George Monck was governor of Ulster for the Parliament. Being deserted by the Scots under Sir Robert Stewart and Sir George Monro, he found it hard to maintain himself, but he was able to victual Londonderry, Coleraine, Greencastle, and Lisburn. He himself lay at Dundalk, where he feared to be attacked on all sides. To keep O’Neill from joining with Ormonde was therefore his chief object. Sooner or later O’Neill would have had to accept the Lord Lieutenant’s overtures, for he was entirely cut off from the sea and had no other means of replenishing his stock of powder. Monck, who knew that help was coming from England, resolved to give the necessary powder on condition of an offensive and defensive alliance for three months, during which O’Neill bound himself to make no terms with Ormonde or Inchiquin or with any opponent of the Parliament. Each of these two silent men, who were soldiers and not politicians, thought the preservation of his army the first object. O’Neill was responsible to no one; but Monck took the precaution of reporting all he had done to Cromwell, who would understand the military argument, and see that political prudery was out of place in the midst of war. The immediate result of the treaty was to reduce the activity of the Scots by whom Londonderry was beset. Later on Coote followed Monck’s example, and O’Neill’s help enabled him to hold out until relief came from England. Ormonde, on the other hand, drove O’Neill out of Leinster, Maryborough, Athy, and other garrisons being taken by Castlehaven during the month of May.[140]

On June 19 Ormonde, with 7000 foot and 3000 horse, advanced almost to the walls of Dublin, and fixed his camp at Finglas, about three miles north of the town, his tents being visible to the besieged. Jones had nearly as many foot, besides armed citizens, but only about 500 horse. Outside the capital Parliament now held only Drogheda, Trim, and Dundalk in Leinster. Jones had no hay or oats for horses and oxen, and was short of provisions, there being neither fish nor flesh in the market; but while the sea was open that was not likely to last, though a more enterprising general might perhaps have succeeded in a sudden attack. The army, however, as it turned out, was not a very good one, and doubtless Ormonde knew it. Rupert was at Kinsale with his piratical fleet, and Ormonde urged him to blockade Dublin, but the prince either could not or would not comply while the possibility existed, and after Blake’s arrival on May 22 even the possibility ceased. Pressed probably by want of forage Jones sent most of his cavalry to Drogheda, but they were attacked on the road by Inchiquin and suffered great loss. Inchiquin was then detached with 2000 foot and 1500 horse to beleaguer Drogheda, and on the 28th it capitulated. The garrison were allowed to go where they pleased, and a few joined Jones, but the greater part went over to Ormonde. O’Neill’s chief strength was at this time in Cavan and Monaghan, and at the beginning of May he held a provincial council at Belturbet, where it was decided to help Coote if he would give the necessary ammunition. This negotiation failed at the time, and in June O’Neill drew down with 3000 men to the neighbourhood of Dundalk, where he encamped. Monck was ready to give the powder if O’Neill would bring it off, and Colonel Ferral with the requisite carts and an escort of 500 men was sent on this duty. From the town to the camp was only about seven miles, and the road was open. Inchiquin found out what was going on, and sent Colonel Trevor with a strong body of horse to attack the convoy. The Irish soldiers had got drunk in Dundalk, and made but a poor resistance, so that the stores were captured and most of the escort killed or taken. O’Neill immediately fell back to Clones and renewed his negotiations with Coote, who was now willing to give thirty barrels of powder with sufficient match, and either three hundred beeves or 400l. in money. As soon as O’Neill approached Londonderry the Scots marched away, and the bulwark of the North was threatened no more. Inchiquin was left free to deal with Dundalk, which Monck had no idea of surrendering, had his men allowed him to hold it. But they were hungry, they were unpaid, and to their eyes it seemed that their chief was engaged in an unholy transaction with the authors of the Ulster massacre. Dundalk opened its gates and Monck was allowed to go where he pleased. He went to England to tell his own story.[141]

