QUEEN MARY.
From the portrait by Sir Antonio More, at Madrid.

The truth was, that in the interval of her seclusion, Mary had been making up her mind. In an interview with Renard on the 14th October, she had questioned him minutely as to Philip’s character and disposition, entreating him several times to tell her truly, whether the Prince was in fact moderate, well-regulated, and such in very deed as he had been described to her. She seized both of Renard’s hands, and implored him to be open with her, speaking to her as if he were her confessor. Renard protested warmly that he was ready to pledge his honour and his life, that the Prince of Spain was all that she could desire in a husband. Still, only half-satisfied, Mary continued to express regret that a meeting should be considered impracticable, before her final decision.[367]

In default of the original, whom the Emperor would by no means subject to the insulting possibility of not pleasing, a portrait of the Prince by Titian, was sent for Mary’s acceptance by the Queen of Hungary, Philip’s aunt.[368]

Charles was not greatly disturbed by the manner in which his overtures had been received in England. The English opinion of Spaniards was not less flattering than his and Renard’s of the English. “Your Majesty knows,” wrote the imperial ambassador, “that the temper and self-will of the English are extremely turbulent. They love change and novelty, either because of their insular position, or by reason of their habitual contact with the sea, or because their morals are corrupt. Your Majesty is aware how in times past their kings have been obliged to treat them with rigour, even shedding royal blood, in order to maintain their control over them, for which reason they have acquired the reputation of being cruel tyrants.” He went on to draw a picture of all that a foreign prince must be, if he would hope to gain the good-will of the English people. The affection of the nobility might, he explained, be won by rich banquets and entertainments, by dazzling them with great wealth, by giving them the means of enriching themselves, and by showing them an example of valour, in arms and knighthood.

Renard was not far wrong in accusing the people of turbulence. Excited to fever heat by de Noailles’ treachery, they confounded the Queen’s marriage with purely religious questions, and in defiance of all reason, attacked the Catholic religion merely because it was that of Spain. Preachers were insulted in their pulpits; it became unsafe to say Mass in public. The rebellious tone of the Londoners communicated itself to the provinces, especially to the home counties, and to Devonshire, the cradle of the Courtenay family. A circular letter from the Queen to her Council declared, that “certain ill-disposed persons meaning, under the pretence of misliking this marriage to rebel against the Catholic religion, and divine service restored within this our realm, and to take from us their sovereign Lady and Queen that liberty which is not denied to the meanest women in the choice of their husbands, cease not to spread many false, vile and untrue reports of our said cousin and others of that nation”.[369]

The opposition of the Commons, gently as it had been expressed, seems to have brought Mary’s uncertainties to an end. That same night, she took the fatal step which was eventually to deprive her of her people’s affection, an affection that had grown with her from her childhood, had been her consolation in days of darkness, and had enabled her to triumph so splendidly over her enemies. A despatch of Renard’s, addressed to the Emperor, and dated the 31st October, describes the dramatic scene in which she pledged herself to marry Philip.

“On Sunday evening, the said Lady sent for me to a room in which the Blessed Sacrament was exposed, and declared that since I had presented to her your Majesty’s letters, she had not been able to sleep, but had wept and prayed that God would counsel her, and inspire her answer to the question of marriage, which I had asked at Beaulieu [New Hall]. She went on to say that as the Blessed Sacrament was in the room, and she had always invoked it as her protector, guide and counsellor, she would on this occasion also willingly ask it to help her. And kneeling down on both knees, she recited the Veni Creator Spiritus, there being in the room only myself and mistress Clarence, who did the same. But as for mistress Clarence, I do not know whether she heard the said prayer, but I think so because of the sign she made me. After the said lady had risen from her knees, she said, that as your Majesty had chosen me to treat of this negotiation with her, she had chosen me as her first father confessor, and your Majesty for the second, and that having weighed everything, and considered all I had told her, besides having spoken on the subject to Arundel, Paget and Petre, and trusting to what I had said of the good qualities and condition of his Highness, she begged that your Majesty would be mindful of her, and agree to all the conditions necessary for the welfare of the kingdom, and continue to be a good father to her; all the more now that he would be a double father, and would obtain from his Highness to be a good husband to her. Feeling admonished by God, who had already operated so many miracles in her favour, she gave me her royal word, before the Blessed Sacrament, to marry his Highness, declaring that she would never change, but love him perfectly, and never give him cause for jealousy. She went on to say that she had feigned illness for two days, but that her indisposition was merely the result of the difficulty she had felt in making this resolution. Sire, the joy which I experienced on hearing this declaration was as great as your Majesty can imagine, for if she invoked the Holy Spirit, I indeed invoked the Blessed Trinity, to inspire her to give this desired answer.”[370]

This interview was kept so secret, that on the 17th November, more than a fortnight afterwards, de Noailles knew nothing of it, and still expressed doubt that Mary would persist in a matter that was certain to end for her in the loss of her people’s love; and he could not believe that the Emperor would risk sending his son into a country, the inhabitants of which threatened to kill him, rather than recognise him as their King.[371] Nevertheless, it was generally understood that the Queen had made up her mind, and as a forlorn hope the people clamoured for the arrival of Cardinal Pole, whom they credited with being opposed to the match, counting on his influence with Mary to prevent it. He had been appointed by Pope Julius III. legate a latere and pro pace, and had started for England at the beginning of October. Wotton, Mary’s ambassador in France, wrote to Sir William Petre as follows:—

“The Pope has made Cardinal Pole legate a latere to the Emperor and French King, and thereafter he is to go to her Majesty. His errand is to attempt a reconciliation between the two former sovereigns, and if any Cardinal is able to do good in the matter, Pole is that person, being esteemed of an honest mind and virtuous life, and so much respected by the Emperor, that at the last vacation of the Papacy, the Imperial Cardinals laboured to have him made Pope.”[372]

Pole, we have seen, was of the opinion that, having remained thus far unmarried, Mary should not change her state, but that the succession should be left to take care of itself. But ignorant of his young cousin’s unworthiness, he had desired that, if any marriage took place, it might be with Edward Courtenay, though he abstained from giving any advice on the subject. He had reached Dillingen, near Brussels, on his way to England, when the Emperor forbade his further progress, informing Renard, on the 21st November that by reason of jealousies, and because the Cardinal might effectually oppose the Queen’s marriage with his son, Pole was better where he was.[373] Renard replied, begging the Emperor still to detain him, for being Courtenay’s relative, he might put spokes in the wheel of Spain. There is no doubt that had he come to England at that time, he would, seeing the irritation of the people, have done all he could to prevent the marriage; but the Emperor and Renard were probably wrong in suspecting him of the least desire to push Courtenay’s fortunes. A letter from him to his nephew, having been intercepted, was found to contain nothing but the advice to remain faithful to the Queen, and to cultivate gratitude for the benefits which he had received from her.

On the 13th November, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Guildford, Ambrose and Henry Dudley, with the Lady Jane, proceeded from the Tower on foot, to be arraigned at the Guildhall for high treason.[374] All pleaded guilty, Cranmer protesting that he had acted unwillingly, in deference to the authority of the officers of the Crown. Parliament confirmed their attainder, and they were condemned to death. The Archbishop appealed to the Queen, and hoped that the mercy that had been extended to so many would be shown to him.[375] Notwithstanding that the prisoners had been convicted, there was no intention on the part of the Queen to proceed to the extremity of the law. She hoped, by keeping them as hostages, to secure the loyalty of their friends, an optimistic view that was not realised. Meanwhile, every indulgence compatible with their situation was allowed to them. Both Cranmer and Ridley had the freedom of the Tower, and the Queen’s garden, in common with the Lady Jane and the others. Ridley was even sometimes invited to dine at the Lieutenant’s table. The confinement of Latimer was more rigorous. He had from the first been ordered into close prison, with his servant to attend him.

Thus were matters constituted at the end of 1553. Elizabeth had remained at court for some months, in a not very enviable position, regarded by the Imperialists as the arch-enemy, and in reality the object of every plot that was floated. Her fate seemed to keep her perpetually hovering between the scaffold and the throne, to which de Noailles bade her aspire, without intending, even if he succeeded in dethroning Mary, to help her to mount it. She besought the Queen to allow her to retire to her house at Ashridge, but Mary hesitated, in giving her leave to depart, and if she had her watched, it was with good reason. Her relations with de Noailles had been discovered, and Arundel and Paget had told the Queen that the French ambassador had visited the Princess three or four times under cover of the night, in order to treat secretly of her marriage.[376] But Elizabeth denied everything, and probably the accusation regarding the ambassador’s visits was untrue. At any rate, Mary did not believe it, and took occasion to make a new act of confidence in her sister. She embraced her, and gave her two strings of large and magnificent pearls and some rich sables. On taking leave, Elizabeth entreated Mary not to believe the reports circulated to her disadvantage without hearing her. Nevertheless, de Noailles thought that it only depended on Courtenay, for her to follow him into Devon and Cornwall, where they would have a good chance of securing the Crown for themselves. He had some reason for this belief, the mayor and aldermen of Plymouth, thanks to his interference, having sent to beg him to supplicate his master to take them under his protection. They wished, they said, to place their town in his hands, and were willing to receive whatever garrison he would place there, being resolved not to receive the Prince of Spain, nor to obey his commands in any way, assuring de Noailles that the country gentlemen of the neighbourhood would do the same.[377]

