On the eve of Monday, the ——,1 of the month of Jumāda-l-awwal, A.H. 1031, March 10–12, 1622, after one watch, five gharis and a fraction had passed, the sun that illuminates the world lighted the mansion of Aries, and the 17th year of the reign of this suppliant began auspiciously and happily. On this joy-increasing day Āṣaf K. was promoted to the mansab of 6,000 personal and horse. Having given Qāsim K. leave to proceed to the government of the Panjab, I presented him with a horse, an elephant, and a dress of honour. Eighty thousand darbs were given to Zambil Beg, ambassador of the ruler of Persia. On the 6th of the same month (Farwardīn) the royal camp was at Rāwalpindī. Fāẓil K. was promoted to the post of Bakhshi. Zambīl Beg was ordered to remain at ease in Lahore until the return of the victorious army from Kashmir. An elephant was conferred on Akbarqulī K. Gakkar.
At this time I frequently heard that the ruler of Persia had hastened from Khurasan for the purpose of conquering Qandahar. Although looking to our previous and present connections, it appeared very unlikely, and beyond all calculation, that such a great king should entertain such light and crude ideas, and himself come against one of my humble slaves who was in Qandahar with 300 or 4002 servants, yet as caution is one of the duties of a ruler and becoming to a king, I sent Zainu-l-ʿĀbidīn, Bakhshi of Aḥadīs, with a gracious farman to K͟hurram to come and wait on me with all possible speed with a victorious host, and elephants of mountain hugeness, and the numerous artillery that were assigned for his support in that Subah. So that, if these words should be near the truth, he might come and be despatched with an innumerable army and countless treasure, in order that he (the king of Persia) might discover the result of breaking faith and of wrong-doing.
On the 8th I halted at the fountain of Ḥasan Abdāl. Fidāʾī K. was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, and Badīʿu-z-zamān was appointed Bakhshi of the Aḥadīs. On Friday, the 12th, Mahābat K., having come from Kabul, waited on me and had the good fortune to pay his respects, and became the recipient of daily-increasing favours. He presented 100 muhrs as a present and Rs. 10,000 as alms. K͟hwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan passed his followers before me in review; 2,500 well-horsed cavalry were enrolled of whom 400 were matchlock men. At this stage a qamurg͟ha hunt was arranged, and I shot3 33 hill qūchqār (mountain sheep), etc. At this time Ḥakīm Mūminā, at the recommendation of the pillar of the State, Mahābat K., had the good fortune to wait on me. With power and courage he undertook my cure, and I hope that his coming may prove auspicious to me. The mansab of Amānu-llah, s. Mahābat K., was fixed at 2,000 personal and 1,800 horse. On the 19th I encamped near Pakhlī, and the feast of the culmination was held there. Having given Mahābat K. leave to return to Kabul, I gave him a horse, an elephant, and a dress of honour. The mansab of Iʿtibār K. was ordered to be 5,000 personal and 4,000 horse. As he was an old servant, and had become very weak and old, I promoted him to the Subah of Agra, and entrusted to him the defence of the fort and the treasury, and, presenting him with an elephant, a horse, and a dress of honour, dismissed him. At the Pass of Kunwar4 Mast, Irādat K. came from Kashmir, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. On the 2nd of the Divine month of Urdībihis͟ht, I entered the enchanting region of Kashmir. Mīr Mīrān was promoted to the mansab of 2,500 personal and 1,400 horse. At this time, in order to ease the condition of the ryots and soldiery, I did away with the faujdāri cess, and gave an order that in the whole of my dominions they should not impose anything on account of faujdāri. Zabar-dast K., Master of the Ceremonies (Mīr Tūzuk), was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 personal and 700 horse. On the 13th, by the advice of the physicians, and especially of Ḥakīm Mūminā, I was lightened by being bled from my left leg. A present of a dress of honour was made to Muqarrab K., and one of 1,000 darbs to Ḥakīm Mūminā. At the request of K͟hurram the mansab of ʿAbdu-llah K. was fixed at 6,000. Sar-farāz5 K. was honoured with the gift of drums. Bahādur K. Uzbeg, having come from Qandahar, had the good fortune to pay his respects: by way of nazar he gave 100 muhrs, and by way of charity offered Rs. 4,000. Muṣt̤afā K., governor of Thatta, had sent as an offering a S͟hāh-nāma and a K͟hamsa (quintet) of S͟haik͟h Niz̤āmī illustrated by masters (of painting), along with other presents: these were laid before me. On the 1st of the Divine month of K͟hurdād Las͟hkar K. was exalted to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse, and to Mīr Jumla was given that of 2,500 personal and 1,000 horse. Some of the Amirs of the Deccan were similarly honoured with an increase of mansab. Promotion was also given as follows: Sardār K., 3,000 and 2,500 horse; Sar-buland K., 2,500 personal and 2,200 horse; Bāqī K., 2,500 and 2,000 horse; S͟harza K., 2,500 and 1,200 horse; Jān-sipār K., 2,000 personal and 2,000 horse; Mīrzā Wālī, 2,500 and 1,000 horse; Mīrzā Badīʿu-z-zamān s. Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, 1,500 personal and horse; Zāhid K., 1,500 and 700 horse; ʿAqīdat K., 1,200 and 300 horse; Ibrāhīm Ḥusain Kās͟hg͟harī, 1,200 and 600 horse; and Ẕū-l-faqār K., 1,000 personal and 500 horse. Rāja Gaj Singh and Himmat K. were selected for drums. On the 2nd of the Divine month of Tīr, Sayyid Bāyazīd was honoured with the title of Muṣt̤afā K., and was also presented with drums. At this time Tahawwur K., who is one of the personal servants, was despatched with a gracious farman to summon my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz.
