grown in gardens, but the leaves are used to feed the silkworm. They bring the silkworms’ eggs from Gilgit and Tibet. There is plenty of wine and vinegar, but the wine is sour and inferior, and in the Kashmir language is called mas. After they take cups of it some heat of head ensues. They make various pickles with the vinegar. As the garlic of Kashmir is good, the best pickle is that of garlic. There are all kinds of crops except peas. If they sow peas, they give a crop the first year, in the second they are inferior, and in the third year they are like mus͟hang.53 Rice is the principal crop. Probably there are three parts under rice and one under all other grains. The chief food of the people of Kashmir is rice, but it is inferior. They boil it fresh,54 and allow it to get cold, and then eat it, and call it batha. It is not usual to take their food warm, but people of small means keep a portion of the batha for a night, and eat it next day. Salt is brought from India. It is not the custom to put salt into the batha. They boil vegetables in water, and throw in a little salt in order to alter the flavour, and then eat them along with the batha. Those who want to have something tasty put a little walnut-oil into the vegetables. Walnut-oil soon becomes bitter and evil-flavoured. They also use cow-oil (raug͟han—i.e., ghi), but this is taken fresh, and fresh from newly-made butter (maska). They throw this into the food, and call it “sadā-pāk” in the Kashmiri language. As the atmosphere is cold and damp, it becomes altered by being kept for three or four days. There are no buffaloes, and the cattle are small and inferior. The wheat55 is small and of little substance (kam mag͟hz). It is not the custom to eat bread (nān). There are tailless sheep, resembling the kadī56 (or gaddī) of India. They are called handū, and their flesh is not without flavour. Fowls, geese, and ducks (murg͟hābī)—golden and others—are plentiful. There are all kinds of fish, both with and without scales, but they are inferior. The woollen cloths are well known. Men and women wear a woollen tunic (kurtā), and call it paṭṭū. If they do not put on a tunic, they believe that the air affects them, and even that it is impossible to digest their food without it. The shawls of Kashmir, to which my father gave the name of parm-narm, are very famous: there is no need to praise them. Another kind is taharma (naharma in the printed version); it is thicker than a shawl, and soft.57 Another is called darma. It is like a jul-i-k͟hirsak,58 and is put over carpets. With the exception of shawls they make other woollen materials better in Tibet. Though they bring the wool for the shawls from Tibet they do not make them there. The wool for shawls comes from a goat which is peculiar to Tibet. In Kashmir they weave the paṭṭū shawl from wool, and sewing two shawls together they smooth them into a kind of saqarlāt (broad-cloth), which is not bad for a rain-coat. The men of Kashmir shave the head and put on a round turban, and the common women do not wear clean, washed clothes. They use a tunic of paṭṭū for three or four years; they bring it unwashed from the house of the weaver, and sew it into a tunic, and it does not reach the water till it falls to pieces. It is considered wrong to wear drawers (izār); they wear the tunic long and ample as far as the head and falling down to the feet, and they also wear59 a belt. Although most of the houses are on the river-bank not a drop of water touches their bodies. In short, they are as dirty outside as inside, without any cleanliness. In the time of Mīrzā Ḥaidar there were many skilled people there. They were skilled in music, and their lutes, dulcimers, harps, drums, and flutes were celebrated. In former times they had a musical instrument like a lute, and used to sing in the Kas͟hmīrī language compositions according to Hindi musical modes, there being even two or three modes combined together. Moreover, many sing together in chorus. In fact, Kashmir is much indebted to Mīrzā Ḥaidar for its excellencies. Before the reign of my father the chief method by which the people of these parts rode was on gūnts (ponies). They had no large horses, but used to bring ʿIrāq and Turki horses by way of rare gifts for their rulers. Gūnt means a yābū60 (pony). They have thick shoulders, and are low in the body. They are common in other of the hill-countries of India. For the most part they are vicious61 and hard-mouthed. When this God-created flower-garden acquired eternal beauty under the auspices of the State, and by the blessing of the teaching of the Alexander-minded K͟hāqān, many of the Aimāqs (cavalry) were presented with jagirs in this Subah, and herds of ʿIrāqī and Turkī horses were given them to breed from (kih kurra bagīrand). The soldiers also brought horses62 on their own account, and in a short time horses were obtainable, so that many Kashmiri horses were bought and sold for 200 and Rs. 300, and even for Rs. 1,000.