After Drogheda and Dundalk were taken Ormonde crossed the Liffey and established his camp at Rathmines, leaving Lord Dillon at Finglas with a small force. On the same day Jones received a reinforcement of 1500 foot and 600 horse under Reynolds and Venables, and the chance of taking Dublin was proportionately diminished, for the garrison had become more numerous than the besieging army. ‘We had it,’ says Ormonde, ‘from many good hands out of England and from Dublin, that Cromwell was at the seaside ready to embark for this kingdom, and that his design was for Munster.’ Lest Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal should fall while Dublin was still untaken it was decided by a council of war to send Inchiquin to Munster with three regiments of horse. This proved fatal, but it was supposed that Cromwell meant to land the greater part of his army in the south, and his intention was made known by some who came in the ships which brought fresh troops to Jones. Ormonde realised that if he did not take Dublin before Cromwell came he was not likely to take it after. He diverted the conduit which brought the Dodder water from near Templeoge to Dublin, and thus stopped the mills, though there was still enough to drink from other sources. Wheat was selling in Dublin at 5l. 10s. a quarter and rye at 4l. 10s., yet the garrison would hardly starve while they had command of the river, but it was different with the horses who depended upon the grazing of the meadows between Trinity College and the mouth of the Dodder. Having first reduced Rathfarnham, which annoyed his rear, Ormonde decided to fortify Baggotrath Castle, which stood near the point where Waterloo Road now joins Upper Baggot Street, and thus deprive Jones’s cavalry of their supply of fodder. Soon after dark on the night of August 1 he sent Purcell with 1500 men to occupy the place, which had already been examined carefully, and he expected to find tenable entrenchments there in the morning. The distance was scarcely a mile, and Purcell had been at Baggotrath during the day; but he wandered about all night, and when the morning broke nothing had been done. This was attributed to the treachery of a guide, and Peter Walsh says Edmund O’Reilly, afterwards Archbishop of Armagh, had been engaged in conducting an intrigue between Owen O’Neill and Jones, and that he was guilty of betraying the camp at Rathmines. Ormonde sat up during the night to write despatches, but rode to Baggotrath with the first light. He found very little progress made with the entrenchments, while the garrison of Dublin were evidently on the alert and busily moving about under shelter of their works. Jones had 4000 foot and 1200 horse under arms, having at first no intention but to prevent the Royalists from establishing themselves on the shore, but the first encounter gradually developed into a general engagement, when the superior quality of the Parliamentarian troops soon became manifest. Expecting no attack, Ormonde had lain down to rest about nine o’clock, and some of his officers left their posts, so that the troops were partly surprised. He himself was roused by the firing about ten, and most of his men made but slight resistance, ‘many of them running away towards the hills of Wicklow, where some of them were bred, and whither they knew the way but too well.’ The fighting continued for about two hours and ended in a complete rout, the cavalry dispersing after the death of their commander, Sir William Vaughan. Jones’s loss in killed was not above twenty, and he reported that he had taken 2517 prisoners and that 4000 Royalists were killed; but the latter figure is doubtless much exaggerated. A vast quantity of arms and stores of all kinds fell into the victor’s hands. Ormonde escaped with very few followers, having totally failed to rally his broken regiments, but that portion of his army which had remained on the north bank of the Liffey escaped to Drogheda and Trim. Many of Inchiquin’s old soldiers afterwards took service with Jones, and not a few of Ormonde’s did the same, declaring with loud shouts that they would return to their own countrymen. Jones secured all the guns, and Ormonde lost his papers, besides ‘velvets, silk, scarlets, wines, grocery, and some convenient quantity of money.’ He went to Kilkenny, and a week after started for Drogheda with 300 horse. Jones, who had moved northwards to attack that town, thereupon withdrew into Dublin and awaited Cromwell’s arrival. Rathfarnham, Maynooth, and other strong places near Dublin fell into the victor’s hands, but Ormonde took Ballyshannon immediately after the battle, persuading the governor that Dublin had surrendered. When the truth was known Inchiquin’s soldiers in Munster began to desert and enter the Parliamentary ranks.[142]