Some days before this, petitions came from the officials in Qandahar reporting the intention of the ruler of Persia to conquer Qandahar, but my mind, which is actuated by sincerity, looking to past and present relations, placed no reliance on the truth of this until the report of my son K͟hān Jahān arrived that S͟hāh ʿAbbās, with the armies of Iraq and Khurasan, had come and besieged Qandahar. I ordered them to fix an hour for leaving Kashmir. K͟hwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan, the Diwan, and Bak͟hs͟hī Ṣādiq K. hastened to Lahore in advance of the victorious army to expedite the arrival of the princes of high degree with the armies of the Deccan, Gujarat, Bengal, and Behar, and to send on the Amirs who were present with the victorious stirrups, and those who one after another should come in from the districts of their jagirs to my son K͟hān Jahān at Multan. At the same time the artillery, with the strings of warlike elephants, and the armoury6 were to be prepared and forwarded. As there was little cultivation between Multan and Qandahar, the despatch of a large army without provisions was not to be thought of. It was therefore decided to encourage the grain-sellers, who in the language of India are called banjārā, and, providing them with money, to take them along with the victorious army, so that there might be no difficulty about supplies. The Banjārās7 are a tribe. Some of them have 1,000 bullocks, and some more or less. They take grain from different districts (bulūkāt) into the towns and sell it. They go along with the armies, and with such an army there would be 100,000 bullocks or more. It is hoped that by the grace of the Creator, the army will be furnished with numbers and arms so that there may be no delay or hesitation until it reaches Isfāhan, which is his (the Shah’s) capital. A farman was sent to K͟hān Jahān to beware and not start in that direction (Qandahar) from Multan before the arrival of the victorious army, and not be disturbed, but attend to orders. Bahādur K. Uzbeg was selected to go as an auxiliary to the army of Qandahar, and favoured with a horse and dress of honour. Fāẓil K. was given the mansab of 2,000 personal and 750 horse.
As it had been brought to notice that the poor of Kashmir suffer hardships in the winter from the excessive cold, and live with difficulty, I ordered that a village of the rental of Rs. 3,000 or Rs. 4,000 should be entrusted to Mullā T̤ālib Iṣfahānī,8 to be expended in providing clothes for the poor, and for warming water, for purposes of ablution, in the mosques.
As it was reported that the Zamindars of Kis͟htwār had again raised their heads in disobedience and sin, and engaged in sedition and disturbance, Irādat K. was ordered to proceed hot-foot, before they had time to establish themselves firmly, and having inflicted condign punishment on them to tear up the root of sedition. On this day Zainu-l-ʿĀbidīn, who had been sent to summon K͟hurram, came and waited on me, and reported that the stipulation he made was that he should pass the rainy season in the fort of Māndū, and then come to Court. His report was read. I9 did not like the style of its purport nor the request he made, and, on the contrary, the traces of disloyalty (bī-daulatī) were apparent. There being no remedy, an order was given that as he proposed to come after the rains, he should despatch the great Amirs, the servants of the Court who were employed in assisting him, and especially the Sayyids of Bārha and Bukhara, the S͟haik͟h-zādas, the Afghans, and the Rajputs. Mīrzā Rustam and Iʿtiqād K. were ordered to go to Lahore in advance, and assist the army of Qandahar. Rs. l,00,000 were given them as advance of pay, and I also granted drums to ʿInāyat K. and Iʿtimād K. Irādat K., who had hastened to punish the rebels of Kis͟htwār, having killed many of them and regained the mastery and established himself firmly, returned to duty. Muʿtamid K. had been appointed Bak͟hs͟hī to the army of the Deccan. As that matter was over10 he was sent for at his own request. He came on this day, and on his arrival kissed the threshold.
It is a strange thing that when a pearl of the value of Rs. 14,000 or 15,000 was lost in the harem, Jotik Rāy, the astrologer, represented that it would be found in two or three days. Ṣādiq K. Rammāl (soothsayer) represented that in the same two or three days it would come from a place which was perfectly clean and pure, such as the place of worship or oratory. A female soothsayer represented that it would soon be found, and that a woman with white skin would bring it in a state of ecstasy, and give it into the hand of the Ḥaẓrat (the king). It happened that on the third day one of the Turkish girls found it in the oratory, and all in smiles and in a happy frame of mind gave it to me. As the words of all three came true each one was favoured with an acceptable reward. This is written because it is not devoid of strangeness.
At this time I appointed Kaukab and K͟hidmatgār K., and others to the number of twelve in all, of the familiar servants to be sazāwuls of the Amirs in the Deccan in order that they might exert themselves and send them forward as soon as possible to Court, so that they (the Amīrs) might be sent to the victorious army at Qandahar.11 At this time it was frequently reported to me that K͟hurram had taken into his possession some of the estates of the jagir of Nūr Jahān Begam and S͟hahriyār, and especially the pargana of Dholpur, which had by the High Diwan been assigned to S͟hahriyār, and had sent there an Afghan of the name of Daryā, one of his own servants, with a body of men. Daryā fought with S͟harīfu-l-mulk, a servant of S͟hahriyār, who had been appointed to the faujdāri of that region, and many were killed on both sides. Although in consequence of his (K͟hurram’s) remaining in the fort of Māndū, and the unreasonable requests made in his letter it appeared that his reason was turned, yet from hearing this news it became clear that he was unworthy of all the favours and cherishing I had bestowed on him, and that his brain had gone wrong. Accordingly I sent Rāja Rūz-afzūn, who was a confidential servant, to him, and made inquiries as to the cause of this boldness. He was ordered hereafter to behave properly, and not place his foot beyond the path of reasonableness and the high road of politeness, and content himself with the districts of his own jagir that he had obtained from the High Diwan. He must also beware not to form any intention of coming to wait upon me, but to send the body of the servants of the State I had requisitioned on account of the disturbance at Qandahar to the Court. If anything contrary to this order should come to notice, he would repent it.