The merchants and artificers of this country are mostly Sunnis, while the soldiers are Imāmiyya Shias. There is also the sect of Nūr-bak͟hs͟hīs.63 There is also a body of Faqirs whom they call Rīs͟hīs.64 Though they have not religious knowledge or learning of any sort, yet they possess simplicity, and are without pretence. They abuse no one, they restrain the tongue of desire, and the foot of seeking; they eat no flesh, they have no wives, and always plant fruit-bearing trees in the fields, so that men may benefit by them, themselves deriving no advantage. There are about 2,000 of these people. There is also a body of brahmans living from of old in this country, who still remain there and talk in the Kashmiri tongue. Outwardly one cannot distinguish them from Mussulmans. They have, however, books in the Sanskrit language, and read them. They carry into practice whatever relates to the worship of idols. Sanskrit is a language in which the learned of India have composed books, and esteem them greatly. The lofty idol temples which were built before the manifestation of Islam are still in existence, and are all built of stones, which from foundation to roof are large, and weigh 30 or 40 maunds, placed one on the other. Near the city there is a small hill which they call Kūh-i-Mārān65 (“The Wicked Hill,” Lawrence, 298), as well as Harī Parbat. On the east side of the hill there is the Dal Lake, which measures round a little more than 6½ koss.66 My father (may the lights of Allah be his testimony!) gave an order that they should build in this place a very strong fort of stone and lime; this has been nearly completed during the reign of this suppliant, so that the little hill has been brought into the midst of the fortifications, and the wall of the fort built round it. The lake is close to the fort, and the palace overlooks the water. In the palace there was a little garden, with a small building in it in which my revered father used constantly to sit. At this period it appeared to me to be very much out of order and ruinous. As it was the place where that veritable qibla (place turned towards in prayer) and visible Deity used to sit, and it is really a place of prostration for this suppliant, therefore its neglected state did not appear right to me. I ordered Muʿtamid K., who is a servant who knows my temperament, to make every effort to put the little garden in order and repair the buildings. In a short space of time, through his great assiduity, it acquired new beauty. In the garden he put up a lofty terrace 32 yards square, in three divisions (qit̤ʾa), and having repaired the building he adorned it with pictures by masterhands, and so made it the envy of the picture gallery of China. I called this garden Nūr-afzā (light increasing).

On Friday, the 15th of the Divine month of Farwardīn, two qut̤ās oxen, out of the offerings of the Zamindar of Tibet, were brought before me. In form and appearance they closely resemble the buffalo. All the limbs are covered with wool which properly belongs to animals in a cold country. For instance, the rang goats (ibex), which they brought from the country of Bhakkar (Sind) and the hill-country of the Garmsīr (in Afghanistan) were very handsome, and had but little wool, and those that are met with in these hills, on account of the excessive cold and snow, are covered with hair and ugly. The Kashmiris call the rang kapal.67 On this day they brought a musk deer as an offering. As I had not tasted its flesh, I ordered it to be cooked; it appeared very tasteless and bad for food. The flesh of no other wild animal is so inferior. The musk-bag when fresh has no scent, but when it is left for some days and becomes dry, it is sweet-scented. The female has no musk-bag. In these two or three days I frequently embarked in a boat, and was delighted to go68 round and look at the flowers of Phāk and S͟hālamār. Phāk is the name of a pargana situated on the other side of the lake. S͟hālamār is near the lake. It has a pleasant stream, which comes down from the hills, and flows into the Dal Lake. I bade my son K͟hurram dam it up and make a waterfall, which it would be a pleasure to behold. This place is one of the sights of Kashmir.