The peace was signed on January 17, and on the 22nd Ormonde sent Lord Byron to invite the Prince of Wales to Ireland. If he could bring money and supplies with him he would be doubly welcome, but in any case his presence would be of the greatest value. All England and Scotland were either engaged in rebellion or subdued by the rebels, otherwise Ormonde would not have invited the Prince ‘so far from the more vital part of his hopes.’ Byron found Charles at the Hague nearly two months later surrounded by Scotch lords, who were for the most part opposed to an Irish venture, though Montrose strongly favoured it. On his way through Paris Byron had seen Henrietta Maria, who thought the change of her son’s condition from prince to king ‘an argument rather to hasten than retard his repair thither.’ Charles himself was anxious to go, but he had no money and the States would give none unless he would go to Scotland and take the Covenant. Among the Scots the extreme Presbyterians even insisted on his parting with Montrose. The idea of going to Ireland was not abandoned for some months, but the means were wanting, and Charles spent some time at St. Germains, where he divided his attentions between Lucy Walter and Mademoiselle de Montpensier. He reached Jersey in the middle of September, and there heard for the first time of the defeat at Rathmines. Henry Seymour, who carried a garter for Ormonde, was sent to find out how things were really going in Ireland, but the news of the fall of Drogheda and of Cromwell’s progress arrived before he could start. When he reached Ireland he found Ormonde still anxious for the King’s appearance, but he must have seen that the cause was hopeless. Seymour was back in Jersey about the end of January 1650, and Charles left the island, which he had found intolerably dull, about a fortnight later. He went to Breda to make arrangements for becoming a covenanted King of Scotland and for denouncing Ormonde’s treaty with the Irish Confederates, with which he had before declared himself highly satisfied.[143]

Prince Rupert left Helvoetsluys January 21, 1649, with ‘three flagships, four frigates and one prize ... in company with the Amsterdam, a Dutch ship of 1000 tons, and two others of less burden.’ His own second-rate had but forty sailors and eighty soldiers instead of the normal complement of 300. The frigates, whose business it was to prey upon merchantmen, were a little better manned. The Duke of York was invited to sail with this fleet, but Hyde says he was dissuaded by ‘his old Presbyterian counsellors.’ Rupert was blown as far as Crookhaven, but by the end of the month he had collected his ships at Kinsale. Fanshawe was at hand to receive such part of the expected plunder as might help to fill the exiled King’s exchequer, and Hyde impressed upon him the importance of maintaining friendly relations between Rupert and Ormonde. The Prince of Wales wrote to the same effect, but Rupert preferred to play an obscure game of his own and to intrigue with Antrim, O’Neill, and the Irish generally against the Lord Lieutenant. As a sea-rover he was at first successful enough, keeping a squadron at Scilly, which had revolted from the Parliament, and announcing his intention to make a second Venice of the little archipelago. A great many prizes were taken, but Rupert lost one frigate, taken at sea by Parliamentarian cruisers. His great difficulty was want of men, but he picked them up wherever he could about the Irish coast in sufficient numbers to man some extra ships. The depredations upon commerce lasted until May, when a powerful fleet under Deane, Popham, and Blake came before Kinsale. Towards the end of June Rupert made a show of attempting to break through the blockade, but had to draw back without fighting. He had greatly strengthened the fortifications at the harbour’s mouth, which prevented the republican squadron from entering. Then provisions and crews began to dwindle again, and nothing more was attempted throughout the summer. In October Blake was driven off the coast by a storm. Rupert seized the opportunity to slip out, and Ireland knew him no more. His presence at Kinsale had no real influence on events.[144]

When there had been a difficulty about getting soldiers for Ireland in the spring of 1647 the officers in Saffron Walden church, had shouted ‘Fairfax and Cromwell and we all go.’ Skippon was chosen, much against his will, but he never crossed the channel. It was not till March 1649 that Cromwell was appointed, and he hesitated to accept the command. He was ready to go where Parliament sent him, but could hope for no success unless the soldiers were satisfied as to their pay and arrears. He was much impressed with the importance of reducing Ireland, lest England should be attacked by Presbyterians and Papists at once. He would rather see the Cavaliers triumphant than the Scots, but a predominant Irish interest would be the most dangerous of all. The money difficulties were got over, and it was decided to send 12,000 men to Ireland, the regiments casting lots for the danger or honour. No individual was forced to go against his will, but those who refused were dismissed from the army, and their places easily filled by volunteers. The troubles with the Levellers followed, and it was not till July that Cromwell was ready to start. His first idea was to land in Munster, where the allegiance of Inchiquin’s troops was known to be shaken, but reinforcements were sent to Jones, which enabled him to win the battle of Rathmines. In the meantime Broghill, who had been for some time inactive and thought of joining Charles abroad, was gained over by Cromwell on the understanding that he was expected to fight only against the Irish.[145]

On July 10 Cromwell left London ‘in very noble equipage, with coaches and six horses apiece, his lifeguard of eighty, who had all been officers, and a great number of attendants.’ Many well-wishers accompanied him as far as Brentford. It was fifty years and a few weeks since Essex had started on his ill-fated expedition with the same title of Lord Lieutenant. Cromwell was at Bristol four days later, where he spent some days with his wife and other members of his family. A hundred thousand pounds, the want of which had doubtless caused this delay, was despatched at the end of the month, and he then pushed on to Milford Haven, where he saw Monck, who probably dissuaded him from going with his whole force to Munster. Cromwell was on board ship on August 13, and ‘as sea-sick,’ says Hugh Peters, ‘as ever I saw a man in my life,’ but before sailing he had the news of Rathmines, which he described as ‘an astonishing mercy.’ He reached Dublin two days later, with about 3000 men in thirty-five vessels. Ireton, with a second and stronger division, contained in seventy-seven ships, went as far as the mouth of Youghal harbour, where he, perhaps, expected a welcome; but the pear was not yet ripe, and he was soon driven by stress of weather to Dublin. By the middle of September the whole force was assembled in and about the Irish capital.[146]

CHAPTER XXXI

CROMWELL IN IRELAND, 1649

Jones had pretty well cleared Dublin of all but Protestants, and it is, therefore, not surprising that the new Lord Lieutenant was received with much rejoicing. He made a speech, of which no full report is extant, promising favour and reward to all who helped ‘against the barbarous and bloodthirsty Irish, and all their adherents and confederates, for the propagating of the Gospel of Christ, the establishing of truth and peace, and restoring of this bleeding nation of Ireland to its former happiness and tranquillity.’ And the people shouted ‘We will live and die with you.’ When he had had a week to look about him, he found that profane swearing and drunkenness were prevalent, and issued a declaration to the citizens against them. These offences were forbidden both by civil and military law, and all officers and soldiers were ordered under the severest penalties to co-operate with the mayor in suppressing them. A separate declaration to the army recited the too frequent practice of ‘abusing, robbing, pillaging, and executing cruelties upon the country people.’ He was resolved, he said, to put down such wickedness by the most stringent enforcement of the articles of war, and officers found negligent would be cashiered. A free market was granted to all in every garrison, and ready money was to be always paid. A general protection was granted till January 1, during which time the inhabitants of the country would have time to make up their minds. Those who intended to plough and sow were to apply to the Attorney-General or other authorised persons for further protection. Some officers who appeared incorrigible were actually got rid of, and proper discipline was henceforth established.[147]

Ormonde’s first care when he had rallied after Rathmines was to garrison Drogheda with about 2000 foot and 300 horse, the flower of his remaining force, and to victual it for a long siege. Ludlow and Bate say the majority of the garrison were English, but this has been denied by modern critics, and there is really no satisfactory evidence on the point. The choice of a Roman Catholic governor may be thought to indicate that the defenders were mainly Irish, but Sir Arthur Aston had been governor of Oxford under the late King’s immediate eye, and no Royalist would be likely to take offence at his appointment. Wood says he brought ‘the flower of the English veterans’ to Ireland. Aston was a brave soldier, and had made a good defence of Reading against Essex, but he was an unpopular man, and Clarendon, who was at Oxford during his command there, has little good to say of him. He lost a leg from the effects of a fall ‘when curvetting on horseback in Bullingdon Green before certain ladies.’ At Drogheda he had much trouble with ladies who insisted on corresponding with Jones. A boy was employed to carry letters, ‘whom, I fear, is of too small a size to be hanged.’ Ormonde did not think there was any serious plot, expressing an opinion that ‘woman is given much to make little factions.’ On September 2, Aston sent out men to seize the neighbouring castles, but Cromwell’s advanced parties were beforehand with him, and no outlying obstacle could be raised against his main body. Next day the infantry made its appearance with some small field-pieces, and the Boyne was forded at Oldbridge, but the garrison sallied forth and drove them back. In announcing this small success to Ormonde the governor hoped ‘shortly to understand of his Excellency’s march with a gallant army.’[148]

On August 31 Cromwell mustered a field force consisting of eight regiments of foot and six of horse, with some dragoons, in a field three miles north of Dublin. He marched next day and encamped next night at Ballygarth on the Nanny River, very near Julianstown, where the English forces had been routed eight years before. On September 3, Cromwell’s lucky day, he was close to Drogheda, where there was a week’s delay before the batteries could be got ready, and the heavy guns landed below the town. On the 7th, Aston made a successful sally, but without in any way interrupting the assailants’ preparations. On the morning of the 10th Cromwell summoned the town in the name of Parliament. ‘To the end,’ he wrote, ‘effusion of blood may be prevented, I thought fit to summon you to deliver the same into my hands to their use. If this be refused you will have no cause to blame me.’ Aston did refuse, and a cannonade was opened against the south-east angle of the town, one battery being against the east, and the other against the south side of St. Mary’s Church. The steeple fell, but the breach did not prove practicable until the next day. Some of the siege guns carried shot of sixty-four pounds weight, and the cannon of the defenders must have been quite overmatched. No regular approaches were necessary, and about five on the second day the breach was assaulted. The stormers were repulsed once, according to Cromwell and Ludlow, twice according to Royalist accounts. The general entered the breach himself at the head of a reserve of infantry, who carried the church and some trenches which the defenders had made inside the walls. These inner works really helped the assailants, for they prevented Aston from using his cavalry. The bank was too steep for the English horse, but the foot soldiers seized the entrenchments and drove a large part of the garrison ‘into the Mill-mount, a place very strong and of difficult access, being exceeding high, having a good graft and strongly palisaded; the governor, Sir Arthur Aston, and divers considerable officers being there, our men getting up to them were ordered by me to put all to the sword; and, indeed, being in the heat of action, I forbade them to spare any that there were in arms in the town.’ This is Cromwell’s own account, and he estimates the slain at about 2000. A part of the defenders were driven across the bridge and as far as St. Sunday’s Gate, at the far end of the town, where a tower was occupied, as was another near the west gate. About a hundred took refuge in St. Peter’s Church tower, which was fired by Cromwell’s orders. The parties near the two gates surrendered next day, and in one case, where fatal shots had been fired, ‘the officers were knocked on the head, and every tenth man of the soldiers killed and the rest shipped for the Barbadoes; the soldiers in the other tower were all spared as to their lives only, and shipped likewise for the Barbadoes. I am persuaded that this is a righteous judgment of God upon these barbarous wretches, who have imbrued their hands in so much innocent blood, and that it will tend to prevent the effusion of blood for the future, which are the satisfactory grounds to such actions, which otherwise cannot but work remorse and regret.’ Sir Arthur Aston was known to be fond of money, and it was rumoured that much was hidden in his wooden leg. This turned out not to be the case, but 200 gold pieces were found in his belt. According to Wood’s account he was actually despatched with this wooden leg. Several friars were in the town, and they were all killed. That some others of the slain were not soldiers is at least highly probable, for Cromwell himself mentions ‘many inhabitants,’ and in this the case of Drogheda does not differ from a hundred others, in which no special blame rests on the general. Ormonde says not a word about women having suffered; but Bate, who was not in Ireland, states in a book published in the following year that ‘there was not any great respect had to either sex.’ The stories attributed to Thomas Wood, the great antiquary’s brother, rest entirely on hearsay evidence, and Thomas was a noted buffoon.[149]

That a garrison duly summoned should be put to the sword after the storming of their works was not contrary to the laws of war in those days. Ormonde speaks of ‘the book of Martyrs, and the relation of Amboyna,’ but the case of Magdeburg would have been more to the point. Ludlow says ‘The slaughter was continued all that day and the next, which extraordinary severity, I presume, was used to discourage others from making opposition,’ but he says nothing more, though he did not love Cromwell. ‘And truly I believe,’ wrote Oliver to Bradshaw, ‘this bitterness will save much effusion of blood.’ The charge that many were killed after quarter given may be founded on fact, but if quarter was anywhere promised it was by persons not authorised to give it, for Cromwell himself says that he forbade it immediately after entering the town. English and Irish alike were treated as accomplices in the Ulster massacre, though very few even of the latter could have had anything to say to it. Among those who escaped was Cornet Richard Talbot, afterwards Duke of Tyrconnel, who owed his safety to the humanity of Colonel John Reynolds. According to Hugh Peters the total number slain was 3552, the loss to the Parliamentarians being only sixty-four, while Cromwell estimates his killed at under a hundred, but with many wounded. Aston expected to be relieved, and was himself expected to hold out much longer. He complained that ammunition ran out fast, but it was certainly not exhausted when Cromwell forced the place, and Ormonde expressly states that there was enough for a long siege. He was not in a position to do anything, though he had about 3000 men, for they were demoralised by the Rathmines disaster, and decreased daily, either by going to their own homes, ‘or by the revolt of some officers and many private soldiers, the rest showing such dejection of courage, and upon all occasions of want, which are very frequent with us, venting their discontent in such dangerous words, that it was held unsafe to bring them within that distance of the enemy, as was necessary to have kept him united, and consequently, one side of the town open to receive continual supplies.’ As many as forty-three troopers deserted in one batch. Colonel Mark Trevor, with a strong party of horse, was in charge of ammunition and provisions at Ardee, but was unable to approach Drogheda on the north side.[150]

Even before the loss of Drogheda, Ormonde saw clearly that his only chance was in an alliance with Owen Roe O’Neill, who could still dispose of 6000 foot and 500 horse. He wrote to him immediately after the battle of Rathmines, and a few days later sent John Leslie, Bishop of Raphoe, and Audley Mervyn to confer with him. They were followed by the ubiquitous Daniel O’Neill, who was believed to have influence with his silent uncle. Immediately before the attack on Drogheda, Charles II. wrote from St. Germains to the Irish general, urging him to return to his allegiance, and Father Thomas Talbot, an elder brother of the more famous Richard, was sent by him to Ireland. Talbot was directed by Ormonde to carry his letters to Owen O’Neill, along with others for his nephew, ‘and to proceed by the said Daniel his advice and direction, and not otherwise.’ The negotiations ended in a treaty, but this was not concluded until October 20, and a great deal had happened in the meantime. The terms finally agreed upon were that the Kilkenny peace should include Ulster, and that O’Neill should be general of that province with 6000 foot and 800 horse. In case of his death or removal, the provincial nobility and gentry were to nominate a successor for the approval of the King’s Lord Lieutenant. A part of the Ulster army co-operated with Ormonde, but O’Neill was already ill and unable to lead them himself after the capture of Drogheda.[151]

Ormonde had given directions to burn and abandon Dundalk and Trim, but the garrisons fled in too great haste, leaving their guns behind them. Having secured these important places Cromwell sent Venables to join Coote, while he turned his own steps southwards. Carlingford, which contained the largest magazine in Ulster, capitulated after some well-directed shots had been fired at Captain Fern’s frigate; seven cannon and a thousand muskets, with much powder and many pikes, fell into the victor’s hands. Newry also surrendered on articles. At Lisburn, Trevor with his cavalry surprised Venables’ camp by night and very nearly gained a complete victory, but the trained soldiers soon recovered from their panic, and re-formed in a position where horsemen could not reach them. Trevor had to fall back as far as the Bann, and Belfast capitulated soon afterwards, leaving guns and powder to the enemy. A large number of the Scotch inhabitants were driven out. Coote made himself master of Coleraine, and by the end of November Ormonde reported that Carrickfergus, Charlemont, and Enniskillen were the only considerable Ulster garrisons still in Royalist hands. Before that time Owen Roe O’Neill had died at Cloughoughter, in Cavan. In the previous May he had likened Ormonde to Baal, and rejoiced that he was one of those who had not bowed the knee; but he saw clearly that it would be necessary to join either the King’s or the Parliament’s party, though opposed to both, unless help came from abroad. He was driven to extremity, and could not otherwise support his army, which he regarded as the last hope of Ireland. It was with this object that he had dealings with Coote, Monck, and Jones, and was driven finally to unite with Ormonde, to whom he wrote only five days before his death. ‘Being now in my death-bed,’ he wrote, ‘I call my Saviour to witness that, as I hope for salvation, my resolution, ways, and intentions from first to last of these unhappy wars tended to no particular ambition or private interest of my own, notwithstanding what was or may be thought to the contrary, but truly and sincerely to the preservation of my religion, the advancement of his Majesty’s service, and just liberties of this nation, whereof, and of my particular reality and willingness to serve your Excellency (above any other in this kingdom), I hope that God will permit me to give ample and sufficient testimony in the view of the world ere it be long.’ He concludes by recommending his son Henry to Ormonde’s care. As a soldier all accounts agree in praising O’Neill, whose word was always kept, and who is not charged with any acts of cruelty or unnecessary severity. Of his patriotism there can be no doubt, but of Ireland as a separate nation he seems to have had no definite idea. He was a Royalist, and his natural leaning would have been towards Ormonde as the special representative of the Crown. But he was above all things attached to the religion of Rome, and Rinuccini’s ban weighed heavily upon him. It was this that separated him so long from his natural ally, while it did not prevent him from helping Monck and Coote. ‘The Bishop of Raphoe and Sir Nicholas Plunket,’ wrote Daniel O’Neill, ‘have agreed upon an expedient about the excommunication which has so troubled that superstitious old uncle of mine in his sickness that I could render him to no reason.’ The expedient was a letter signed by Plunket and Barnewall on behalf of the nuncio’s opponents in the late Confederation, who agreed to petition the Pope to remove his censure, and also to write a sort of apology ‘in a loving and friendly manner’ to Rinuccini himself.[152]

After a few days’ rest in Dublin, Cromwell marched towards Wexford. Fortified posts near Delgany, at Arklow, ‘which was the first seat and honour of the Marquis of Ormonde’s family,’ and at Limerick, ‘the ancient seat of the Esmonds,’ were taken without firing a shot. Ferns and Enniscorthy also surrendered without resistance, and on October 1 the army came before Wexford, where there was a garrison under Colonel David Synnott, who was an old adherent of Preston, and therefore not very popular with the townsmen, who had favoured the nuncio. Two days later a summons was sent in the usual terms ‘to the end effusion of blood may be prevented,’ and Synnott was willing to parley, but Cromwell refused any truce during negotiations, ‘because our tents are not so good a covering as your houses.’ It was arranged that four persons should come out under safe conduct, but while Cromwell was expecting them Castlehaven managed to introduce 1500 Ulster foot on the north side of the town, and Synnott then changed his mind. The safe conduct was withdrawn, and in the meantime Jones led a party of horse and foot round to the long point of Rosslare, at the end of which was a fort whose defenders at once took to the water and were all captured by the Parliamentary fleet. The weather was rough, and it took some days to land the siege train, but all was ready by the evening of the 10th. The battery was placed at the south-east corner of the town opposite the castle, which was outside the wall, Cromwell seeing that if it was once taken the town could make little further resistance. After nearly a hundred shots had been fired, ‘the governor’s stomach came down,’ and he sent out four representatives on safe conduct with written propositions, which Cromwell forwarded to Lenthall ‘for their abominableness, manifesting also the impudency of the men.’ The principal demands were that the inhabitants should for ever have liberty publicly to profess and practise the Roman Catholic religion, retaining all the churches and religious houses without interference, that Bishop French and his successors should have full jurisdiction in the diocese of Ferns, that the garrison should march out with flying colours, and be escorted to Ross with all their arms and other possessions, and that the townsmen should be guaranteed their municipal privileges, lives, and properties. Cromwell engaged to protect the civilians, to give private soldiers leave to go home, ‘with their wearing clothes,’ on condition of bearing arms no more against Parliament, and to spare the lives of the officers, they remaining prisoners of war.[153]

Considering the state of affairs, Cromwell’s terms were not very hard, but there were divided counsels in Wexford. Synnott did not command confidence, and Ormonde, who appeared near the river, sent Sir Edmund Butler to supersede him with a further relief of 500 men. There was no truce during negotiations, and Captain James Stafford, who commanded in the castle, was so much alarmed that he surrendered his post before Synnott’s answer was given. The men on the nearest part of the town wall were panic-stricken when they saw what had happened, and the Cromwellians scrambled over the battlements with the help of their pikes. Sir Edmund Butler had just arrived, but had no time to ferry over his men, and was killed by a shot while attempting to rejoin them by swimming. Barricades and cables had been drawn across the streets, and the passage of the assailants was hotly disputed by the garrison and by many armed citizens. The final contest was in the market-place, and the total number slain between soldiers and townsfolk was not far short of 2000. The loss of the besiegers was trifling, perhaps not more than twenty. For this slaughter Cromwell is not personally liable as he is for Drogheda, and he expresses some regret for it, but not very much. He mentions two instances in which, as he was informed, the Wexford people showed little mercy to others. ‘About seven or eight score poor Protestants were put by them into an old vessel, which being, as some say, bulged by them, the vessel sank, and they were all presently drowned in the harbour. The other was thus: they put divers Protestants into a chapel (which since they have used for a mass-house, and in which one or more of their priests were now killed), where they were famished to death.’ A very large number of guns and several valuable ships were taken. As at Drogheda, little or no mercy was shown to priests or friars, the deaths of seven Franciscans being particularly recorded. As to the tradition of 300 women being slaughtered, the story first appears in Macgeohegan’s history, published in 1758, and Bishop French, writing in 1673, made no mention of anything of the kind. A contemporary account says ‘There was more sparing of lives of the soldiery part of the enemy here than at Drogheda.’ An empty town remained in the victors’ hands.[154]