Fig. 954.—Long-Pine.
Fig. 954.—Long-Pine, a Dakota, was killed by Dakotas, perhaps accidentally or perhaps in a personal quarrel. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1846-’47. He was not killed by a tribal enemy, as he has not lost his scalp.
Fig. 955.—Trade.
Fig. 955.—They were compelled to sell many mules and horses to enable them to procure food, as they were in a starving condition. They willingly gave a mule for a sack of flour. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1868-’69. The mule’s halter is connected with two sacks of flour.
Fig. 956.—Trade.
Fig. 956 is taken from Prince Maximilian, of Wied’s (h) Travels. The cross signifies, I will barter or trade. Three animals are drawn on the right hand of the cross; one is a buffalo (probably albino); the two others, a weasel (Mustela Canadensis) and an otter. The pictographer offers in exchange for the skins of these animals the articles which he has drawn on the left side of the cross. He has there, in the first place, depicted a beaver very plainly, behind which there is a gun; to the left of the beaver are thirty strokes, each ten separated by a longer line; this means: I will give thirty beaver skins and a gun for the skins of the three animals on the right hand of the cross.
The ideographic character of the design consists in the use of the cross—being a drawing of the gesture-sign for “trade”—the arms being interchanged in position. Of the two things each one is put in the place before occupied by the other thing, the idea of exchange.
The Dakotas often express this concept by uniting two or more figures by a distinct inclusive line below the figures. This sometimes means family relationship and sometimes common membership in the same tribe.
Fig. 957.—Brothers.
Fig. 957.—Antoine Janis’s two boys were killed by John Richard. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1872-’73. The line of union shows them to be intimately connected; in fact, they were brothers.
Fig. 958.—Same tribe.
Fig. 958.—The Oglalas got drunk at Chug creek and engaged in a quarrel among themselves, in which Red-Cloud’s brother was killed and Red-Cloud killed three men. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1841-’42. The union line shows that the quarrel was in the tribe.
Fig. 959.—Man and wife.
Fig. 959.—Torn-Belly and his wife were killed by some of their own people in a quarrel. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1855-’56. Here the man and wife are united by the inclusive line.
Fig. 960.—Same tribe.
Fig. 960.—Eight Minneconjou Dakotas were killed by Crow Indians at the mouth of Powder river. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1805-’06. This device is very frequently used to denote the death of the Dakotas. The black strokes indicate the death of persons of the number delineated and the union line shows that they were of the same tribe.
Fig. 961.—Same tribe.
Fig. 961.—Blackfeet Dakotas kill three Rees. The-Flame’s Winter Count for 1798-’99. Here the uniting line of death refers to others than Dakotas, which does not often appear, but the principle is maintained that the dead are of the same tribe.
Fig. 962.—Bear-Whirlwind.
Fig. 962.—Mato-wamniyomni, Bear-Whirlwind. The Oglala Roster. This figure shows over the bear’s head a variant of the character given in Red-Cloud’s Census, Fig. 963. The figure appears, according to the explanation given by several Oglala Dakota Indians, to signify the course of a whirlwind with the transverse lines in imitation of the circular movement of the air, conveying dirt and leaves, observed during such aerial disturbances.
Fig. 963.—White-Whirlwind.
Fig. 963.—Represents White-Whirlwind, above referred to, from Red-Cloud’s Census. In this the designating character is more distinct.
Fig. 964.—Leafing.
Fig. 964.—Leafing. Red-Cloud’s Census. This seems to be of the same description. It is said to be drawn in imitation of a number of fallen leaves packed against one another and whirled along the ground. It also has reference to the season when leaves fall—autumn.
Mr. Keam’s MS. describing Fig. 965, says:
Fig. 965.—Whirlwind.