On Sunday, the 17th, a strange affair took place. S͟hāh S͟hujāʿ was playing in the buildings of the palace. By chance there was a window with a screen in front of it looking towards the river. They had put a screen in front, but had not fastened the door, and the prince in play went towards the window to look out. As soon as he arrived there he fell headlong. By chance they had laid down a carpet below the wall, and a farrās͟h (carpet-spreader) was sitting near it. The child’s head fell on this carpet, and his feet on the back and shoulders of the farrās͟h, and so came to the ground. Though the height was 7 yards69 (daraʿ), the compassion of God, the Great and Glorious, came to his aid, and the carpet and the farrās͟h became the means of saving his life. God forbid, but if it had not been so it would have been a serious matter for him. At the time Rāy Mān, the head of the K͟hidmatiyya70 piyādas, was standing below the jharoka. He immediately ran and picked him up, and holding him in his arms, was taking him upstairs. In that condition he asked: “Whither are you carrying me?” He replied: “Into the presence of His Majesty.” Then weakness overcame him, and he could speak no more. I was lying down when this alarming news reached me, and ran out in a state of bewilderment. When I saw him in this state my senses forsook me, and for a long time holding him in my affectionate embrace I was distracted with this favour from Allah. When a child of four years of age falls headlong from a place ten ordinary (s͟harʿī) gaz in height, and no harm happens to his limbs, it is a cause for amazement. Having performed my prostrations for this fresh act of goodness, I distributed alms, and ordered that deserving people and the poor who lived in the city should be brought before me in order that I might assure them their means of livelihood. A strange thing was that three or four months before this event Jotik Rāy, the astrologer, who is one of the most skilled of the class in astrology, had represented to me, without any intermediary, that it was predicted from the Prince’s horoscope that these three or four months were unpropitious to him, and it was possible he might fall down from some high place, but that the dust of calamity would not settle on the skirt of his life. As his prognostications had repeatedly proved correct, this dread dwelt in my mind, and on these dangerous roads and difficult mountain passes I was never for a moment forgetful of that nursling of the parterre of Fortune. I continually kept him in sight, and took the greatest precautions with regard to him. When I arrived in Kashmir this unavoidable71 catastrophe occurred. His nurses (anagahā) and wet-nurses must have been very careless. God be praised that it ended well!

In the garden of ʿAis͟hābād72 (abode of pleasure) I saw a tree which had numerous73 blossoms. They were very large and beautiful, but the apples that the tree produced were bitter.

As excellent service had been done by Dilāwar K. Kākar, I promoted him to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse, and also conferred mansabs on his sons. S͟haik͟h Farīd, s. Qut̤bu-d-dīn K. was raised to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 400 horse. The mansab of Sar-barāh K. was ordered to be 700 personal and 250 horse, and I promoted Nūru-llah Kurkīrāq (in charge of furriery?) to that of 600 personal and 100 horse, bestowing on him the title of Tas͟hrīf K. The offerings of Thursday, the 21st, were handed over as a reward to Qiyām K., the chief huntsman. As Allah-dād Afghan, s. the Tārīkī,74 had repented of his evil deeds and come to Court at the request of Iʿtmādu-d-daula I pardoned his offences; the signs of disgrace and shame were evident on his forehead and, according to the previous arrangement, I bestowed on him the mansab of 2,500 and 200 horse. Mīrak Jalāyir, one of the auxiliaries of Bengal, was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 400 horse.

As it was reported that the jūg͟hāsī (i.e., black) tulips were in good bloom on the roof of the Jāmiʿ mosque, on Saturday, the 23rd, I went to see them. In truth, one side of that flower-garden was very beautiful. The parganas of Mau75 and Mihrī (?) (text has Maud Mihrī), which previously to this had been granted to Rāja Bāso, and afterwards continued to his rebel son Sūraj Mal, were now bestowed on Jagat Singh, his brother, who had not obtained the tīka (mark of royal succession), and I gave the pargana of Jammū to Rāja Sangrām. On Monday, the 1st of Urdībihis͟ht, I went to the house of K͟hurram, and entered his bath-house, and when I came out he presented his offerings. Of these I accepted a trifle in order to please him. On Thursday, the 4th, Mīr Jumla was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 personal and 300 horse. On Sunday, the 7th, I rode to the village of Chārdara,76 which is the native country of Ḥaidar Malik, to hunt partridges. In truth this is a very pleasant spot of ground, and has flowing streams and lofty plane-trees. At his request I gave it the name of Nūrpūr77 (city of light). On the road there was a tree78 called halthal; when one takes one of the branches and shakes it, the whole of the tree comes into movement. The common people believe that this movement is peculiar to that tree. By chance in the said village I saw another tree of the same kind, which was in similar movement, and I ascertained that it was common to that species of tree, and not confined to one tree. In the village of Rāwalpūr, 2½ koss from the city towards Hindustan, there is a plane-tree, burnt in the inside. Twenty-five years before this, when I myself was riding on a horse, with five other saddled horses and two eunuchs, we went inside it. Whenever I had chanced to mention this people were surprised. This time I again ordered some of the men to go inside, and what I had in my mind came to pass in the same manner. It has been noted in the Akbar-nāma that my father took79 thirty-four people inside and made them stand close to each other.