Gardiner, ignorant of the Queen’s definite step, continued to struggle against the marriage, till the Emperor, at Lord Paget’s suggestion, wrote to six members of the Privy Council, introducing the subject of the treaty. Then, seeing that all further opposition would be fruitless, the Chancellor, ever patriotic, consented to negotiate terms likely to safeguard the rights, liberties and interests of the nation.

There remained only for the Emperor to make the formal demand for Mary’s hand, on behalf of his son.


FOOTNOTES:

[316] Ambassade de Renard, Belgian Archives, Record Office Transcripts, vol. iii., 27-29, July 1553.

[317] St. Mark’s Library, Venice, Cod. xxiv., Cl. x.

[318] Rawdon Brown, Venetian Calendar, 1534-54, 766, 776, 805, 823.

[319] Ibid., 836.

[320] De Noailles, vol. ii., p. 109.

[321] The Imperial Ambassadors to Charles V., Record Office Transcripts, vol. i., pp. 276, 278.

[322] Bonner had been sent to prison for what he had failed to say in a sermon at Paul’s Cross, namely, that “the king’s authority was as great during the minority as if he were thirty or forty years old,” a doctrine which the Council had ordered him to preach. He obeyed on all other points, but passed this one over in silence. Hooper and Latimer laid information against him; he was examined on seven different days before Cranmer, and was in the end deprived and thrown into prison, to remain there perpetually at the King’s, in other words, the Council’s, pleasure (Dictionary of National Biography, Art. “Edmund Bonner”).

[323] Stow, p. 613. Grey Friars’ Chronicle, p. 83.

[324] Foxe, vol. vi., p. 392.

[325] Burnet, vol. iii., p. 384.

[326] Foxe, vol. vi., p. 390 Acts of the Privy Council, vol. iv., p. 317, new series.

[327] Machyn, p. 42.

[328] Dixon, History of the Church of England, vol. iv., p. 37 note.

[329] A Florentine, formerly one of the Canons Regular of St. Augustine, who, joining the Swiss Reformers, became the intimate friend of Zwingli and Bucer, subsequently also that of Cranmer, who often consulted him in compiling the Book of Common Prayer.

[330] Harl. MS. 422, Brit. Mus., in Grindal’s hand. Foxe, Acts and Monuments, vol. vi., p. 539. Strype, Memorials of Cranmer, vol. i., p. 437 et seq.

[331] Acts of the Privy Council, vol. iv., p. 347, new series.

[332] Strype, Memorials of Cranmer, vol. i., p. 449.

[333] Ibid.

[334] Dixon, History of the Church of England, vol. iv., p. 44.

[335] See also Haynes, i., 183-84.

[336] Ambassades, vol. ii., p. 138.

[337] Louis Wiesener, La Jeunesse d’Elisabeth d’Angleterre, p. 101.

[338] Renard apud Griffet, xii., pp. 106, 107. De Noailles, vol. ii., pp. 138, 141, 160. Record Office, Belgian Transcripts, i., pp. 360-62. Père Griffet, who now becomes one of the chief authorities for this part of the reign, discovered, in the middle of the last century, a number of Renard’s despatches in the royal library at Besançon, and wrote, in answer to David Hume’s gross libel and caricature of Queen Mary, a volume 12mo, of 197 pages, which was published at Amsterdam in 1765. Its title, Nouveaux Eclaircissements sur le règne de Marie Tudor reine d’Angleterre, shows the importance of the book, which is now scarce. There is no copy of it in the British Museum.

[339] Griffet, ut supra.

[340] Privy Purse Expenses of the Princess Mary, pp. 194-97, 21st September 1553. Inventory of jewels.

[341] Archives des affaires étrangères, Registre des copies des dépêches de M. de Noailles, tom. i. et ii. (in one), p. 125.

[342] Ambassades, vol. ii., p. 104.

[343] A History of the English Poor Law, by Sir G. Nicholls, K.C.B., Poor Law Commissioner and Secretary to the Poor Law Board, vol. i., pp. 112, 130, 141.

[344] Venetian Calendar, 1534-54, p. 543.

[345] Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, vol. i., 1553.

[346] Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. iii., pt. i., p. 40.

[347] Ambassades, vol. ii., p. 123.

[348] Notably the exclusion of imperial influence.

[349] Papiers d’Etat du Cardinal de Granvelle, vol. iv., p. 74.

[350] Belgian Transcripts, vol. i., pp. 284-86, Record Office.

[351] Ambassades, vol. i., p. 232.

[352] Papiers d’Etat du Cardinal de Granvelle, p. 100. He goes on to describe Elizabeth as “un esprit plein d’incantation,” etc.

[353] “Elle jura que jamais elle n’avait senti aiguillon de ce que l’on appelle amour ... et qu’elle n’avait jamais pensé à mariage sinon depuis que a plu à Dieu la promouvoir à la couronne, et que celui qu’elle fera sera contre sa propre affection pour le respect de la chose publique” (Papiers d’Etat du Cardinal de Granvelle, p. 98).

[354] Ambassades, vol. ii., p. 144.

[355] Papiers d’Etat, p. 105.

[356] Wriothesley, Chronicle, vol. ii., p. 103. For Stow’s graphic account of the royal procession see Appendix D.

[357] Belgian Archives, Record Office Transcripts, vol. i., p. 436. Also Griffet. But Griffet is mistaken in thinking that Elizabeth referred to a crown she was carrying in her hands, as if it had been the Queen’s.

[358] History of England, vol. vi., p. 109.

[359] Wriothesley, Chronicle, vol. ii., p. 103.

[360] Lingard, vol. v., p. 405, 5th edition.

[361] Henry II. rejoiced greatly at the passing of the act confirming Mary’s legitimacy, as it ipso facto, as he thought, removed the one barrier between Mary and the succession of his daughter-in-law the Queen of Scots, the next legitimate heir to the English throne. Both sisters could not be legitimate (Henry to de Noailles, Ambassades, ii., p. 250).

[362] The Book of Common Prayer is called in the Act of Parliament “a new thing, imagined by a few of singular opinions”.

[363] De Noailles, Ambassades, ii., pp. 143-48.

[364] Ibid., p. 186.

[365] Griffet, xxviii.

[366] When Mary told Gardiner that she would never marry Courtenay, the Chancellor replied with tears, owning that he had entertained an affection for the young man from the time of their mutual imprisonment. Mary then asked him whether it was proper for her to marry him just because her Chancellor was fond of him in prison (Renard to the Emperor, Record Office Transcripts).

[367] Belgian Transcripts, Record Office, vol i., pp. 497-505.

[368] She charged Renard to inform Mary that it had been painted three years previously, and that, like all Titian’s works, it required to be studied at a little distance, in order to perceive the likeness. She added, that since it had been executed, Philip had matured and had grown more beard. About this time, Cardinal Granvelle sent the painter, Antonio More, to England to paint Mary’s portrait for Philip. She sat to him at different times, and he painted several fine portraits of her. The principal one is at Madrid, in the Museo del Prado.

[369] Letter of the Queen to the Council of the Marches, Historical MSS. Commission, Report 13, app. iv., p. 318.

[370] Belgian Transcripts, Record Office, vol. i., pp. 600-2.

[371] Ambassades, vol. ii., p. 283.

[372] MS., St. Mark’s Library, Cod. xxiv., Letter-Book, Ven. Archives. He only just missed being elected. Two Cardinals, coming to his cell in the Conclave one evening, begged him, as he had the necessary two-thirds of the votes, to come to the chapel, where he would be made Pope by “adoration”. Pole induced them to put off the ceremony till the next day, when a further scrutiny showed that Cardinal del Monte had a majority of votes.

[373] Papiers d’Etat du Cardinal de Granvelle, vol. iv., p. 156.

[374] Wriothesley, vol. ii., p. 104.

[375] Cranmer’s Remains, p. 443.

[376] Ambassades, vol. ii., p. 309.

[377] Ambassades, vol. ii., p. 342.