It is a decoration of great frequency and consisting of the single and double spirals. The single spiral is the symbol of Ho-bo-bo, the twister, who manifests his power by the whirlwind. It is also of frequent occurrence as a rock etching in the vicinity of ruins, where also the symbol of the Ho-bo-bo is seen. But the figure does not appear upon any of the pottery. The myth explains that a stranger came among the people, when a great whirlwind blew all the vegetation from the surface of the earth and all the water from its courses. With a flint he caught these symbols upon a rock, the etching of which is now in Keam’s Cañon, Arizona Territory. It is 17 inches long and 8 inches across. He told them that he was the keeper of breath. The whirlwind and the air which men breathe comes from this keeper’s mouth.
Fig. 966.—Whirlwind.
Fig. 966 is a copy of part of the decoration on a pot taken from a mound in Missouri, published in Second Annual Report of the Bureau Ethnology, Pl. LIII, fig. 11. On the authority of Rev. S. D. Hinman, it is the conventional device among the Dakotas to represent a whirlwind.
Fig 967.—Froze to death.
Fig. 967.—Glue, an Oglala, froze to death on his way to a Brulé village. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1791-’92. A glue-stick is represented back of his head. Glue, made from the hoofs of buffalo, is used to fasten arrowheads to the shaft and is carried about on sticks. The cloud from which hail or snow is falling represents winter.
Fig. 968.—Froze to death.
Fig. 968.—A Dakota, named Glue, froze to death. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1820-’21. This figure is introduced to corroborate of the preceding one as regards the name Glue. It gives another representation of the glue stick.
Fig. 969.—Crows froze.
Fig. 969.—A Dakota named Stabber froze to death. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1782-’83. The sign for winter is the same as before, but doubled, as if of twofold power or excessively severe.
Fig. 970.—Froze to death.
Fig. 970.—The winter was so cold that many crows froze to death. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1788-’89. White-Cow-Killer says “Many-black-crows-died winter.”
The Crow falling stiff and motionless is a good symbol for the effect of excessive cold.
Fig. 971.
Fig. 971.—The snow was very deep. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1827-’28. The piled-up snow around the bottoms of the tipis is graphic; no other material than snow could make that kind of surrounding heap.
Fig. 972.—Cold, snow.
Fig. 972.—From Copway, page 135, is the representation of “cold,” “snow.”
Fig. 973.
The Shoshoni and Banak sign for cold, winter, is: Clinch both hands and cross the forearms before the breast with a trembling motion. It is represented in Fig. 973. Cf. Battiste Good’s Winter count for 1747-’48 and 1783-’84.
Fig. 974.
In Kingsborough (g) is the painting reproduced in Fig. 974 with this description: “In the year of seven Canes and 1447 according to our calculation, it snowed so heavily that lives were lost.”
Fig. 975.
In the same work and volumes, p. 146 and Pl. 26, is the original of Fig. 975, with the explanation that: “In this year of seven Flints, or 1512, there were heavy falls of snow.”
Wiener, op. cit., p. 762, gives the following description (condensed) of Fig. 976, a remarkable example of ideography:
This is on a cloth on which the eight fortresses of Paramonga were presented. Between these bridges are drawn; these forts are of three stages and on each stage is a representation of a man or of two men. The men who are down on the plain had clothing of another color and even another colored face from those who appear on the different stages. Those who are on the plain at the foot of the fortress have no arms, but they have highly developed ears. The same is true of those who appear on the first stage. Those of the following stage are provided with arms, and the ears are of normal size. On the highest platform appear individuals with arms and they have ears like those on the second stage. In the middle a figure is provided with one arm and only one developed ear, which are on opposite sides. The men without arms are also without weapons. Those of the second stage carry at the height of the belt a kind of hatchet and those of the upper platform have each a club.
Considering the character of the locality where this cloth was found, the number of forts there, the marshy land which prevented dry-shod communication between them, it can not be doubted that the subject matter was the representation of that region, but this representation is not a drawing on a plan, but is a description which does not only treat of the nature of the place and of the work that man raised there, but it also indicates the rôle that the inhabitants played there.
The function of the men with exaggerated ears and no arms was that of scouts. The armed men with normal ears were guards or warriors bearing different weapons, ax and club, and differently uniformed. The highest figure with one large ear was the chief of the garrison.