On this day it was represented to me that Prithī-chand, s. Rāy Manohar, who was one of the auxiliaries of the army against Kāngṛa, had sacrificed his life in a useless (bī-ṣarfa80) battle with the enemy.

On Thursday, the 11th, certain servants of the State were promoted in the following manner: Tātār K. to 2,000 personal and 500 horse; ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz K. to 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse; Debī Chand of Gwalior to 1,500 personal and 500 horse; Mīr K͟hān, s. Abū-l-Qāsim K. Namakīn to 1,000 personal and 600 horse; Mīrzā Muḥammad to 700 personal and 300 horse; Lut̤fu-llah to 300 personal and 500 horse; Naṣru-llah ʿArab to 500 personal and 250 horse; and Tahawwur K. was appointed to the faujdārship of Mewāt. On Thursday, the 25th, Sayyid Bāyazīd Buk͟hārī, faujdār of Bhakkar, raised his head of honour with the Subadarship of Sind, and his mansab, original and increased, was fixed at 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse, and he was also presented with a standard. S͟hajāʿat K. ʿArab obtained the honour of exaltation to the mansab of 2,500 personal and 2,000 horse. Anīrāʾī Singh-dalan, at the request of Mahābat K., was appointed to Bangash. Jān-sipār K. was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse.

At this time, on the representation of the Commander-in-Chief, K͟hān-K͟hānān, and all the loyal people, it was shown to me that ʿAmbar, the black-fated one (he was an Abyssinian), had again placed his foot beyond the bounds of good behaviour, and had, according to his nature, laid a foundation for trouble and sedition, and as the victorious army had proceeded to a distant part of the country, he, considering it a good opportunity, had broken the pledges he had given to the servants of the Court, and had stretched out his hand to take possession of royal territory. It is hoped that he will soon be entangled in the disgrace of his deeds. As he (the Commander-in-Chief) had asked for treasure, it was ordered that the diwans of Agra should send Rs. 20,00,000 to the Commander-in-Chief. Close upon this news came that the Amirs had left their posts, and come together to Dārāb K., and that the Bargīs81 (the Mahrattas) were surrounding his camp, and that K͟hanjar K. had taken refuge in Aḥmadnagar. Two or three battles had already taken place between the rebels and the servants of the Court, and each time the enemy had been defeated, and many of them killed. On the last occasion Dārāb K., taking with him well-mounted young men, attacked the rebels’ camp. A fierce battle ensued, and the enemy being defeated turned the face of ruin towards the valley of flight. Their camp had been plundered, and the victorious army had returned in safety to their camp. As difficulty and distress had fallen on the victorious army, those who were loyal came to the conclusion that they should go down by the Pass of Rohangaṛh82 and remain below the ghāt, so that forage and grain might be easily obtained, and the men not incur any labour or distress. Having no choice, they prepared the army of prosperity at Bālāpūr, and the rebels of black fortune, with impertinence and importunity, appeared near Bālāpūr. Rāja Bīr Singh Deo, with some of the devoted servants, plucking up courage in order to beat back the enemy, slew many of them. An Abyssinian of the name of Manṣūr, who was in the rebel army, fell into their hands, and although they wished to put him on an elephant (see Iqbāl-nāma 161, the text wrongly has zīr “under”), he would not agree, and was insolent.83 Rāja Bīr Singh Deo ordered them to separate his head from his body. It is hoped that the circling sphere will lay the recompense of improper deeds on the skirt of life of all who do not recognize the right.

On the 3rd Urdībihis͟ht I rode to see the Sukh Nāg.84 It is a beautiful summer residence (īlāq). This waterfall is in the midst of a valley, and flows down from a lofty place. There was still ice on its sides. The entertainment of Thursday was arranged for in that flower-land, and I was delighted at drinking my usual cups on the edge of the water. In this stream I saw a bird like a sāj.85 A sāj is of a black colour and has white spots, while this bird is of the same colour as a bulbul with white spots, and it dives and remains for a long time underneath, and then comes up from a different place. I ordered them to catch and bring two or three of these birds, that I might ascertain whether they were waterfowl and were web-footed, or had open feet like land birds. They caught two and brought them. One died immediately, and the other lived for a day. Its feet were not webbed like a duck’s. I ordered Nādiru-l-ʿaṣr Ustād Manṣūr to draw its likeness. The Kashmiris call it galkar86—that is, “water sāj.”