At this time Mīr Z̤ahīru-d-dīn, the grandson of Mīr Mīrān, s. the famous S͟hāh Niʿmatu-llah, came from Persia and waited on me, and received as a present a dress of honour and 8,000 darbs. Ujālā Dakhanī obtained leave to go to Rāja Bīr Singh Deo with a gracious farman in order that he should act as sazāwul and collect the men. Previously to this, on account of the great regard and abundant affection I bore to K͟hurram and his sons, at the time when his son (S͟hujāʿ) was very ill, I had determined that if God Almighty would grant him to me I would not again sport with a gun, and would inflict no injury on a living thing with my own hand. Notwithstanding my inclination and love for hunting, especially with a gun, I had given it up for five years. At this time, when I was greatly distressed at his unkind behaviour, I took again to sporting with a gun, and gave orders that nobody should remain in the palace without one. In a short time most of the servants took a liking to shooting with guns, and the archers,12 in order to perform their duties, became cavalry soldiers.
On the 25th of the month, corresponding with the 7th S͟hawwāl, at the favourable hour that had been chosen, I turned towards Lahore from Kashmir (apparently means Srinagar, the capital). I sent Bihārī Dās Brahman with a gracious farman to Rānā Karan to the effect that he should bring his son with a body of men to pay his respects to me. Mīr Z̤ahīru-d-dīn was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 400 horse. As he represented to me that he was in debt, I made him a present of Rs. 10,000. On the 1st of S͟hahrīwar I encamped at the fountain of Achbal,13 and on Thursday I had a feast of cups beside the fountain.14 On this auspicious day my fortunate son S͟hahriyār was appointed to the Qandahar expedition, and was promoted to the mansab of 12,000 personal and 8,000 horse. A special dress of honour, with a nādirī with pearl buttons, was also given him. At this time a merchant had brought two large pearls from the country of Turkey, one of them weighing 1¼ mis̤qāls, and the second 1 surk͟h less. Nūr Jahān Begam bought the two for Rs. 60,000, and presented them to me as an offering on the same day. On Friday, the 10th, by the advice of Ḥakīm Mūminā,15 I was relieved by bleeding from the arm. Muqarrab K., who has great skill in this art, always used to bleed me, and possibly never failed before, but now failed twice. Afterwards Qāsim, his nephew, bled me. I gave him a dress of honour and Rs. 2,000, and gave 1,000 darbs to Ḥakīm Mūminā. Mīr K͟hān, at the request of K͟hān Jahān, was promoted to the mansab of 1,500 and 900 horse.
On the 21st of the month the feast of my solar weighing took place, and the 54th year of the age of this suppliant at the throne of God began auspiciously and happily. I hope that the whole of my life will be spent in fulfilling the will of God. On the 28th, I went to see the waterfall of Ashar16 (?). As this spring is famous for its sweetness and agreeable flavour, I weighed it in my presence against Ganges water, and that17 of the valley of Lār. The water of Ashar was 3 mās͟ha heavier than that of the Ganges, and the latter was ½ mās͟ha lighter than that of the valley of Lār. On the 30th the camp was at Hīrāpūr. Though Irādat K. had done his duty in Kis͟htwār well, yet as the ryots and inhabitants of Kashmir complained of his treatment of them, I promoted Iʿtiqād K. to the governorship of Kashmir. I bestowed on him a horse, a dress of honour, and a special enemy-piercing18 sword, and appointed Irādat K. to do duty with the army of Qandahar. Having brought Kunwar Singh, the Raja of Kis͟htwār, out of the fortress of Gwalior, where he was imprisoned, I bestowed Kis͟htwār on him, and gave him a horse and a dress of honour, with the title of Raja. I sent Ḥaidar Malik to Kashmir (i.e., Srinagar) to bring a canal from the valley of Lār to the Nūr-afzā garden, giving him Rs. 30,000 for the materials and labour. On the 12th of the month I came down from the hill country of Jammū, and pitched at Bhimbhar. The next day I had a qamurqha hunt. To Dāwar-bak͟hs͟h, s. K͟husrau, I gave the mansab of 5,000 personal and 2,000 horse. On the 24th I crossed the Chenāb.19 Mīrzā Rustam came from Lahore, and waited on me. On the same day Afẓal20 K., K͟hurram’s Diwan, bringing a petition from him, waited on me. He had clothed his immoderate acts in the garment of apology, and had sent him with the idea that perhaps he might carry his point by flattery and smooth speeches, and so correct his improprieties. I21 paid no attention, and did not listen to him. The Diwan K͟hwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan and Ṣādiq K. Bak͟hs͟hī, who had hastened to Lahore to make provision for the army of Qandahar, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. On the 1st of the Divine month of Ābān, Amānu-llah, s. Mahābat K., was promoted to the mansab of 3,000 personal and 1,700 horse. A gracious farman was sent to summon Mahābat K. At this time ʿAbdu-llah K., whom I had sent for for service at Qandahar, having come from the district of his jagir, paid his respects. On the 4th of the same month I entered the city of Lahore auspiciously and happily. Alf K. was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 and 1,500 horse. I gave22 an order to the chief Diwans to levy the pay of the force of servants of the State who had been appointed for service at Qandahar out of the jagirs of K͟hurram, which were in the Sarkar of Ḥiṣār, and in the Dū-āb and those regions. In the place of these he might take possession of districts from the Subah of Malwa and the Deccan, and Gujarat and Khandesh, wherever he wished. Presenting Afẓal K. with a dress of honour I gave him leave to go. An order was passed that the Subahs of Gujarat, Malwa, the Deccan and Khandesh should be handed over to him (K͟hurram), and he might take up a permanent residence wherever he might wish, and employ himself in the administration of those regions. He was to send quickly the sazāwuls who had been appointed to bring the servants of the State who had been summoned to my presence on account of the disturbance at Qandahar. After that he was to look after his own charge, and not depart from order: otherwise, he would repent. On this day I gave the best tipchāq horse that was in my private stable to ʿAbdu-llah K. On the 26th Ḥaidar Beg and Walī Beg, envoys of the ruler of Persia, had an audience. After performing the ceremony of salutation they produced a letter from the Shah. My son K͟hān Jahān, according to order, having come post from Multan, waited on me. He presented as offerings 1,000 muhrs, 1,000 rupees, and 18 horses. Mahābat K. was promoted to the mansab of 6,000 personal and 5,000 horse. I gave an elephant to Mīrzā Rustam. Rāja Sārang Deo was appointed sazāwul to Rāja Bīr Singh Deo. I told him to produce him at Court as quickly as possible. On23 the 7th of the Divine month of Āẕar the ambassadors of S͟hāh ʿAbbās, who had come at different times, were presented with dresses of honour and their expenses, and given leave to go. The letter he had sent by Ḥaidar Beg making excuses in the matter of Qandahar has been given in this record of good fortune (Iqbāl-nāma) along with my reply.
Letter of the King of Persia.
(After compliments, and good wishes for that “brother dear as life” the letter proceeds as follows):
“You will be aware that after the death of the Nawāb S͟hāh Jannat-makān (S͟hāh T̤ahmāsp) great misfortunes befell Persia. Many territories which belonged to our saintly family passed out of possession, but when this suppliant at the throne of Grace became sovereign, he, by God’s help, and the excellent measures of friends, recovered the hereditary lands which were in the possession of enemies. As Qandahar was held by the agents of your lofty family, I regarded you as myself, and did not make any objection. From feelings of unity and brotherhood we waited, thinking that you would, after the manner of your ancestors24 who are in Paradise, voluntarily take the matter into your consideration. When you neglected to do this, I repeatedly, by writing and verbal messages, directly and indirectly, asked for the disposal of the question, thinking that perhaps that petty country (Qandahar) was not regarded as worthy of your notice. You said several times that by making over the territory to our family, the notions of enemies and censurers would be disposed of, and praters, enviers, and fault-finders would be put to silence. A faction25 formerly delayed the settlement of this matter. As the truth of the affair was known to friends and enemies, and as no clear answer, either of refusal or concession, came from you, it occurred to me that I would go to Qandahar to see it, and to hunt. In this way the agents of my distinguished brother, in accordance with the ties of friendship which exist between us, might welcome us and wait upon us. By this means the relationship of union would be renewed, and would be made evident to the world, and the tongues of the envious and the evil-speaking be shortened. With this view, I set off without apparatus for taking forts, and when I came to Farāh I sent a rescript to the governor of Qandahar, mentioning that I intended to see the place and hunt there. I did this in order that he might treat me as a guest. We also called the honourable K͟hwāja Bāqī Kurkarāq, and sent a message to the governor and the other officers in the fort to the effect that there was no difference between Your Majesty and ourselves, and that we were aware of each other’s territories, and that we were coming to see the country. Therefore they were not to act in such a way as to give umbrage or to vex anyone. They did not receive the conciliatory order and message in the proper way, but showed obstinacy and a rebellious spirit. When I came to the fort I again called the honourable aforesaid (K. Bāqī), and sent him with the message that I had directed my troops not to invest the fort till the lapse of ten days. They did not receive the wholesome advice, and were stubborn in their opposition. As there was nothing more to be done, the Persian army set about taking the fort, though it was in want of appliances, and soon levelled the walls and bastions with the ground. The garrison became straitened, and asked for quarter. We, too, maintained the ties of love which had existed from of old between the two exalted dynasties, and the brotherly relation which was formed between you and me when you were prince (Mīrzā), and which was an object of envy to contemporary sovereigns, and from my innate kindness forgave their errors and offences. Encompassing them with favours, I sent them safe and sound to your Court along with Ḥaidar Beg Qūrbās͟hī, who is one of the sincere Ṣūfīs of this family. Of a truth, the foundation of love and union, both inherited and acquired, on the part of this seeker after affection, has not grown old or decayed, and is strong so that no rupture in it can take place on account of any things which may have transpired owing to the action of Fate.
Between us and you there cannot be trouble,
There can be naught but love and trust.
“It is hoped that you, too, will preserve your affection for us, and that you will not approve of certain strange actions, and that if any suspicion about friendship arise you will endeavour by your innate goodness and continual love to efface it. May the ever-vernal flower of union and cordiality remain in bloom, and every effort be made to strengthen the foundations of concord, and to cleanse the fountains of agreement which regulate temperaments and territories. You will regard all our dominions as belonging to you, and will extend your friendship to everyone (in them?), and will proclaim that it (Qandahar) has been given up to him (ʿAbbās) without any objection, and that such trifles are of no importance, and that though the governor and officers who were in the fort did some things which were obstacles to friendship, yet what took place was done by you and me. They performed the duties of service and life devotion. It is certain, too, that Your Majesty will be gracious to them, and will treat them with royal kindness, and will not shame me before them. What more need I write? May thy star-brushing standards ever be associated with the Divine aids!” Reply to the Letter of Shah ʿAbbās.
“Unfeigned thanks, and pure thanksgivings are due to the sole object of worship (God) for that the maintenance of the compacts and treaties of great princes is the cause of the order of Creation and the repose of mankind. A proof of this is the harmony and unity which existed between us and the exalted family (of Persia), and which were increased during our time. These things were the envy of contemporary sovereigns. The glorious Shah—the star of heaven’s army, the ruler of the nations, the adorner of the Kayānī tiara, the fitting occupant of the throne of Chosroes, the fruitful tree of the gardens of sovereignty, the splendid nursling of the parterres of prophecy and saintship, the cream of the Ṣafawī dynasty—hath without ground or reason, engaged in disturbing the rose-garden of love and friendship and brotherhood in which for long periods there has been no possibility of a breath of confusion. Clearly the methods of union and concord among princes require that they make oaths of friendship to one another, and that there should be perfect spiritual agreement between them. There should be no need of physical contact, and still less should there be any necessity for visiting one another’s countries for ‘shooting and spectacle’ (sair u s͟hikār).
Alas, a hundred times for the love passing thought!
“By the arrival of your loving letter apologizing for the ‘spectacle and shooting’ (sair u s͟hikār) of Qandahar, which came with the honourable Ḥaidar Beg and Walī Beg, I became apprised of the bodily health of your angelic personality, and the flowers of joy were scattered over the world. Let it not be hidden from the world-adorning mind of my exalted and prosperous brother that until the arrival of the letter and messages brought by Zambīl Beg no mention had been made by you in letters or verbal messages of your wish for Qandahar. At the time when we were engaged in visiting the delightful land of Kashmir, the Deccan lords, in their shortsightedness, extended their feet beyond the limits of obedience, and trod the path of rebellion. Accordingly it became necessary for me to chastise them. I moved my standards to Lahore, and appointed my worthy26 son S͟hāh Jahān to proceed against them with a victorious army. I myself was proceeding to Agra when Zambīl Beg arrived, and produced your loving letter. I took it as a good omen, and went off to Agra to put down the enemies and the rebels. In the jewelled and pearl-dropping letter there was no mention of a wish for Qandahar. It was mentioned verbally by Zambīl Beg. In reply, I said to him that I made no difficulty with regard to anything that my brother wished. Please God, after settling the Deccan affair, I would send him back in a manner suitable to my sovereignty. I also said that as he had made long marches he should repose for some days in Lahore, and that I would afterwards send for him. After coming to Agra, I sent for him and gave him leave to depart. As the favour of God attaches to this suppliant, I withdrew my mind from victories and proceeded to the Panjab. My intention was to send him away, but after disposing of some necessary matters I went to Kashmir on account of the hot weather. After coming there I sent for Zambīl Beg in order to give him his leave. I also wished to show him something of that delightful country. Meanwhile news came that my prosperous brother had come to take Qandahar. This idea had never entered my mind, and I was entirely astonished. What could there be in a petty village that he should set out to take it, and that he should shut his eyes to so much friendship and brotherly feeling? Though truthful reporters sent the news, I could not credit it! When it became certain I immediately gave orders to ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz K. not to transgress in any way the good pleasure of that prosperous brother. Up to now the relationship of brotherhood stands firm, and I do not value the world in comparison therewith, nor do I consider any gift equal to it. But it would have been right and brotherly that he should have waited till the arrival of the ambassador. Perhaps he would be successful in the object27 and claim for which he had come. When he (ʿAbbās) takes such steps before the return of the ambassador, to whom will mankind ascribe the merit of keeping compacts and of preserving the capital of humanity and liberality! May God preserve you at all times!”
After I had given leave to the ambassadors, I devoted all my energy to urging on the Qandahar force, and presented my son K͟hān Jahān, who had been sent for for certain matters, with an elephant, a special horse, a jewelled sword and dagger, and a dress of honour. I sent him on as an advance guard, and directed him to remain in Multan until the arrival of Prince S͟hahriyār with the victorious army. Bāqir K., who was faujdār of Multan, was summoned to Court, and I appointed ʿAlī-qulī Beg Darman to assist him (K͟hān Jahān), and raised him to the mansab of 1,500. In the same manner, having raised M. Rustam to the mansab of 5,000, I appointed him to the duty of assisting that son with the (Qandahar) army. Las͟hkar K. came from the Deccan, and waited on me, and was also attached to that army. Allah-dād K. Afg͟hān, M. ʿĪsā Tark͟hān, Mukarram K., Ikrām K., and other Amirs, who had come from the Deccan and from their fiefs, after being presented with horses and dresses of honour, were sent with K͟hān Jahān. ʿUmdatu-s-salṭana Āṣaf K. was sent to Agra to bring to Court the whole of the treasure in muhrs and rupees which had accumulated from the beginning of the reign of my father. Aṣālat K., s. K͟hān Jahān, was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 and 1,000 horse. Muḥammad S͟hafīʿā, Bakhshi of Multan, had the title of K͟hān conferred on him. I gave leave to S͟harīf, Vakil of my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz, to go with all possible haste, and bring my son to wait on me with the army of Behar, and writing a gracious farman with my own hand I urged him to come.
On this day Mīr Mīrān, the grandson of S͟hāh Niʿmatu-llah, died suddenly. I hope that he will be among the pardoned. A raging elephant threw down the huntsman Mīrzā Beg and killed him: I assigned his duties to Imām-wirdī.
As in consequence of the weakness that came over me two years ago and still continues, heart and brain do not accord. I cannot28 make notes of events and occurrences. Now that Muʿtamid K. has come from the Deccan, and has had the good fortune to kiss the threshold, as he is a servant who knows my temperament and understands my words, and was also formerly entrusted with this duty, I gave an order that from the date which I have written he shall hereafter write them with his own hand, and attach them to my Memoranda. Whatever events may occur hereafter he should note after the manner of a diary, and submit them for my verification, and then they should be copied into a book.
From This Place the Notes Are Written by Muʿtamid K͟hān.29
As the whole of my world-opening mind was taken up with the preparation of the Qandahar army, and the remedy for that business, the unpleasant news that reached me of a change in the condition of K͟hurram, and his want of moderation, became a cause for aversion and dissension. I accordingly sent Mūsawī K., who is one of the sincere servants who knows my temperament, to that wretch (bī-daulat) to lay before him the threatening messages and my wishes, and to give admonitions that might sharpen his intelligence, so that by the guidance of good fortune he might awake from the dream of carelessness and pride, and that he (Mūsawī) having gained a (true) knowledge of his futile ideas and aims might hasten to my presence, and carry out whatever appeared to be necessary. On the 1st of the Divine month of Bahman the feast of my lunar weighing took place. At this auspicious ceremony Mahābat K., having come from Kabul, paid his respects, and was the recipient of special favours. I appointed Yaʿqūb K. Badak͟hs͟hī to Kabul, exalting him with the gift of drums. About this time report came from Iʿtibār K. from Agra that K͟hurram, with the army of adversity, had left Māndū and started in that direction. He had evidently heard the news that the treasure had been sent for, and fire had fallen into his mind, and having let fall from his hand the reins of self-control, had started (with the idea) that on the road he might lay hold of the treasure. Accordingly I thought it best to proceed for a tour, and in order to hunt to the bank of the river of Sult̤ān-pūr (the Beas). If that wretch by the guidance of error should place his foot in the desert of audacity, I might hasten farther forward and place the punishment of his unbecoming behaviour in the skirt of his fortune. If matters turned out in any other way I might take steps accordingly. With this purpose, on the 17th of the same month, at an auspicious hour, I marched. Mahābat K. was dignified with a dress of honour. Rs. 1,00,000 were ordered to be given to Mīrzā Rustam and Rs. 2,00,000 to ʿAbdu-llah K. by way of advance of pay. I sent Mīrzā K͟hān, s. Zain K., with a gracious farman to my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz, and renewed my urgency for his attendance. Rāja Sārang Deo had gone to summon Rāja Bīr Singh Deo: he came, and having paid his respects, reported that the Rāja, with a proper force and an equipped army, would join me at Thanesar. At this time constant reports30 came from Iʿtibār K. and other servants of the State from Agra that K͟hurram in revolt and disloyalty (bī-daulatī) had changed what was due by him for rearing into undutifulnesses,31 and having placed the foot of ruin in the valley of ignorance and error, had started in that direction. They therefore did not consider it advisable to bring the treasure, and were engaged in strengthening the towers and gates, and providing things necessary for the defence of the fort. Similarly a report came from Āṣaf K. that the wretch had torn off the veil of respect, and turned his face towards the valley of ruin, and that the odour of good came not from the manner of his approach. As it was not for the advantage of the State to bring the treasure, he had entrusted it to God, and was himself on the way to wait on me. Accordingly, having crossed the river at Sult̤ānpūr, by successive marches I proceeded to punish that one of dark fortune, and gave an order that henceforth they should call him Bī-daulat (wretch). Wherever in this record of fortune “Bī-daulat” is mentioned it will refer to him. From the kindnesses and favours bestowed upon him I can say that up till the present time no king has conferred such on his son. What my reverend father did for my brothers I have done for his servants, giving them titles, standards, and drums, as has been recorded in the preceding pages. It will not be hidden from the readers of this record of prosperity what affection and interest I have bestowed on him. My pen’s tongue fails in ability to set them forth. What shall I say of my own sufferings? In pain and weakness, in a warm atmosphere that is extremely unsuited to my health, I must still ride and be active, and in this state must proceed against such an undutiful son. Many servants cherished by me for long years and raised to the dignity of nobility, whom I ought to employ to-day in war against the Uzbeg or the Persian, I must punish32 for his vileness and destroy with my own hand. Thank God that he has given me such capacity to bear my burdens that I can put up with all this, and go on in the same path, and reckon them as light. But that which weighs heavily on my heart, and places my eager temperament in sorrow is this, that at such a time when my prosperous sons and loyal officers should be vying with each other in the service against Qandahar and Khurasan, which would be to the renown of the Sultanate, this inauspicious one has struck with an axe the foot of his own dominion, and become a stumbling-block in the path of the enterprise. The momentous affair of Qandahar must now be postponed, but I trust that Almighty God will remove these griefs from my heart.
At this time it was reported to me that Muḥtarim K., the eunuch, K͟halīl Beg Ẕū-l-qadr, and Fidāʾī K., the Master of the Ceremonies, had allied themselves with Bī-daulat, and opened the gates of correspondence with him. As it was no time for mildness and winking at matters, I imprisoned all three, and as, after making inquiry into the circumstances, no doubt remained as to their falseness to their salt, and about the evil designs and malevolence of K͟halīl and Muḥtarim, and as Amirs like Mīrzā Rustam swore to the insincerity and malevolence of K͟halīl, having no remedy I punished them33 capitally. Fidāʾī K., the dust of whose sincerity was free of suspicion and pure, I brought out of confinement and promoted. I sent Rāja Rūz-afzūn by post (dāk-chaukī) to my son S͟hāh Parwīz that he might bring him with all haste to wait on me; so that Bī-daulat might be brought to punishment for his improper conduct. Jawāhir K., the eunuch, was appointed to the post of Ihtimām-i-darbār-i-maḥall (superintendent of the harem).
On the 1st of Isfandārmuẕ the royal army arrived at Nūr-sarāy. On this day a report came from Iʿtibār K., that Bī-daulat had arrived in all haste in the neighbourhood of Agra, in the hope that before the fort was strengthened, the gates of strife and mischief might be opened, and he might attain his end. When he arrived at Fatḥpūr, he found the gates closed against him, and, being struck with the disgrace of ruin, he had halted. The K͟hān-k͟hānān and his son and many of the royal Amirs attached to the Deccan and Gujarat had come with him as companions on the road of rebellion and ingratitude. Mūsawī K. saw him at Fatḥpūr, and showed him the royal orders, and it was settled that he should send his servant Qāẓī ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz with him to Court to put his requests before me. He sent to Agra his servant Sundar,34 who was the ringleader of the people of error and the chief of the seditious, to take possession of the treasures and hidden wealth of those servants of the State who were at Agra. Amongst35 others he entered the house of Las͟hkar K., and seized Rs. 9,00,000. In the same manner, wherever he suspected there was property in the houses of other servants (of the Court), he stretched out his hand to seize it, and took possession of all that he found. When nobles like K͟hān-k͟hānān, who had been distinguished with the rank of Ātālīk and arrived at the age of seventy years, made their faces black with rebellion and ingratitude, how could one complain of others? It may be said that his very nature was seditious and ungrateful. His father (Bairam K.) at the end of his life behaved in the same unbecoming way towards my reverend father. He, following the example of his father, at his age made himself accursed and rejected to all eternity.
In the end a wolf’s cub becomes a wolf
Although he grow up with man. (Saʿdī.)
On this day Mūsawī K. arrived with ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz, the envoy of Bī-daulat. As his requests were unreasonable, I did not allow him to speak, but handed him over to Mahābat to be kept in prison. On the 5th of the month I pitched on the bank of the river of Lūdiyāna (the Sutlej). I promoted K͟hān Aʿz̤am to the mansab of 7,000 with 5,000 horse. Rāja Bhārat, the Bandīla, from the Deccan, and Dayānat K. from Agra, came and waited on me. I pardoned the offences of Dayānat K., and gave him the same mansab that he had previously held. Rāja Bhārat was raised to the mansab of 1,500 and 1,000 horse, and Mūsawī K. to that of 1,000 and 300 horse. On Thursday, the 12th, in the pargana of Thānesar, Rāja Bīr Singh Deo, having waited on me, reviewed his army and elicited great praise. Rāja Sārang Deo was promoted to the mansab of 1,500 with 600 horse. In Karnāl Āṣaf K., coming from Agra, lifted up the head of honour in kissing my stirrup. His coming at this time was the herald of victory. Nawāzis͟h K., s. Saʿīd K., having arrived from Gujarat, paid his respects. When Bī-daulat was at Burhanpur, at his request I had appointed Bāqī K. to Jūnāgaṛh. He had been ordered to come to Court, and now came and shared in my service. As my march from Lahore took place without previous notice, and time did not admit of delay or reflection, I came with the few Amirs who were in attendance. Until I arrived at Sihrind only a few men had the good fortune to accompany me, but after passing beyond it, great numbers of the army came in from all sides and quarters. Before arrival at Delhi such a force had come together that in any direction in which one looked the whole plain was occupied by troops.
As it was reported that Bī-daulat had left Fatḥpūr and was coming in this direction, and making continuous marches towards Delhi, I gave the victorious army orders to put on their chiltas (quilted coats). In this disturbance the pivot of the management of affairs and the arrangement of the army were entrusted to Mahābat K. The command of the vanguard was given to ʿAbdu-llah K. Of the selected young men and experienced sipāhīs, whoever was asked for by him was enrolled in his corps. I ordered him to march a koss ahead of the other forces. He was also entrusted with the intelligence department and the control of the routes. I was ignorant of the fact that he was in league with Bī-daulat, and that the real object of that evil-natured one was to send news from my army to him. Previously to this he used to bring long written slips of true and false news, saying that his spies had sent them from that place. The purport was that they (the spies) suspected some of my servants of being in league with Bī-daulat, and of sending him news. Had I been led away by his intrigues and become alarmed at this time when the wind of disturbance was blowing strongly I would have been obliged to destroy many of my servants. Although some faithful servants suspected his evil intentions and untruthfulness, the time was not one for removing the veil openly from the face of his deeds. I guarded my eye and tongue from doing anything which might carry terror into his evil mind, and showed him more attention and favour than before, with the idea that possibly he would be struck with shame, and might turn away from his evil deeds, and give up his evil nature and sedition. That rejected one to all eternity, in whom a tendency to vileness and falsity was natural, did not fail to do what was in accordance with himself, as will be related hereafter.