It will be noticed that the scouts have enormous feet which do not rest on the ground. This in connection with their exaggerated ears implies that their duty is to listen and when they hear the enemy not to engage him, as they have no arms or weapons, but to fly to the headquarters and make the report. The duty of the warriors is not to listen, so their ears are not abnormal, but to fight, and therefore they have arms, one of which is exposed and the other holds a weapon. Their feet are attached to their several stations. The chief must both listen and direct, wherefore he is drawn with one exaggerated ear and one arm. His feet do not touch the platform, which signifies that he has no special station, but must move wherever he is most needed.
The terms sign, symbol, and emblem are often used interchangeably and therefore incorrectly. Many persons ascribe an occult and mystic signification to symbols, probably from their general religious and esoteric employment. All characters in Indian picture-writing have been loosely styled symbols, and, as there is no logical distinction between the characters impressed with enduring form and when merely outlined in the ambient air, all Indian gestures, motions, and attitudes, intended to be significant, might with equal appropriateness be called symbolic. But an Indian sign-talker or a deaf-mute represents a person by mimicry, and an object by the outline of some striking part of its form, or by the pantomime of some peculiarity in its actions or relations. Their attempt is to bring to mind the person or thing through its characteristics, not to distinguish the characteristics themselves, which is a second step. In the same manner a simple pictorial sign attempts to express an object, idea, or fact without any approach to symbolism. Symbols are less obvious and more artificial than mere signs, are not only abstract, but metaphysical, and often need explanation from history, religion, and customs. They do not depict, but suggest subjects; do not speak directly through the eye to the intelligence, but presuppose in the mind knowledge of an event or fact which the sign recalls. The symbols of the ark, dove, olive branch, and rainbow would be wholly meaningless to people unfamiliar with the Mosaic or some similar cosmology, as would the cross and the crescent be to those ignorant of history.
The loose classification by which symbols would include every gesture or pictorial sign that naturally or conventionally recalls a corresponding idea, only recognizes the fact that every action and object can, under some circumstances, become a symbol. And indeed lovers of the symbolic live in, on, and by the symbols which they manufacture.
A curious instance of the successful manufacture of a symbol by the ingenuity of one man is in the one now commonly pictured of a fish to represent Christ. The fish for obvious reasons has been connected with Eurasian mythology, and therefore was a heathen symbol many centuries before the Christian era; indeed, probably before the creed of the Israelites had become formulated. It was used metaphorically or emblematically by the early Christians without the apparent propriety of the lamb-bearing shepherd, the dove, and other emblems or symbols found in the catacombs, and Didron (b) says that only in the middle of the fourth century Optatus, bishop of Milesia, in Africa, declared the significance of the letters of the Greek word for fish, ΙΧΘΥΣ, to be the initials of Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς Θεοῦ Ὑιος Σωτηρ, which acrostic was received with acclamation, and new characteristics were from time to time invented, adding force to the thenceforth commonly displayed symbol. It may be noted that when symbols, which were generally religious, received acceptance, they were soon used objectively as amulets or talismans.
This chapter is not intended to be a treatise on symbolism, but it is proper to mention the distinction in the writer’s mind between a pictorial sign, an emblem, and a symbol; though it is not easy to preserve accurate discrimination in classification of ideographic characters. To partly express the distinction, nearly all of the characters in the Winter Counts in this work are regarded as pictorial signs, and the class represented by tribal and clan designations, insignia, etc., is considered to belong to the category of emblems. There is no doubt, however, that true symbols exist among the Indians, as they must exist to some extent among all peoples not devoid of poetic imagination. Some of them are shown in this work. The pipe is generally a symbol of peace, although in certain positions and connections it signifies preparation for war, and, again, subsequent victory. The hatchet is a common symbol for war, and joined hands or approaching palms denote peace. The tortoise has been clearly used as a symbol for land, and many other examples can be admitted. Apart from the exaggerations of Schoolcraft, true symbolism is found among the Ojibwa, of which illustrations are presented. The accounts of the Zuñi, Moki, and Navajo, before mentioned, show the constant employment of symbolic devices by those tribes which are notably devoted to mystic ceremonies. Nevertheless the writer’s personal experience is that when he has at first supposed a character to be a genuine symbol, better means of understanding has often proved it to be not even an ideograph, but a mere objective representation. In this connection the remarks on the circle, in Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for 1811-’12, and those on the cross infra, may be in point.