On this day the Qāẓī and the Chief Justice represented to me that ʿAbdu-l-Wahhāb, the son of Ḥakīm ʿAlī, claimed Rs. 80,000 from the Sayyids of Lahore, and produced a bond with the seal of Qāẓī Nūru-llah. He said that his father had placed that sum in deposit with Sayyid Walī, the father of these men, who denied it.87 If an order were given, the Ḥakīm’s son, by way of caution,88 would swear an oath on the Qoran, and would take what was his due from them. I told them to do whatever was right by the Divine Law. The next day Muʿtamid K͟hān represented that the Sayyids showed great humility and submissiveness. The matter was a complicated89 one. The greater reflection shown in ascertaining the truth in the matter the better. I accordingly ordered that Āṣaf K. should take exceeding trouble and forethought in ascertaining the truth of this quarrel, and point out such a way (of unravelling it) that no doubt whatever should remain. With all this, if it could not be cleared up, I would examine them in my own presence. Immediately he heard these words, the Ḥakīm’s son lost both his hands and his heart in the affair, and made a number of his friends intercessors, and proposed a withdrawal. His representation was that if the Sayyids would not90 refer the matter to Āṣaf K. he would give a release, and that hereafter he would have no right against nor claim from them. Whenever Āṣaf K. sent to fetch him, as he was a low deceiver, he passed his time in making excuses, and did not appear until he handed over the deed of release to one of his friends, and the true state of affairs became evident to Āṣaf K. They brought him by force into the place of examination, and, having no choice, he confessed that the deed had been prepared by one of his servants, who himself witnessed it, and had misled him. He gave a writing to this effect. When Āṣaf K. informed me of the real state of matters, I took away his mansab and jagir, and cast him out of my presence, and gave the Sayyids leave to return to Lahore in all honour and respect.

On Mubārak-s͟hamba (Thursday), the 8th of K͟hūrdād, Iʿtiqād K͟hān was promoted to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 1,500 horse, and Ṣādiq K͟hān to that of 2,500 personal and 1,400 horse. Zainu-l-ʿābidīn, son of the deceased Āṣaf K͟hān (Jaʿfar), was promoted to be Bakhshi of Aḥadīs. Rāja Bīr Singh Deo Bandīla raised his head of honour with the high mansab of 5,000 personal and horse.

In Kashmir the most juicy(?) fruit is the as͟hkan(?) (askamī in the MSS.). It is subacid (mai-k͟hūs͟h), smaller than the ālū bālū (sour cherry), much better flavoured, and more delicate. When drinking wine, one cannot eat more than three or four ālū bālū, but of these one can take as many as a hundred in twenty-four hours, especially of the paiwandī(?) sort. I ordered that the as͟hkan should hereafter be called the k͟hūs͟hkan. It grows in the hills of Badakhshan and in Khurasan; the people there call it jamdamī. The largest of them weigh ½ mis̤qāl. The s͟hāh-ālū (cherry), on the 4th Urdībihis͟ht, appeared of the size of a grain of pulse; on the 27th it reddened, and on the 15th K͟hūrdād it was ripe, and new fruit (nau-bar) had formed(?). The s͟hāh-ālū (cherry), to my taste, is better than most fruits. Four trees had borne fruit in the Nūr-afzā garden. I called one of these S͟hīrīn-bār, the second K͟hūs͟h-guwār, the third, which bore the most fruit, Pur-bār, and the fourth, which had less, Kam-bār. One tree in K͟hurram’s garden had also borne fruit, and I called it S͟hāhwār. There was a young plant in the little garden of ʿIs͟hrat-afzā (joy enhancing), and this I called Nau-bār (new fruit). Every day I plucked with my own hand sufficient to give a flavour to my cups. Although they sent them by runners from Kabul as well, yet to pick them oneself from one’s home garden gave additional sweetness. The s͟hāh-ālū of Kashmir is not inferior to that of Kabul; it is even better grown. The largest of them weighed one tānk, five surk͟hs.

