THE TENTH BOOK. 1677-1688.

1677.

The year 1677 was scarce begun, when G. Fox, though the roads were yet covered with snow, travelled again. After he had passed many places, and preached in the meetings of his friends, he came to York, and going from thence to Nottingham, went to the house of John Reckless, who was sheriff there when G. Fox preached the first time in that town, and was imprisoned on that account: but he taking G. Fox into his house, had been so reached by what he spoke, that he embraced the doctrine he held forth, and never departed from the profession thereof. From hence G. Fox passed through Leicestershire, Derbyshire, Warwickshire, Buckinghamshire, and Bedfordshire, where he met with William Dewsbury, and so came again to London, where having assisted at the annual meeting, he, with William Penn, Robert Barclay, George Keith, &c. went over to Holland, to see his friends there, and to edify them with his gift. William Penn and Robert Barclay travelled up into Germany, and since R. Barclay the year before had spoken with the princess Elizabeth of the Palatinate, daughter of Frederick, king of Bohemia, and sister of Sophia, late duchess of Hanover, mother of George, king of Great Britain, W. Penn had also written two letters to her from England, which she answered by this following:

G. Fox also from Amsterdam wrote a letter to this virtuous princess, wherein he commended her modest and retired life, and exhorted her to piety and godliness: to which she answered with this letter:

This correspondence gave occasion to William Penn and Robert Barclay, to pass towards Herford, a town on the frontiers of Paderborn, and to give the said princess, who resided there, a visit. With her lived Ann Maria, countess of Hornes; and in one of the chambers of the princess, William Penn and Robert Barclay had a meeting with the princess, the countess, and several others, to their great satisfaction. And the countess, who was one of Labadie’s adherents, signified to William Penn, that she wished a meeting might be had where the inferior servants might freely appear. William Penn not refusing this, the princess consented to it; and after the meeting, (where she was not present, that so her servants might have a more free access,) she expressed much satisfaction in having had that good opportunity. And then so earnestly invited William Penn and Robert Barclay, (who lodged at an inn,) to sup with her, that they not being well able to refuse the invitation, yielded to it. There was then with her a French woman of quality, who having had before a very slight opinion of the Quakers, now became deeply broken, and very affectionately kind and respectful to William Penn and Robert Barclay. The next day was the first of the week; and it being agreed with the princess to have another meeting, William Penn desired that not only as many of her own family, but as many of the town as would willingly be there, might be admitted. To this she yielded. And thus William Penn and Robert Barclay had a large opportunity to preach effectually, and to discharge themselves. After the meeting was done, the princess came to William Penn, and taking him by the hand, she spoke to him of the sense she had of the power and presence of God that had been among them; and thus going on she broke forth into an extraordinary passion, crying out, ‘I cannot speak to you, my heart is full,’ clapping her hand upon her breast. This affected William Penn not a little, yet he spoke a few words to her by way of admonition; and then taking his leave of her, she said, ‘Will you not come hither again? Pray call here as ye return out of Germany.’ To this he returned, ‘We are in the hand of the Lord, and being at his pleasure, cannot so fully dispose of ourselves.’ Solemn leave then being taken, Robert Barclay returned to Amsterdam, and William Penn went to Paderborn, and so by the way of Cassel, (where he spoke with the aged and learned Dureus,) to Frankfort. Here he found several persons of note, with whom he had several times a meeting, and once at the house of a young gentlewoman, noble of birth, called Johannah Eleonora Merlane, who said to him, ‘Our quarters are free for you, let all come that will come; and lift up your voices without fear.’

Departing thence William Penn came to Chrisheim, a village near Worms, where then lived some of his friends, who afterwards went to Pennsylvania, and settled themselves there. Whilst William Penn was in the Palatinate, he wrote an exhortatory epistle[45] to Elizabeth princess Palatine, and Anna Maria countess of Hornes; and then went to Heidelberg, the chief city of the Palatinate, to speak with the prince Elector, Charles Ludowick, brother of the said princess Elizabeth; but the said prince then happened to be out of town: and since this chief message was to desire the prince that the Quakers at Chrisheim might be treated more mildly, for tithes were exacted from them not only by the parson of the village, but also by the popish priests of Worms; and the vaught, or mayor of the town, endeavoured to restrain their due liberty of religious meeting together, he from thence took occasion to write a letter in their favour to the said prince,[46] because he had not been able to speak to him. Returning afterwards to Chrisheim, and preaching there in a meeting of his friends, he was overheard by the vaught, or chief officer, who stood at the back-door that he might not be seen, who was so well pleased with what he heard, that he afterwards told the parson, that it was his work, if the Quakers were heretics, to discover them to be such: ‘But for my part,’ continued he, ‘I heard nothing but what was good; and therefore I would not meddle with them.’ For the parson had busied himself to persuade the vaught that it was his duty to suppress heresy: but the vaught made it appear that he had no mind to persecute for religion’s sake. W. Penn having now cleared his conscience, returned by way of Frankfort, Cologne, Cleves, &c. to Amsterdam, where at Cologne he received a letter from the princess Elizabeth, in answer to that he had written to her from the Palatinate: the said letter was as followeth:

Whilst William Penn made this journey into Germany, George Fox was gone to Hamburg and Frederickstadt, to visit his friends there; and Penn being returned to Amsterdam, went from thence to Friesland, and met George Fox as he was coming back to Holland, at Leewarden; from whence he made a step to Wiewart, where a society of the Labadites dwelt. Here he spoke with the famous Anna Maria Schurman, the gentlewomen Somerdykes, the French pastor Peter Yvon, and others. After some discourse from both sides, when Yvon had given a relation concerning John de Labadie, how he was bred among the Jesuits, and deserted them, and embraced the Protestant religion, and how becoming dissatisfied with the formal Protestants, he with some that adhered to him, had separated themselves from the vulgar assemblies, Anna Maria Schurman began to speak, and gave an account of her former life, of her pleasure in learning, and her love to the religion she was brought up in, but confessed she knew not God or Christ truly all that while. And though from a child God had visited her at times, yet she never felt such a powerful stroke, as by the ministry of John de Labadie: and then she saw her learning to be vanity, and her religion like a body of death; and therefore resolved to despise the shame, desert her former way of living and acquaintance, and to join herself with this little family, that was retired out of the world. This and much more she spoke in a sensible frame, and with a serious mind, not without some trembling. And then one of the Somerdykes gave also an ample relation, concerning her inward state, and how she had been reached by the preaching of Labadie; and how before that time she had mourned because of the deadness and formality of the vulgar Christians, and said within herself, ‘O the pride, the lusts, the vain pleasures in which Christians live! Can this be the way to heaven? Is this the way to glory? Are these followers of Christ? O no! O God where is thy little flock? Where is thy little family that will live entirely to thee, that will follow thee? Make me one of that number.’ Then she told how being pricked to the heart, when she heard Labadie preach, she had resolved to abandon the glory and pride of this world; and further said, that she counted herself happy to have joined with this separated family. After some others had likewise given an account of their change, William Penn also gave a circumstantial relation, how he had been gradually drawn off from the vanity and pride of life; what adversities he had met with in the university at Oxford, because of his not joining with the debauchery committed there; and how, after having lived some time in France, he had been convinced by the effectual ministry of Thomas Loe, and so came to be joined with the despised Quakers. This his relation he concluded with a serious admonition how they ought to go on, and to grow in the true fear of God. At parting, one of the pastors asked him if the truth rose not first amongst a poor, illiterate, and simple sort of people. ‘Yes,’ answered William Penn; ‘and it is our comfort that we owe it not to the learning of this world.’ To which the pastor returned, ‘Then let not the learning of this world be used to defend that which the Spirit of God hath brought forth; for scholars now coming among you, will be apt to mix school learning amongst your simpler and purer language, and thereby obscure the brightness of your testimony.’ W. Penn, having answered to the purpose, took his leave, and travelled by way of Groninghen to Embden, where the Quakers at that time were persecuted severely with imprisonments and banishments: but I wave the relation thereof, because it hath long ago been published in print, and the magistrates there, being afterwards moved to pity by the persecution the protestants suffered in France, came to a better resolution, as may be mentioned in the sequel.

When W. Penn came to Embden, he went to speak with the burgomaster André, at his house, and asked him if he and the senate had not received a letter in Latin[47] from an Englishman about two years since, concerning their severity towards the people called Quakers? The burgomaster said he had. W. Penn then replied, ‘I am that man, and am constrained in conscience to visit thee on their behalf,’ &c. The burgomaster deported himself with more kindness than was expected, and gave some faint hope of alteration; but it appeared sufficiently that the senate was not as yet so disposed, for persecution continued there yet a long while.

After W. Penn had staid some time at Embden, he took a turn again to Herford, where he was received very kindly by the princess Elizabeth, and the countess of Hornes; and more than once he had a meeting in her chamber; and the princess was so reached and affected by his speaking, that she said, ‘I am fully convinced; but oh my sins are great!’ this gave occasion to W. Penn to speak to the princess and the countess apart, with respect to their particular conditions; which made a deep impression on their minds, especially the countess’s. Being much pressed by the princess to stay and sup with her, he yielded: and the countess from a serious sense of her compliance with the world, told him, ‘Il faut que je rompe, il faut que je rompe,’ i. e. ‘I must break off, I must break off.’ And at another time with a weighty countenance she cried out, ‘O the cumber and entanglements of this vain world; they hinder all good.’ Once the princess said to them, ‘It is a hard matter to be faithful to what one knows. I fear that I am not weighty enough in my spirit.’ At another time she told him, ‘Among my books I have records that the gospel was by the English first brought from England into Germany; and now it is come again.’ Thus this excellent princess signified how highly she valued the preaching of the gospel to her by W. Penn, and how much she esteemed his labour and ministry. When he took his leave of these eminent persons, having taken the princess by the hand, which she received with a weighty kindness, being much broken in spirit, he wished the blessing and peace of Jesus with and upon her; and then exhorting the countess, she frequently besought him to remember her, and implore the Lord on her behalf.

Next taking wagon for Wesel, from thence he travelled to Duisburgh, Dusseldorp, and Cologne, and then back again to Dusseldorp, to see if he could get an opportunity at Mulheim, to speak with the countess of Falkenstein, who was reported to be a very religious person, and therefore in his former journey he had endeavoured to visit her, but in vain; for the count of Bruch and Falkenstein, her father, kept her as it were under a confinement, because she was of a religious temper; and therefore he called her a Quaker, though she did not at all converse with any of the Quakers. He had also used W. Penn very roughly, when, being necessitated to pass by his castle, he being lord of that country, asked him and his friends from whence they were, and whither they went? to which they answered, that they were Englishmen come from Holland, and going no further in those parts than his town Mulheim: but they not pulling off their hats, the count called them Quakers, and said, ‘We have no need of Quakers here. Get you out of my dominions, you shall not go to my town.’ And he commanded some of his soldiers, to see them out of his territory. Thus W. Penn, and those with him, were necessitated to lie that night in the open air. But the next day he wrote a letter to the said count, and therein told him, ‘For thy saying, we want no Quakers here, I say, under favour, you do; for a true Quaker is one that trembleth at the word of the Lord, that worketh out his salvation with fear and trembling.’

W. Penn being come to Mulheim, could now no more find opportunity to speak with the countess than the first time he was in those parts; and therefore he went to Duisburgh, Wesel, and Cleves, where having had conferences with some religious people, he returned by way of Utrecht to Amsterdam, where G. Fox was also come back again.

Here W. Penn and G. Fox had a conference and dispute with Dr. Galenus Abraham, an eminent Baptist teacher, and some of that persuasion. Galenus asserted, that nobody now-a-days could be accepted as a messenger of God, unless he confirmed his doctrine by miracles. W. Penn wanted no arguments to contradict this, since the Christian religion had been once already confirmed by miracles, and that therefore this now was needless among Christians. G. Fox now and then spoke also something to the matter; but he being somewhat short breathed, went several times away, which some were ready to impute to a passionate temper; but I well know that therein they wronged him. This dispute was indeed a troublesome business; for the parties on both sides were fain to speak by an interpreter, which generally was performed so imperfectly, that at last the conference was broke off, without coming to a decision, although many weighty arguments were objected against the position. Certainly it cannot be denied that John the Baptist was sent of God to preach repentance; and yet in sacred writ it is said positively, John did no miracle; and yet many believed in him. And although there were some among the prophets that wrought miracles, yet we do not find in the holy Scriptures that Jonah, who was indeed a notable preacher of repentance, did any miracle, and nevertheless the Ninevites believed him, and deprecated those judgments he denounced, unless they repented. Of several other true prophets we find not the least mention of any miracles they did; but on the contrary, the Scriptures signify, that possibly false prophets might arise, and give signs or wonders; and that the doing of miracles could not always be a proof, or sure evidence, that any one was sent of God, appears plainly from what our Saviour himself said, viz. that among those to whom he should one day say, “Depart from me,” would be such that should say, “Have we not in thy name cast out devils, and in thy name done many wonderful works?” And what shall we think of the sorcerers of Egypt; did not they seem to do the same wonders as Moses and Aaron did? And yet those wonders wherewithal they deceived Pharaoh and his men, were in no ways wrought by a divine power. Now, since it appears plainly from the holy Scriptures, and Christ himself said, “There shall arise false prophets, and shall show great signs and wonders,” we might with good reason suspect the doctrine of one, who now-a-days wrought miracles, on purpose to make what he denounced, pass for truth.

This being duly considered, it seems to be very absurd, to require miracles again for confirmation of the same gospel which once hath been confirmed by miracles; and to desire that the truth of what once hath been declared by the apostles, and strengthened by wonderful works, should be sealed anew with outward wonders. But it would indeed have been another case, if a new gospel was preached, and that any pretended to give forth new holy Scriptures; for then it might be said with some reason, that it was necessary that this new gospel should be made credible, and confirmed by visible miracles. But where no other gospel is preached, than what hath been once delivered to the Christians by the first promulgators of the Christian religion, and where this is not done amongst heathens, but amongst Christians, or at least such as hear the name, there it cannot in justice be required to confirm this doctrine once more with miracles, the rather because, as hath been showed already, the doing of miracles may not always pass for an irrefragable proof of one’s being really pious and godly. To this may be added, that the miracles which Christ and his apostles wrought, to give credit to the appearing of the Son of God in the flesh, may be considered as types and figures of those spiritual wonders which should be wrought in the souls of people, when Christ was to be seen the second time, and to appear by his spirit, to the salvation of those who wait for him; for the eyes of the mind being blinded, must be opened and enlightened by him; and many that are dead in sin and trespasses, shall by him be raised, and made alive. This I think may suffice to show, that the position of Dr. Galenus could not stand the test; but whatever was objected, he continued to maintain his opinion.

Not long after this dispute, G. Fox and W. Penn returned to England, where, having sustained a violent tempest at sea, they arrived safely at Harwich: passing from thence to London, W. Penn there received the following letter from the princess Elizabeth, in answer to his:

Yet another letter W. Penn received from the said princess, in answer to one he wrote from the Briel, at his passage towards England, which was as followeth:

To this letter the princess returned the following answer.

G. Fox now being come to London, received there letters from New England, with an account of the cruel proceedings of the magistrates against his friends there: for persecution being hot in Old England, it made those in New England the worse; insomuch that they did not only whip the Quakers that were there, but also some masters of ships that were no Quakers, only for bringing some of that persuasion thither. But about that time the Indians made an inroad upon the English, and slew three-score of their men; and having taken one of their captains, they flead off the skin of his head, while he was alive, and carried it away in triumph.

Now since the people called Quakers were also much persecuted in Scotland, they drew up an account of their sufferings, and delivered it to the king in the beginning of this year; but whether they got any ease thereby, I cannot tell.

In the latter part of this year, G. Fox travelled through many places of England. In the meanwhile I will again make some mention of the persecution there. At Plymouth about this time, those called Quakers were generally kept out of their meeting-house, and then performing their worship in the open street, as a duty they owed to God, and for the omission of which they judged no man could be dispensed with, they suffered exceedingly, not only in winter, by the sharpness of the weather, but also in summer; for it was more than twelve months that they thus kept their meetings in the open street, being grievously abused by the rabble and the soldiers; for beating and punching seemed not sufficient; fiery squibs and burning coals were thrown among them, and filthy excrements cast down upon them out of a window: besides, fines were extorted for their having been at the meeting, on the account of one Richard Samble, who was fined as preacher, for having been on his knees at prayer, which fine was laid upon four of them that were at the said meeting.

At Frenchay in Gloucestershire, the justice, John Merideth, behaved himself exceedingly furious in disturbing the Quaker’s meetings; for he himself did not only beat them, but more than once drew his knife to mark them, as he called it, had he not been restrained by his servants, who for all that could not prevent his taking some by the hair of the head, and pulling them away, nay, the havoc and spoil which was made, was so extravagant, that from one Thomas Holbrow, an ancient blind man, they took his bed from under him, so that he and his wife lay about a quarter of a year on straw; and when his friends provided him with some clothing against winter, part of that was also taken from him: for such plundering now went on with a full career; and the basest men were authorized to deprive others of their goods, if there was but a justice that favoured such.

At Buyton, in Suffolk, Edmund Bally was by warrant from justice Burwel, despoiled of what he had, both within doors and without, his goods having been distrained five times; and though he was fain to lie on straw, yet he was not left unmolested, for they came in the night, armed with pistols, and broke open his door, threatening to destroy him. It happened there also, that a poor blind widow, on her sick bed, was visited by some persons; and this was made a conventicle, and they were fined, and warrants issued out by the aforesaid justice to make distress on their goods. In many other places things went no better; but I may not detain my reader with every particular.

This year died in prison William Dobson, of Brightwell in Berkshire, having been spoiled of his goods from time to time, during the space of thirteen years, and almost always in prison too, till his hard sufferings ended with his life.

It was also in this year that William III. prince of Orange, came from Holland into England, and there entered into matrimony with the princess Mary, eldest daughter of the duke of York, which in process of time made way for him to the throne of Great Britain. He accomplished his marriage there on the 4th of November, being his birth-day; and not long after returned to Holland with his spouse.

1678.

About the beginning of the year 1678, G. Fox came to London, and the parliament sitting at that time, he and G. Whitehead presented to them an account of the grievous sufferings of their friends, by laws made against the Papists; and they were not without hopes of obtaining some ease, because several of the members of that august assembly seemed to favour them; but the parliament was suddenly prorogued, whereby a stop was put to their endeavours.

G. F. then travelling through many places, came home to Swarthmore in the latter part of the year; and since many of his friends at this time were under great persecution, and in prison, he wrote the following epistle to them:

‘My dear Friends,

‘Who are sufferers for the Lord Jesus’ sake, and for the testimony of the truth, the Lord God Almighty with his power uphold you, and support you in all your trials and sufferings; and give you patience, and content in his will, that ye may stand valiant for Christ and his truth upon the earth, over the persecuting and destroying spirit, which makes to suffer, in Christ, (who bruises his head,) in whom ye have both election and salvation. And for God’s elect sake the Lord hath done much from the foundation of the world; as may be seen throughout the Scriptures of Truth; and they that touch them, touch the apple of God’s eye, they are so tender to him. And therefore it is good for all God’s suffering children to trust in the Lord, and to wait upon him; for they shall be as mount Sion, that cannot be removed from Christ, their rock and salvation, who is the foundation of all the elect of God, of the prophets and the apostles, and of God’s people now, and to the end: glory to the Lord and the Lamb over all. Remember my dear love to all friends; and do not think the time long, for all time is in the Father’s hand, his power. And therefore keep the word of patience, and exercise that gift; and the Lord strengthen you in your sufferings, in his holy Spirit of faith. Amen.

GEORGE FOX.’

Swarthmore, the 5th of the 12th month, 1678.

Persecution was now very hot in many places. At Bawnasse, in Westmoreland, it happened that those of the society called Quakers being religiously met together, were much abused by the rude people; and besides other insolencies that were committed, a dog being thrown among them, one John Thompson said to this wicked crew, that they ought to behave themselves civil and moderate; and for saying so he was informed against as a preacher, and on that account fined twenty pounds. Mary Tod, a poor ancient widow in Yorkshire, having had a meeting at her house, was also fined twenty pounds by justice Francis Driffield; and when the informers told him that her goods were not worth so much, he ordered them to take all that they could find: this they did, and did not leave her a bed to lie on; nay, took away all her clothes.

This year the ambassadors of the king of France, and those of the United Netherlands, with those of several other potentates, were met at Nimeguen, to treat about a general peace; and therefore Robert Barclay wrote an epistle to them in Latin, to exhort them to this good work: the epistle, together with his Apology for the true Christian Divinity, in Latin, was delivered to each of the said ambassadors, viz. a book for every one of them, and one for their principals. George Fox also wrote an exhortatory epistle to them, which being translated and printed in Latin, was also sent to them. And before this year came to an end, the peace was concluded.