The connection, to the unlettered Indian, between printed words, pictures, and signs, was well illustrated through the spontaneous copial, by a Cheyenne, of the ornate labels on packages of sugar and coffee, which he had seen at a reservation, and the lines of which he rather skillfully and very ingeniously repeated on a piece of paper when sending to a post-trader to purchase more of the articles. The printed label was to him the pictorial sign for those articles.
The following remarks are quoted from D’Alviella (a):
There is a symbolism so natural, that, like certain implements peculiar to the stone age, it does not belong to any particular race, but constitutes a characteristic trait of mankind at a certain phase of its development. Of this class are representations of the sun by a disk or radiating face, of the moon by a crescent, of the air by birds, of water by fishes or a broken line, of thunder by an arrow or a club, etc. We ought, perhaps, to add a few more complicated analogies, as those which lead to symbolizing the different phases of human life by the growth of a tree, the generative forces of nature by phallic emblems, the divine triads by an equilateral triangle, or in general by any triple combination the members of which are equal, and the four principal directions of space by a cross. How many theories have been built upon the presence of the cross as an object of veneration among nearly all the peoples of the Old and New Worlds? Roman Catholic writers have justly protested, in recent years, against attributing a pagan origin to the cross of the Christians, because there were cruciform signs in the symbolism of religions anterior to Christianity. It is also right, by the same reason, to refuse to accept the attempts to seek for infiltrations of Christianity in foreign religions because they also possess the sign of redemption. * * * Nearly all peoples have represented the fire from the sky by an arm and, sometimes also, by a bird of strong and rapid flight. It was symbolized among the Chaldeans by a trident. Cylinders going back to the most ancient ages of Chaldean art exhibit a water jet gushing from a trident which is held by the god of the sky or of the storm. The Assyrian artist who first, on the bas-reliefs of Nimroud or Malthai, doubled the trident or transformed it into a trifid fascicle, docile to the refinements and elegancies of classic art, by that means secured for the ancient Mesopotamian symbol the advantage over all the other representations of thunder with which it could compete. The Greeks, like the other Indo-European nations, seem to have represented the storm-fire under the features of a bird of prey. When they received the Asiatic figure of the thunderbolt, they put it in the eagle’s claws and made of it the scepter of Zeus, explaining the combination, after their habit, by the story of the eagles bringing thunder to Zeus when he was preparing for the war against the Titans. Latin Italy transmitted the thunderbolt to Gaul, where, in the last centuries of paganism, it alternated on the Gallo-Roman monuments with the two-headed hammer.
The emblem writers, so designated, have furnished an immense body of literature, and apparently have considered such pictures as those of the Winter Counts in the present work and also all symbols to be included in their proper scope. The best summary on the subject is by Henry Greene (a), from which the following condensed extract is taken:
Of the changes through which a word may pass the word emblem presents one of the most remarkable instances. Its present signification, type, or allusive representation is of comparatively modern use, while its original meaning is obsolete. Among the Greeks an emblem meant something thrown in or inserted after the fashion of what we now call marquetry and mosaic work, or in the form of a detached ornament to be affixed to a pillar, a tablet, or a vase, and put off or on as there might be occasion.
Quintilian (lib. 2, cap. 4), in enumerating the arts of oratory used by the pleaders of his day, describes some of them as in the habit of preparing and committing to memory certain highly finished clauses, to be inserted (as occasion might arise) like emblems in the body of their orations. Such was the meaning of the term in the classical ages of Greece and Rome; nor was its signification altered until some time after the revival of literature in the fifteenth century.