On Tuesday, the 21st, Pāds͟hāh91 Bānū Begam died (became a sitter in the bridal chamber of the permanent world), and grief for this heart-rending event laid a heavy load on my mind. I hope that Almighty God may give her a place near his own forgiveness. A strange thing is—that Jotik Rāy, the astrologer, two months before this, had informed some of my servants that one of the chief sitters in the harem of chastity would hasten to the hidden abode of non-existence. He had discovered this from the horoscope of my destiny, and it fell out accordingly.

One of the events (that now took place) was the martyrdom of Sayyid ʿIzzat92 K. and of Jalāl K. Gakhar in the army of Bangash. The particulars of this are that when the season for the collection of revenue arrived, Mahābat K. appointed a force to go into the hill-country to eat up the crops of the Afghans, and not omit one tittle of raiding and plundering, and killing and binding. When the servants of the Court arrived at the foot of the Pass the ill-fated Afghans attacked them from all sides, and took the head of the Pass, and fortified it. Jalāl K., who was an experienced man, and an old man that had undergone labours, thought it better to delay for a few days, so that the Afghans might expend the few days’ provisions they had brought with them on their backs, and necessarily disperse of their own accord; that then his men would be able to cross with ease over the head of the difficult Pass. When he once passed the head of the defile they would be unable to do any more, and would be punished. ʿIzzat K., who was a battle-lighting flame and a foe-burning lightning, did not fall in with Jalāl K.’s idea, and excited the steed of courage of some of the Sayyids of Bārha. The Afghans, swarming round on all sides, like ants and locusts, attacked him, and caught him in their midst. Though the battlefield was not fit for cavalry, yet wherever the forehead of his wrath shone, he consumed many with the fire of his sword. In the midst of the fighting they hamstringed his horse, but he fought on foot and as long as he had breath, and at last fell bravely. At the time when ʿIzzat K. made his attack, Jalāl K. Gakhar93 and Masʿūd, s. Aḥmad Beg K., and Bīzan (or Bīzhan), s. Nād ʿAlī Maidānī, and other servants, lost restraint, and rushed on from all sides of the pass, and the rebels seized the tops of the hills, and fought with stones and arrows. The devoted young men, both of the servants of the Court and the retainers of Mahābat K., performed the duties of valour, and slaughtered many of the Afghans. In this contest Jalāl K. and Masʿūd, with many other brave men, sacrificed their lives. Owing to the rashness of ʿIzzat K. such a disaster as this befell the Imperial army.

When Mahābat K. heard this fearful news, he sent a fresh body of men to assist, and strengthened the posts. Wherever they found a trace of those ill-fortuned ones, they did not fail to slay or bind them. When I heard this news, I summoned Akbar Qulī, s. Jalāl K. who had been told off for duty in the conquest of the fort of Kāngṛa, to my presence, and gave him the mansab of 1,000 personal and 1,000 horse, and confirmed to him, according to custom, his hereditary territory (the Gakhar country) in jagir, presented him with a dress of honour and a horse, and sent him to the support of the army of Bangash. As ʿIzzat K. had left a son of very tender years, keeping before my eyes, that discerned the truth, his life-sacrifice, I gave him (the child) a mansab and a jagir, so that those left behind should not be scattered abroad, and others might have increased hope.

On this day S͟haik͟h Aḥmad of Sirhind, who had for some time been placed in the prison of correction on account of his pretentiousness (literally, adorning his shop and selling himself) and immoderate language, was summoned to my presence, and I released him, giving him a dress of honour and Rs. 1,000 for expenses, and making him free to go or remain. He justly represented that his punishment had really been a valuable lesson to him, and that his desire was to wait on me.

On the 27th K͟hūrdād apricots arrived94 (from Kabul). The picture-gallery in the garden had been ordered to be repaired; it was now adorned with pictures by master hands. In the most honoured positions were the likenesses of Humāyūn and of my father opposite to my own, and that of my brother S͟hāh ʿAbbās. After them were the likenesses of Mīrzā Kāmrān, Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥakīm, S͟hāh Murād, and Sult̤ān Dāniyāl. On the second storey (row?) were the likenesses of the Amirs and special servants. On walls of the outer hall the stages of the road to Kashmir were recorded in the order in which I had come to them. A poet fixed the date by this hemistich: