Before finally leaving Clanricarde and the Duke of Lorraine something must be said of the case of Anthony Geohegan, which had no important results, but which shows how incompatible were the Royalist and clerical ideals. Geohegan had been preferred by Rinuccini at the early age of twenty-four to the nominal dignity of the mitred abbacy of Connall. Towards the end of 1650 he was studying divinity and canon law at Paris, and in correspondence with Abbot Crelly, who was in London, hoping against hope that the Parliament would grant toleration to his Church. He offered to go to Ireland if wanted, and Crelly reported this to Rome. Dean Massari, Rinuccini’s old lieutenant, was Secretary of Propaganda, and gladly accepted the young priest’s offer. He reached Galway on March 14, 1651, while De Henin was there, with instructions to further the appointment of a Catholic protector, and he stayed on after the Lorraine envoy’s departure. Clanricarde suspected that he was working against him, and some of his letters were intercepted, in one of which he said that ‘if the service of God had been as deep in the hearts of our nation as that idol of Dagon, a foolish loyalty, a better course for their honour and preservation had been taken in time.’ He had noticed that at Limerick those favourable to Ormonde had got better terms than others, and he thought the Independents who professed liberty of conscience more likely to grant reasonable terms to the Irish than those who maintained the Church of England and the recusancy laws. Clanricarde would have tried Geohegan as a traitor, but the clergy took their stand upon the bull In Cœna Domini, and maintained that no lay governor or judge could try a priest. They had their way, and Geohegan was, of course, exonerated from all blame.[231]

Even before the surrender of Galway, the Irish leaders began to make terms for themselves and their followers. Of these, the first was John Fitzpatrick, who had lately distinguished himself by taking and holding Meelick. On March 7 he agreed to transport 4000 foot and 300 horse to a state in amity with the Commonwealth, pay being given to them in the meantime, and hopes were held out as to his property. He made no conditions for his father and mother, or for the Catholic religion; whereupon a declaration was published against him, and he was excommunicated. ‘Some of his party,’ say the Parliamentary Commissioners, ‘have been cut off by the enemy, who did also cut off the ears of some whom they took prisoners.’ The men were not popular, having lived by plunder, and the Government were glad to send them to Spain. Fitzpatrick and his father were both excluded by Act of Parliament from pardon for life or estate, but he afterwards married Ormonde’s sister and was restored in 1661 to broad lands in the Queen’s County. His mother, says Ludlow, ‘was found guilty of the murder of the English, with this aggravation, that she said she would make candles of their fat. She was condemned to be burned, and the sentence was executed accordingly.’[232]

The next important chief to surrender was Colonel Edmund O’Dwyer, who commanded in Tipperary and Waterford. He and his men had quarter for life and personal property only, with liberty to serve any friendly foreign State. Murderers of the English, members of the first General Assembly or Supreme Council, homicides after quarter given, deserters, and every ‘priest or other of the Romish clergy in orders,’ were excluded. By the end of June, when Clanricarde came to terms, the Parliament had not many enemies left in the field, though a few strongholds held out for some months longer. The articles of surrender, or authentic copies, are for the most part extant, and the terms granted generally amounted to little more than life and personal liberty to those who had not committed murder. Where priests are not specially excluded, they are generally left tacitly to the mercy of the victors. Landed property was to be distributed according to such qualifications as Parliament might determine. In one case Sir Hardress Waller undertook ‘industriously to solicit’ the authorities that priests who were not charged with any crime except officiating as such should be free to go beyond seas.[233]

There was a Parliamentary garrison at Dingle, which Muskerry made some effort to take, but otherwise Kerry had for a long time been in Irish hands. Murtagh O’Brien, when driven out of Clare after the fall of Limerick, joined his forces to those of Lord Muskerry, and together they amounted to several thousands. Their chief stronghold was Ross Castle, in an island or peninsula on the lower Lake of Killarney, only approachable, as any tourist may now witness, by a narrow causeway with a bog on either side. Muskerry had been chief among the anti-nuncionist Catholics, and had never been forgiven by the priests of his own Church, many of whom had taken refuge in Ross Castle. When a siege was imminent, the clerical party went out—and no doubt they acted prudently in this—but a thousand well-armed men adhered to their general and resolved to hold out as long as possible. Ludlow, accompanied by Broghill and Walker, came to Killarney very early in June with 4000 foot and 2000 horse. Dromagh had already surrendered, so that his rear was exposed to no attack. The woods on the other side of the lake were full of active enemies, who must have had boats of some sort to reach Innisfallen, and who supplied Ross with provisions. Ludlow’s fellow-Commissioners were at Cork, and the mitred Scoutmaster-General at Kinsale, and they quickly provided him with the means of reducing Ross. Boats were brought to Castlemaine harbour under convoy of a frigate. Of these some were probably dragged up the Laune with the help of many men. The two largest, which were intended to carry guns, were sent from Kinsale in pieces, but so that they could be put together in two days. In order to make a safe way for them it was necessary to disperse a strong force of the Irish about Killagh Abbey, near the mouth of the Laune, while another division scoured the woods and put those who occupied them to flight. This was on June 13; five days later several of the boats had been brought to Ludlow’s entrenchments near Ross, and by the 20th they were swimming on the lake. The whole flotilla was not wanted, for the garrison saw that resistance was hopeless, and there was an ancient prophecy that Ross would not be taken until strange ships sailed on Lough Leane. The fitting and management of the boats was entrusted to Captain Chudleigh, who had been a ship-carpenter, and many artificers went readily because he was with them.[234]

Even after the surrender of Galway the Leinster army under Westmeath’s command had still an administrative existence; but its leaders saw no prospect of ultimate success, and were ready to make such terms as might still be possible. The Parliamentary Commissioners were at Kilkenny on April 17, and had a conference with the chief officers of the army, where Dr. Jones, the Scoutmaster-General, produced an abstract of the depositions taken as to murders committed in the early days of the rebellion. This document was forwarded to Parliament and read there on May 18, the Commissioners and officers ‘fearing lest others who are at a greater distance might be moved to the lenity which we have found no small temptation in ourselves,’ forget past abominations, and make too tender concessions. But very few of the English who had any personal knowledge of the original massacres were still living, and it would therefore be hard to bring the guilt home to individuals. The whole Irish nation had to some extent condoned them, and Parliament was bound to take order for punishment ‘in duty towards God, the great avenger of such villainies, who hath from the beginning of the war to this present always in your appeal by war against them appeared most signally.’ Murderers or their aiders and abettors were not led to expect clemency, but the Commissioners declared that all persons living in Ireland should have the benefit of the Act dated September 27, 1650, repealing the clauses in Elizabethan statutes which imposed penalties for not going to church. This was a step in the direction of toleration, but the Act had been really intended for the relief of those who disliked the Book of Common Prayer, and provided also for the prosecution of those who did not attend some place of worship, and would be difficult to apply to those who would have nothing but the forbidden mass.[235]

After much discussion, it was agreed that eleven regiments of foot and six of horse should lay down their arms by June 1 at Mullingar, Maryborough, Carlow, or Kildare. The military articles were liberal enough, officers retaining horses and arms, non-commissioned officers and men whose horses were taken receiving compensation. Officers were allowed to serve any foreign State in amity with the Commonwealth, and to carry 6000 men with them, the Commissioners undertaking to get leave for 6000 more if they could. Life and personal estate were secured, and owners of land were promised ‘equal benefit with others in the like qualification with themselves,’ when Parliament had made up its mind. Murder and robbery of persons not in arms might still be questioned ‘according the due course of law,’ and the benefit of the articles was withheld from those who killed Parliamentary soldiers after quarter given. ‘Priests or Jesuits, or others in Popish orders,’ were to be dealt with as the Irish Government thought fit. The Commissioners were well satisfied with their work, which they had been obliged to do without positive orders from Parliament, for the Irish, being driven out of all forts, had nothing to do but range about the country, ‘retiring as they saw advantage to their bogs and fastnesses.’ The Parliamentary officers had now for the first time leisure to deal with Clanricarde and with Muskerry, who had 3000 foot and 600 horse.[236]

Muskerry and his party accepted the substance of the Leinster articles, but there was a fortnight’s debate on certain points. The Irish officers feared lest they should be all held liable for the murder of the English, ‘which,’ says Ludlow, ‘was an exception we never failed to make.’ An explanatory article was therefore granted, limiting the guilt to those ‘who during the first year of the war have contrived, aided, assisted, acted, or abetted any murder or massacre upon any person or persons of the English not in arms but following their own occupation in their farms or freeholds,’ and to those who since that time had taken life knowing that quarter had been given or protection granted. As to religion, Ludlow and his colleagues would go no further than declare ‘that it is not our intention nor, as we conceive, the intention of those whom we serve, to force any to their worship and service contrary to their consciences.’ Questions as to real estate were, at the request of Muskerry and his friends, ‘left to the pleasure of the Parliament,’ means being given them for pleading their own cause in London. They themselves asked for this in preference to the clause as to qualifications in the Leinster articles. In consideration of the above, 960 able men marched out of Ross Castle, and at least 3000 more followed their example. Murtagh O’Brien, with about 200 men, kept at large in the Kerry mountains until Waller made them untenable, and then escaped across the Shannon, to give further trouble in Connaught.[237]

Colonel Richard Grace, whose property was in King’s County, did not accept the Kilkenny articles, but remained at the head of a considerable force, and burned Birr, which had been partly rebuilt. Three hundred pounds was offered for his head in a proclamation dated May 22, but he managed to cross the Shannon, and burned the towns of Portumna and Loughrea. The country was laid under contribution, and for some days no enemy appeared. Grace had near 3000 men, but they were but odds and ends from various quarters, and were easily surprised by Ingoldsby, who routed the Irish horse and drove the foot into a bog near Loughrea. Grace had to fly with a few men, after which many of his followers dispersed or made terms for themselves. This was on June 20. He managed to recross the river into Leinster and again got some men together, with whom he at last took refuge in a strongly fortified island in Lough Coura, near Birr. Sankey surrounded the lake and made preparations for starving out the party, and Grace, who saw there was no prospect of relief, sued for terms. To avoid a long siege, and also perhaps out of admiration for a brave enemy, Sankey granted the substance of the Kilkenny articles and some further indulgence for the clergy submitting with Grace, who is much praised by the Aphorismical Discovery for insisting on the latter. The priests concerned had leave and four months’ time to go beyond sea, with protection in the interval, and a further respite in case of sickness or want of shipping. In the other cases, they had been left at the disposition of the Lord Deputy or Commissioners. Grace had had nothing to do with the original Irish rebellion, but had fought for the King in England until the surrender of Oxford, so that there was some personal reason for favouring him. He carried 1200 men to Spain, but the Government there broke all their agreements with him, and he lost half his regiment by starvation, desertion, and disease. He attached himself to the Duke of York, and died at Athlone fighting against William III. in 1691.[238]

After the surrender of Muskerry, Ludlow turned his attention to Wicklow and Wexford, where Phelim MacHugh O’Byrne and others still had a considerable force under arms. He placed garrisons in suitable places, who reduced the Irish by destroying their means of subsistence. The green corn was cut and burned, and in a few months the soldiers knew every hiding-place as well as the mountaineers themselves. Early in August, Ludlow turned northwards and garrisoned Carrickmacross. Between that place and Dundalk he came to a cave where a number of men had taken refuge. The soldiers tried to smoke them out, and entered when they supposed them smothered, but the leader was killed by a pistol from inside. It turned out that the cave was ventilated by a hole some way off, and Ludlow ordered this to be stopped. After a time groans were heard, which soon grew fainter, and the man who had fired the shot was drawn out dead. ‘The passage being cleared, the soldiers entered, and, having put about fifteen to the sword, brought four or five out alive, with the priest’s robes, a crucifix, chalice, and other furniture of that kind. Those within preserved themselves by laying their heads close to water that ran through the rock. We found two rooms in the place, one of which was large enough to turn a pike.’ This is not a nice story; but Ludlow, who wrote in cold blood long afterwards, does not offer any apology nor show that he thought any necessary. Nearly two hundred years later the French in Algiers did the same thing on a much larger scale, but they knew that public opinion would be against them, and it was. St. Arnaud did not even venture to tell his own men that five hundred enemies of both sexes and all ages lay suffocated in the cave.[239]

After filling the mouth of the cave with large stones, Ludlow established posts at Castle Blayney and Agher, where he found one of the O’Neills living with his wife, whom he described as the Duchess of Artois’ niece, and some children. They wandered about with the cattle as ‘creaghts,’ seeking for grass and water, and at each halt building a house ‘in an hour or two.’ Steps were soon afterwards taken to abolish this system, as one ‘whereby the enemy comes to be relieved and sustained and the contribution oft damaged.’ It was impossible to catch people who had no fixed abode, and who might even commit murder with every chance of impunity. Lisnaskea was fortified and small holds of the Irish at Belturbet and in one of the Lough Erne islands were taken. Reynolds, who had reduced Leitrim, joined Ludlow at Lisnaskea, and the news of Fleetwood’s arrival reached them there. Ludlow says he was glad to be superseded, his exertions for the public having been ‘recompensed only with envy and hatred,’ and he hastened to join the new commander-in-chief at Kilkenny.[240]

CHAPTER XXXVI

END OF THE WAR, AND ITS PRICE

The historian Cox says that he could find nothing that looked like war during the year 1653, though the rebellion was not officially declared at an end until September 26. The early part of the year cannot, however, be considered as peaceful. There was still some resistance in Ulster, and the Irish also possessed a fortified post in the island of Innisbofin. To that remote stronghold Murtagh O’Brien had repaired after Muskerry’s surrender, and with the help of some arms and ammunition from the Duke of Lorraine he continued to give trouble on the mainland. The fort of Arkin on the great island of Arran had been surprised through ‘the supine carelessness and negligence of Captain Dyas’ shortly before Fleetwood’s arrival, and the Irish garrison under Colonel Oliver Synnot did not surrender until the middle of January. Among those who took refuge in Innisbofin were Roger O’More, the original contriver of the rebellion, Bishop Lynch of Clonfert, Brian MacPhelim O’Byrne, and Colonel Dudley Costello. The governor was Colonel George Cusack, whose family had property in the Pale, and he soon came to terms with Reynolds. The islands of Bofin, Turk, and Clare were surrendered and facilities were given for transporting 1000 men into the Spanish service. The officers retained their arms, ‘prelates and clergymen’ being allowed to go with the rest. Some of the articles were more indulgent than usual, but Colonel Jones thought them ‘suitable to the difficulty of gaining that place by force.’ Only a few days before, near the neighbouring castle of Renvyle, on the mainland, 270 men who were on their way to attack Bofin fell into an ambuscade of 800 Irish, and only got through with the loss of four officers and forty-six men. According to the Aphorismical Discovery, O’More, who could expect no mercy if captured, was basely deserted by Cusack and the Bishop of Clonfert. Donogh O’Flaherty, who was also left behind, was shot by the soldiers; but O’More, after enduring great hardships, got away to Ulster and lived for some time as a fisherman.[241]

In the same month of February fighting continued in West Cork and Kerry among the O’Sullivans and O’Driscolls, some of whom took up arms after their inclusion in the Muskerry articles; and there were still a few desperate men for the garrisons of Cork and Limerick to hunt. But the last stronghold was the island in Lough Oughter, where Bedell had died in the first year of the war. In February, Colonel Barrow came to the lake, burned some of the defenders’ boats ‘with a fiery float,’ and their corn with incendiary missiles, but had the ill luck to be captured himself and held to ransom. This was probably the work of some loose band which remained in arms after the capitulation of the garrison at the end of April. The articles concluded were between Sir Theophilus Jones and Philip O’Reilly on behalf of himself and the other Ulster chiefs still remaining under arms. The terms were much the same as had been granted in other recent cases, and included liberty to make terms with the Spanish recruiting agents. Priests and others in Roman orders were given a month to leave the country, on condition that they did not exercise their function during the interval. Those guilty of murder, whether lay or cleric, were as usual excluded, and a murderer was specially defined as one ‘who had actually a hand in a particular murder or did command the same, or was present when a particular murder was committed by persons under his command by his order.’ It was no murder to have killed a man in fight in the open field at any time since the beginning of the war.[242]

Mountjoy had long since proved that the way to subdue Ireland was to destroy the means of subsistence. As one of the Commissioners of Parliament, Colonel Jones was of opinion that no lasting peace could be made ‘but by removing all heads of septs and priests and men of knowledge in arms, or otherwise in repute, out of this land, and breaking all kinds of interest among them, and by laying waste all fast countries in Ireland, and suffer no mankind to live there but within garrisons,’ adding that declarations were about to issue for laying waste all Kerry and Wicklow, and portions—in some instances the greater part—of seventeen other counties. This was written shortly before the surrender of Cloughoughter, and after that the guerrilla warfare degenerated into mere brigandage. We are not to suppose that the whole ruthless programme was carried out; but no doubt the facts were bad enough. Ludlow was Jones’s colleague, and he speaks of the ‘poor wasted country of Ireland,’ adding that the Irish had always exhausted the land by bad cultivation, and of late worse than ever, ‘being in daily apprehensions of being removed.’ Not long afterwards Petty found the people living on potatoes, and the cultivation of that dangerous root must have been stimulated by the confusion of the past twelve years. It was then and for many years later the practice to dig out the tubers just as they were wanted. Such a crop could not well be carried away or destroyed, and if the sowers escaped the sword they would find something to eat for nine months out of the twelve; while corn could be easily cut or burned, and cattle still more easily driven off. The famine caused by war and by the destruction of food in districts not under protection was accompanied by the plague, which was rife in Galway and many other places. ‘It fearfully broke out in Cashel,’ says Jones, ‘the people being taken suddenly with madness, whereof they die instantly; twenty died in that manner in three days in that little town.’ Dublin did not escape. ‘About the years 1652 and 1653,’ says Colonel Lawrence, who had every opportunity of judging, ‘the plague and famine had swept away whole countries that a man might travel twenty or thirty miles and not see a living creature, either man, beast, or bird, they being either all dead or had quit those desolate places.’ He had himself seen starving wretches pick carrion out of a ditch, and had heard of cases in which human flesh was eaten. Wolves increased enormously, and rewards were given for their heads.[243]

While the war still raged, Roman Catholic priests were for the most part either not mentioned in capitulations or specially excluded from the benefit of them. At Limerick some were excepted by name, and all were refused protection; but later the terms were not quite so rigorous. At Galway they were allowed six months to leave the country. At Roscommon the chaplain was allowed to go out with the garrison. When the Clare brigade surrendered to Waller, all persons in Roman orders were excepted, but he covenanted ‘industriously to solicit the Commissioners of Parliament that such of the clergy in orders, having no other act or crime laid to their charge than officiating their functions as priests, not being suffered to live in quarters or protection, shall have passes and liberty to go beyond the seas.’ Reynolds did much the same in Ulster. A large number of the clergy fled to Innisbofin, and when it was surrendered they were all given protection for life and goods, with leave to accompany the garrison abroad. At Cloughoughter, which was the last fortified place, they were given a month to go, provided they did not officiate in the meanwhile. Out of a great many extant letters from fugitive priests, that of a Dominican friar named O’Conor may be singled out. The brethren of his Order had, he says, continually roused Catholics by preaching to the soldiers and inciting the nobles to take up arms, living constantly among them in the woods and mountains, and opposing every proposal for surrender or capitulation. He himself had been prior of Kilkenny, where he strenuously supported Rinuccini, and was therefore thrice condemned to banishment by the Supreme Council, ‘having excited the anger of all heretics and bad Catholics.’ After the fall of Kilkenny he became prior of Burrishoole, in Mayo, where his convent was for three years the refuge of religious persons. Two attacks were beaten off, but at last the place was taken by storm. The soldiers were killed and some of the friars; others fled to the mountains. Accompanied by one boy, he took a skiff made out of a single log and went six leagues into the open ocean, almost miraculously making his way to Innisbofin. After a short time, seven Parliamentary ships with twenty-two boats hove in sight, and it became necessary to surrender the island. He was transported with the rest, on pain of death if he revisited Ireland, where an edict had been published exiling all ecclesiastics on the same terms, with severe penalties against all who helped them.[244]

The edict mentioned by Father O’Conor and by many other clerical writers of the same time was an order, signed by Fleetwood, Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones, setting forth the experience of many years, ‘that Jesuits, seminary priests, and persons in Popish orders in Ireland, estrange the people from due obedience to the English Commonwealth, and, under pretence of religion, excite them to rebellion, which gave rise to the barbarous murders of 1641 and the destructive war which followed.’ They were all to leave Ireland within twenty days, or incur the penalties of the English Act, 27 Elizabeth, which had never been the law of Ireland, and which made the priests traitors and their abettors felons.[245]

Chichester strove to get the swordsmen of Ulster into the Swedish service, where they might help the Protestant cause almost without knowing it. After the disbanding of Strafford’s army the English Parliament had very naturally, but very unwisely, prevented the men from going to Spain, thus aggravating, if not actually causing, the outbreak in 1641. Cromwell profited by experience, and saw that even in the service of the Catholic king the survivors of the Irish war would be much less dangerous than in their own country. At the beginning of 1653 the Commissioners reported that 13,000 had already gone, but that there were still left ‘many desperate rogues who know not how to live but by robbing and stealing out of bogs and fastnesses.’ By July the number had risen to 27,000. There were, says Petty, who was in Ireland at the time and whose estimate is rather under that of his friend Gookin, ‘transported of them into Spain, Flanders, France, 34,000 soldiers; and of boys, women, priests, &c., no less than 6000 more,’ of whom not half had returned in 1672. The Spanish Government broke all their promises and treated the Irish officers and soldiers very badly, so that whole regiments passed over from time to time into the service of France. In both services the dissensions which had been so fatal in Ireland continued between Celts and Anglo-Irish and between Ormondists and Nuncionists. Hyde, who knew Spain and had suffered many things there, excuses the desertions in Catalonia, which were stimulated by Inchiquin, and the ill-conduct of the Irish at Bordeaux, which caused the loss of that city, by the extreme ill-usage which they had received from the Spanish authorities. There were many needy Irish officers in London who were glad to contract with Cardenas for the transport of men. Philip found money enough to make this remunerative, but when the Irish were once landed in his country no further trouble was taken. ‘The soldiers, who were crowded more together into one ship than was fit for so long voyages, had contracted many diseases, and many were dead and thrown overboard. As soon as they came upon the coast the officers made haste to land, how far soever from the place at which they stood bound to deliver their men; by which in those places which could make resistance they were not suffered to land, and in others no provision was made for their reception on march; but very great numbers were starved or knocked in the head by the country people.’ All this, Clarendon adds, ‘manifested how loose the government was.’ Mazarin managed much better. The passage to France was shorter, and he took care that there should be no want of shipping and better accommodation on landing, so that at least 20,000 Irishmen came into the French service, though from old associations they would have preferred that of Spain. And the historian notes that Cromwell had been able to send abroad 40,000 men who would have been enough to drive him out of England; while the King’s Lieutenant, notwithstanding all the promises, obligations, and contracts which the Confederate Roman Catholics had made to and with him, could not draw together a body of 5000 men.[246]

On June 8 Fleetwood married Ireton’s widow, and on July 10 his father-in-law made him commander-in-chief in Ireland. In the following month he was appointed by Parliament a commissioner for the civil government along with the regicides Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones, and John Weaver, the member for Stamford. Fleetwood was in Ireland by the beginning of September, but there was not much left for a general to do except to superintend the reduction of the army. The dregs of the war had to be dealt with first, but the Commissioners were given great powers in the domain of law and justice, and their first care was for the punishment of those to whom murder could be brought home. Doctor Jones had already received orders to collect evidence. A High Court was erected in Dublin under Chief Justice Lowther, who issued commissions to find and examine witnesses in the country. Local courts were also established, the first of which, consisting of Justices Donnellan and Cook and Commissary-General Reynolds, sat on October 4 at Kilkenny in the room where the Supreme Council had been used to meet. Notwithstanding the difficulty of getting evidence eleven years after the first outbreak, sixteen persons were found guilty at Kilkenny, six at Clonmel, and thirty-two at Cork; and we are told that most of these were very considerable men, heads of septs or otherwise important. The High Court in Dublin did not sit until January.[247]

It was considered murder to kill persons not in arms or who had been received to quarter, and this was the general principle on which prosecutions were based. The record is imperfect, but Cox estimated that not above two hundred died by the hands of the common executioner, though many murderers had perished by the sword or by disease. Hearsay evidence was probably admitted to an extent which would not be dreamed of in our days, but trials were carefully conducted, and there were a great many acquittals. Of the original insurgents surviving, by far the most important were Sir Phelim O’Neill, who had lurked in Tyrone since the surrender of Charlemont, where his wife remained. Early in 1653 he ventured, with a view of communicating with her, to take up his abode in an old house on an island in Roghan Lough, near Coalisland, accompanied by Tirlogh Groom O’Quin and a score of soldiers. His messenger was a follower named O’Hugh, who was under protection at Charlemont, and Lord Caulfield’s attention was thus roused. The little lake was surrounded and boats were launched upon it, and the island, which was very near the shore, was quite indefensible even against musketry. Sir Phelim surrendered, and was taken to Carrickfergus, where he was very civilly treated by Venables, who had found him a gallant enemy. He was sent off to Dublin and tried there upon the last day of February, his companions, with the exception of O’Quin, being released.[248]