Thus, in their origin, emblems were the figures or ornaments fashioned by the tools of the artists, in metal or wood, independent of the vase, or the column, or the furniture they were intended to adorn; they might be affixed or detached at the promptings of the owner’s fancy. Then they were formed, as in mosaic, by placing side by side little blocks of colored stone, or tiles, or small sections of variegated wood. Raised or carved figures, however produced, came next to be considered as emblems; and afterwards any kind of figured ornament or device, whether carved or engraved or simply traced, on the walls and floors of houses or on vessels of wood, clay, stone, or metal.
By a very easy and natural step figures and ornaments of many kinds, when placed on smooth surfaces, were named emblems; and as these figures and ornaments were very often symbolical, i. e., signs or tokens of a thought, a sentiment, a saying, or an event, the term emblem was applied to any painting, drawing, or print that was representative of an action, of a quality of the mind, or of any peculiarity or attribute of character. Emblems in fact were and are a species of hieroglyphics, in which the figures or pictures, besides denoting the natural objects to which they bear resemblances, were employed to express properties of the mind, virtues and abstract ideas, and all the operations of the soul.
The following remarks of the same author (b) are presented in this connection, though they pass beyond the scope of either symbols or emblems into other divisions of pictography, as classified in the present work:
Coins and medals furnish most valuable examples of emblematical figures; indeed some of the emblem writers, as Sambucus, in 1564, were among the earliest to publish impressions or engravings of ancient Roman money, on which are frequently given very interesting representations of customs and symbolical acts. On Grecian coins we find, to use heraldic language, that the owl is the crest of Athens, a wolf’s head that of Argos, and a tortoise the badge of the Peloponnesus. The whole history of Louis XIV and that of his great adversary, William III, is represented in volumes containing the medals that were struck to commemorate the leading events of their reigns, and, though outrageously untrue to nature and reality by the adoption of Roman costumes and classic symbols, they serve as records of remarkable occurrences.
Heraldry throughout employs the language of emblems; it is the picture-history of families, of tribes, and of nations, of princes and emperors. Many a legend and many a strange fancy may be mixed up with it, and demand almost the credulity of simplest childhood in order to obtain our credence; yet in the literature of chivalry and honors there are enshrined abundant records of the glory that belonged to mighty names.
The custom of taking a device or badge, if not a motto, is traced to the earliest times of history. It is a point not to be doubted that the ancients used to bear crests and ornaments in the helmets and on the shields; for we see this clearly in Virgil, when he made the catalogue of the nations which came in favor of Turnus against the Trojans, in the eighth book of the Æneid; Amphiaraus then (as Pindar says), at the war of Thebes, bore a dragon on his shield. Similarly Statius writes of Capaneus and of Polinices that the one bore the Hydra and the other the Sphynx.
Emblems do not necessarily require any analogy between the objects representing and the objects or qualities represented, but may arise from pure accident. They may bear any meaning that men may choose to attach to them, so their value still more than that of symbols depends upon extrinsic facts and not intrinsic features. After a scurrilous jest the beggar’s wallet became the emblem of the confederated nobles, the Gueux of the Netherlands; and a sling, in the early minority of Louis XIV, was adopted from the refrain of a song by the Frondeur opponents of Mazarin.
The several tribal designations for Sioux, Arapaho, Cheyenne, etc., are their emblems, precisely as the star-spangled flag is that of the United States, but there is no intrinsic symbolism in them. So the designs for individuals, when not merely translations of their names, are emblematic of their family totems or personal distinctions, and are no more symbols than are the distinctive shoulder-straps of an army officer.
The point urged is that while many signs can be used as emblems and both can be converted by convention into symbols or be explained as such by perverted ingenuity, it is futile to seek for that form of psychological exuberance in the stage of development attained by the greater part of the American tribes. All predetermination to interpret their pictographs on the principles of symbolism as understood or pretended to be understood by its admirers, and as are sometimes properly applied not only to Egyptian hieroglyphics, but to Mexican, Maya, and some other southern pictographs, results in mooning mysticism.
The following examples are presented as being either symbols or emblems, according to the definition of those terms, and therefore appropriate to this section. More will be found in Chapter XX, on Special Comparisons, and indeed may appear under different headings; e. g., Battiste Good symbolizes hunting by a buffalo head and arrow, Fig. 321, and war by a special head-dress, Fig. 395.
Sir A. Mackenzie (c) narrates that in 1793 he found among the Athabascans an emblem of a country abounding in animals. This was a small round piece of green wood chewed at one end in the form of a brush, which the Indians use to pick the marrow out of bones.
Mr. Frank H. Cushing, in notes not yet reduced to final shape for publication, gives two excellent examples of symbols among the Zuñi:
(1) The circle or halo around the sun is supposed to be and is called by the Zuñi the House of the Sun-God. This is explained by analogy. A man seeks shelter on the approach of a rainstorm. As the sun circle almost invariably appears only with the coming of a storm, the Sun, like his child, the man, seeks shelter in his house, which the circle has thus come to be.
The influence of this simple inference myth on the folklore of the Zuñi shows itself in the perpetuation, until within recent generations, of the round sun towers and circular estufas so intimately associated with sun worship, yet which were at first but survivals of the round medicine lodge.
(2) The rainbow is a deified animal having the attributes of a human being, yet also the body and some of the functions of a measuring worm. Obviously, the striped back and arched attitude of the measuring worm, its sudden appearance and disappearance among the leaves of the plants which it inhabits, are the analogies on which this personification is based. As the measuring worm consumes the herbage of the plants and causes them to dry up, so the rainbow, which appears only after rains, is supposed to cause a cessation of rains, consequently to be the originator of droughts, under the influence of which latter plants parch and wither away as they do under the ravages of the measuring worms. Here it will be seen that the visible phenomenon called the rainbow gets by analogy the personality of the measuring worm, while from the measuring worm in turn the rainbow gets its functions as a god. Of this the cessation of rain on the appearance of the rainbow is adduced as proof.
The following is reported by Dr. W. H. Dall (e), and explains how the otter protruding his tongue is the emblem of Shaman:
The carvings on the rattles of the Tlinkit are matters belonging particularly to the shaman or medicine man, and characteristic of his profession. Among these very generally, if not invariably, the rattle is composed of the figure of a bird, from which, near the head of the bird or carved upon the back of the bird’s head, is represented a human face with the tongue protruding.
This tongue is bent downward and usually meets the mouth of a frog or an otter, the tongue of either appearing continuous with that of the human face. In case it is a frog it usually appears impaled upon the tongue of a kingfisher, whose head and variegated plumage are represented near the handle in a conventional way. It is asserted that this represents the medicine man absorbing from the frog, which has been brought to him by the kingfisher, either poison or the power of producing evil effects on other people.
In case it is an otter the tongue of the otter touches the tongue of the medicine man, as represented on the carving. * * *
This carving is represented, not only on rattles, but on totem posts, fronts of houses, and other objects associated with the medicine man, the myth being that when the young aspirant for the position of medicine man goes out into the woods after fasting for a considerable period, in order that his to be familiar spirit may seek him, and that he may become possessed of the power to communicate with supernatural beings; if successful he meets with a river otter, which is a supernatural animal. The otter approaches him and he seizes it, kills it with the blow of a club, and takes out the tongue, after which he is able to understand the language of all inanimate objects, of birds, animals, and other living creatures. * * *
This ceremony or occurrence happens to every real medicine man. Consequently the otter presenting his tongue is the most universal type of the profession as such, and is sure to be found somewhere in the paraphernalia of every individual of that profession.
With this account from the Pacific coast a similar determination of emblems by the Indians in the northeastern parts of the United States may be compared. The objects seen by them in their fasting visions not only were decisive of their names but were held to show the course of their lives. If a youth saw an eagle or bear he was destined to be a warrior; if a deer he would be a man of peace; and a turkey buzzard or serpent was the sign that he would be a medicine man. The figures of those animals therefore were respectively the emblems of the qualities and dispositions implied. See Fig. 159, supra, for a drawing of the Sci-Manzi or “Mescal Woman” of the Kaiowa as it appears on a sacred gourd rattle used in the mescal ceremony of that tribe, with description.
In Kingsborough (h) is the record that “in the year of Ten Houses, or 1489, a very large comet, which they name Xihuitli, appeared.”
Fig. 977.—Comet. Mexican.
The comet is represented in the plate by the symbol of a caterpillar, in allusion, perhaps, to its supposed influence in causing blights. This may be compared with the measuring worm, symbol of the rainbow, supra. The character is reproduced in Fig. 977.
In the same work and Codex, Pls. 10, 12, and 33, are three characters, somewhat differing, representing earthquakes, which, according to the text in Vol. VI, p. 137, et seq., occurred in Mexico in the years A. D. 1461, 1467, and 1542. The concept appears to be that of the disruption and change of the position of the several strata of soil, which are indicated by the diverse coloration. These characters are reproduced in the present work in Pl. XLIX as the three on the right hand in the lower line.
Fig. 978.—Robbery. Mexican.
Fig. 978 is from the same work (i), Codex Mendoza, and is the symbol for robbery, in allusion to the punishment of the convicted robber.
In the same work (k), Codex Vaticanus, is the following description, in quaint language, of the plate now reproduced in Pl. XLIX:
These are the twenty letters or figures which they employed in all their calculations, which they supposed ruled over men, as the figure shows, and they cured in a corresponding manner those who became ill or suffered pains in any part of the body. The sign of the wind was assigned to the liver; the rose to the breast; the earthquake to the tongue; the eagle to the right arm; the vulture to the right ear; the rabbit to the left ear; the flint to the teeth; the air to the breath; the monkey to the left arm; the cane to the heart; the herb, to the bowels; the lizard to the womb of women; the tiger to the left foot; the serpent to the male organ of generation, as that from which their diseases proceeded in their commencement; for in this manner they considered the serpent, wherever it occurred, as the most ominous of all their signs. Even still physicians continue to use this figure when they perform cures, and, according to the sign and hour in which the patient became ill, they examined whether the disease corresponded with the ruling sign; from which it is plain that this nation is not as brutal as some persons pretend, since they observed so much method and order in their affairs and employed the same means as our astrologers and physicians use, as this figure still obtains amongst them and may be found in their repertoires.
a, deer or stag; b, wind; c, rose; d, earthquake; e, eagle; f, eagle of a different species; g, water; h, house; i, skull or death; j, rain; k, dog; l, rabbit; m, flint; n, air; o, monkey; p, cane; q, grass or herb; r, lizard; s, tiger; t, serpent.
Dr. S. Habel (d) gives the description concerning Fig. 979, which is presented here on account of the several symbols and gestures exhibited:
This is a block of dark gray porphyry (vulcanite) 12 feet long, 3 feet broad and 2 feet thick, the upper left corner of which is slightly broken off. The sculpture occupies 9 feet of its upper part. The upper portion represents the head and breast of a female, surrounded by a circle, from which the arms project. Besides the stereotyped frill surrounding the forehead, the only ornament of the head consists of two entwined rattlesnakes. The hair is of medium length and descends in tresses to the shoulders and breast. The ear is ornamented with circular disks inclosing smaller ones. Around the neck is a broad necklace of irregularly-shaped stones of extraordinary size. Below the necklace the breast is covered with a kind of scarf or textile fabric, the upper ends of which are fastened by buttons. To the center of this scarf seems to be attached a globe, the upper part of which is adorned by a knotted band from which four others ascend. From the lower part of the globe descends another band, with incisions characteristic of Mexican sculpture, while its sides are adorned by wreaths like wings. The wrists of both hands are covered with strings of large stones perforated in the center. From the semicircular bands emanate two of the twining staves; to the staves are attached knots, leaves, flowers, and various other emblems of a mythical character. The most conspicuous of these is the representation of a human face in a circle resembling the ordinary pictures of the full moon. The two central staves, originating from the neck, pass downward, and are differently ornamented. The fact that the head and part of the breast are surrounded by a circle, and that the image of the moon forms one of its ornaments, induces us to believe that this is the figure of the moon goddess. In the lower part of the sculpture appears, again, an individual imploring the deity with face upturned and elevated hand. The supplication is indicated by a curved staff knotted on the sides. Excepting a circular disk attached to the hair, the head is without ornament; the long hair hangs down to the breast and back, ending in a complicated ornament extending below the knees. In the lobe of the ear is a small ring from which a larger one depends. The breast is adorned with a globe similar to that on the breast of the goddess, only it is smaller. Around the wrist of the right hand is a plain cuff, while the left hand is covered by a skull; a stiff girdle, with a boar’s head ornamenting its back part, surrounds the waist. This girdle differs from the previous ones by being ornamented with circular depressions. From the front of the girdle descend two twisted cords surrounding the thigh, and a band tied in bow and ends. Below the right knee is a kind of garter with a pear-shaped pendant. The left foot, with the exception of the toes, is inclosed in a sort of shoe.
In front of the adorer is a small altar, the cover of which has incisions similar to those in the pendant of the globe on the breast of the deity. On the altar is a human head, from the mouth of which issues a curved staff, while other staves in the shape of arrows appear on the side of the head.
Fig. 980 is reproduced by permission from Lieut. H. R. Lemly (a), U. S. Army, who calls it a “stone calendar.” It is the work of the Chibcha Indians of the United States of Colombia, and its several parts, some of which are to be compared with similar designs in other regions, are explained as follows:
a, Ata, a small frog in the act of leaping. This animal was the base of the system, and in this attitude denoted the abundance of water. b, Bosa, a rectangular figure with various divisions, imitating cultivated fields. c, Mica, a bicephalous figure, with the eyes distended, as if to examine minutely. It signified the selection and planting of seed. d, Muihica, similar to the preceding, but with the eyes almost closed. It represented the dark and tempestuous epoch in which, favored by the rain, the seed began to sprout. e, Hisca, resembling c and d of the stone, but larger, with no division between the heads. It was the symbol of the conjunction of the sun and moon, which the Chibchas considered the nuptials or actual union of these celestial spouses—one of the cardinal dogmas of their creed. f, Ta, almost identical with b. It represented the harvest month. g, Cuhupcua, an earless human head upon one of the lateral faces of the stone. It was the symbol of the useless or so-called deaf month of the Chibchan year. h, Suhuza, perhaps a tadpole, and probably referred to the generation of these animals. i, Aca, a figure of a frog, larger than a, but in a similar posture. It announced the approach of the rainy season. j, Ulchihica, two united rhomboids—a fruit or seed, and perhaps an ear. It referred to their invitations and feasts. k, Guesa, a human figure in an humble attitude, the hands folded, and a halo about the head. It is supposed to represent the unfortunate youth selected as the victim of the sacrifice made every twenty Chibchan years to the god of the harvest.
The characters b and f below, markedly resemble one given by Pipart (a), with the same signification. It referred to the preparation of the ground for sowing.
Fig. 980.—Chibcha symbols.
Wiener (f) gives the following summary of prominent Peruvian symbols:
In the conventional system of the Peruvians a bird indicates velocity, a lion strength, the lion and the bird united in one figure strength and velocity together, and, deductively, power. The meander indicates fertility and the pyramid with degrees or steps indicates defense. A bird combined with the meander indicates rapid production. A rectangular oblong figure (the mouth) indicates speech and discourse. A circle with a depression almost in the form of a heart means a female child, a circle with a small blade or stalk a male child. The circle with two stalks is the symbol of a man—the worker. The circle with four stalks means a married couple, marriage, etc.
Fig. 981.—Syrian symbols.
Fig. 981 is presented to show another collection of engraved symbols, some of which with different execution resemble some found in North America. It is a bronze tablet found in Syria in the collection of M. Péretié, and is described by Maj. Claude R. Conder, R. F. (a):