The tree36 that is bitter in its nature
If you plant it in the garden of Paradise,
And water it from the eternal stream thereof,
If you pour on its root pure honey,
In the end it shows its natural quality,
And it bears the same bitter fruit.
In fine, when I was near Delhi, Sayyid Bahwa Buk͟hārī, Ṣadr K., and Rāja Kis͟han Dās came out of the city, and had the good fortune to kiss my stirrup. Bāqir K., faujdār of Oudh, also on this day came to the victorious camp. On the 25th of the month, passing by Delhi, I pitched my camp on the bank of the Jumna. Girdhar, s. Rāy Sāl Darbārī, having come from the Deccan, had the honour to pay his respects. He was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 and 1,500 horse, and obtained the title of Raja, and was clothed in a dress of honour. Zabar-dast K., Master of the Ceremonies, was honoured with a standard.
1 Date not given. The Iqbāl-nāma, 191, has “the 8th.” ↑
2 The Iqbāl-nāma, p. 192, speaks of a report of K͟hān Jahān that K͟hwāja ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz Naqs͟hbandī, the governor of Qandahar, had a garrison of 3,000 men. ↑
3 Jahāngīr appears on this occasion to have forgotten the vow he made in the 13th year. See Elliot, VI. 362. Jahāngīr’s words are clear: “ba tīr u tufang andāk͟htam.” ↑
4 Apparently this is the Barahmūla Pass. It is mentioned in the Akbar-nāma, III. 480–81 and 558, but does not appear on modern maps. Jahāngīr refers to it in the account of the 15th year, p. 204, and says it is the last of the passes. ↑
6 The I.O. MS., No. 181, adds “and treasure.” ↑
7 “Wilson” Glossary, p. 60. Elliot, Supp. Glossary, I. 52. The word seems connected with barinj, “rice.” ↑
8 This is the poet Bābā T̤ālib Iṣfahānī of Blochmann, 607. ↑
10 Not that the question of the Deccan had been settled, but that S͟hāh Jahān had left Burhanpur and come to Māndū. See Iqbāl-nāma, 193. ↑
12 Tarkas͟h-bandān, literally quiver-holders. Apparently the meaning is that the archers who were footmen (see Blochmann, 254, about Dāk͟hilī troops) lost their vocation when guns came into use, and became cavalry soldiers. But the meaning in text may be that the archers took to practising with bows and arrows on horseback. It appears from a Dastūru-l-ʿamal in the I.O., No. 1,855 (E. 2736) that the tarkas͟h-bands were an inferior order of servants receiving 1,000 dams or less a year. They probably were not necessarily archers. ↑
13 The Achh Dal of the Āyīn, Jarrett, II. 358. ↑
15 Pāds͟hāh-nāma, I., Part II., p. 349. ↑
16 May also be read Uhar and Adhar. It is Adhar or Udhar in I.O. MSS. ↑
17 The Sind River of Kashmir is meant. Jarrett, II. 364. ↑
18 This seems a translation of Akbar’s word arīnās (enemy-destroying). ↑
19 Elliot, VI. 384, where Jhelam is a mistake. ↑
20 Pāds͟hāh-nāma, I., Part II., p. 339. His name was Mullā S͟hukru-llah, and he was from Shiraz. He is the Mirza Sorocolla of Roe. ↑
21 Compare Iqbāl-nāma, 194 and 196. It is stated there that Nūr Jahān would not allow Afẓal K. to have an audience, and that he was dismissed without gaining his object. ↑
22 See Iqbāl-nāma, 196, where it is said that these orders were not really given by Jahāngīr, but were Nūr Jahān’s. ↑
24 This alludes to the facts that Humāyūn promised S͟hāh T̤ahmāsp that he would restore the fort after he had conquered India, and that Akbar had acknowledged the justice of Persia’s claim. ↑
25 The clause is very obscure. Perhaps it is part of what Jahāngīr had said. ↑
27 It is noteworthy that Jahāngīr does not attempt to controvert the statement of S͟hāh ʿAbbās that Qandahar rightfully belonged to Persia. There is a very long account in the ʿĀlam-ārāʾī of the claims of Persia to Qandahar, and of the various attempts made to realize them, until at last it was taken by S͟hāh ʿAbbās. See the account of the 35th year in the Teheran lithograph, p. 682, etc. The fort of Qandahar surrendered on 11 S͟haʿbān, 1031, or June 11, 1622. The Shah’s letter announcing the fact and explaining his procedure was presented by Ḥaidar Beg on 26 Ābān, 1031—i.e., early in November, 1622. He brought the officers of the garrison with him. See ʿĀlam-ārāʾī and the Tūzuk text, 348 (annals of the 17th year). ↑
29 These words do not appear in the I.O. MSS. And what is written in this chapter about the fates of K͟halīl and Muḥtarim, etc., does not agree with Muʿtamid’s writing in Iqbāl-nāma. ↑
31 Ḥuqūq ba-ʿuqūq, “rights into wrongs.” ↑
32 I rather think the meaning is “he by his baseness and illfatedness has capitally punished them, and has (as it were) slain them by his own hand,” the meaning being that they will fall in the civil war about to take place. ↑
34 This is the man whom Jahāngīr had made Rāja Bikramājīt. ↑
36 The lines come from Firdūsī’s satire on Maḥmūd of Ghazni. ↑