Dishonesty the Best Policy—Pedrarias Stigmatized—His Authority Curtailed—Quevedo in Spain—He Encounters Las Casas—The Battle of the Priests—Oviedo Enters the Arena—Business in Darien—The Interoceanic Road Again—Its Termini—Pedrarias and Espinosa at Panamá—The Licentiate Makes Another Raid—The Friars of St Jerome have their Eye on Pedrarias—The Cabildo of Antigua Shakes its Finger at Him—Continued Attempts to Depopulate the North Coast—Albites Builds Nombre de Dios—Lucky Licentiate—Arrival and Death of Lope de Sosa—Oviedo Returns and Does Battle with the Dragon—And is Beaten from the Field.
For the villainous adjudging of Vasco Nuñez, Gaspar de Espinosa received his place on the South Sea. And when true tidings reached Pedrarias of the appointment of Lope de Sosa as his successor, the grizzly old governor did exactly that for which he pretended to have beheaded Vasco Nuñez. Striking corollaries from the historical propositions of the preceding chapter.
That Pedrarias was not at once deposed may seem strange to us. He was deposed, however; but slipping south he sought new fields, as we shall presently see; and by the intercession of powerful friends at court he managed to retain rulership for a term of years. Then, too, the changes. It was troublesome and expensive for royalty to establish subordinate governments in the Indies; and as nearly all of Spain's New World governors, and, indeed, officials and subjects, were wrong in some particular, there was not always encouragement to make a change. Yet Spain and all Christendom were indignant over the infamous doings at Acla. The friars of St Jerome instantly clipped the wings of the cormorant, by ordering him in the kings name "to resolve upon nothing by himself, but to follow the advice of the cabildo[XIII-1] of Darien; and, moreover, to send to Española all the gold taken from Cacique Paris." This was of little practical avail, however. Royalty might issue edicts; but those appointed to enforce them seemed to turn to corruption on entering the atmosphere of the Indies.
Some said, if the good bishop had been there, Vasco Nuñez had not died. But according to Micer Codro it was scarcely among the possibilities for the inauspicious friend of Balboa to have been present at the right moment. Associated with the alcalde mayor and the governor in magisterial authority, the bishop could without doubt have diverted the quarrel from such gory channels; for there was always enough of the temporal in his spiritual polities to give his influence weight in balancing power. It was a wolfish flock. The bishop complained of it to the king; and on the other hand the royal officers complained of the bishop. Both were right. It was impossible too severely to censure such acts as were constantly perpetrated by the officials of Castilla del Oro, and although Quevedo had gone to Spain on the more pleasing errand of love and reconciliation, he found it convenient occasionally to say a word to the king in his own defense, and not without influence on the imperial ear. Once the royal officials wrote the king that the bishop neglected the conversion of the Indians, favored Vasco Nuñez against the government, and discouraged colonization by speaking ill of the country; and again that the bishop was a source of constant disturbance, and praying that a provisor, talented and upright, be appointed to superintend sacred affairs.[XIII-2]
Before the sovereign, Quevedo spoke disparagingly of both Pedrarias and Vasco Nuñez; the prelate alone was perfect. But beside the genuine ring of Las Casas, the base metal of Quevedo's composition sounded flat. The protector-general was at this time busy at once with his colonization scheme and his impeachment of the Jeronimite Fathers, who, although meaning well, were slack in exacting the right as measured by apostolic zeal.
On one occasion, in the royal antechamber at Molin del Rey, while waiting for the bishop of Badajoz, one of the king's preachers, with whom he had an engagement to dine, Quevedo was bluntly accosted by Las Casas. "I understand, my lord, that you are the bishop of Darien. I too am interested in the Indies, and it is my duty to offer you fellowship." "Ah! Señor Casas," rudely replied Quevedo. "And from what text will you preach us a sermon to-day?" "I have ready two sermons," retorted the always armed Protector, "which, if you would listen to them, might prove to you of higher import than all the moneys which you bring from the Indies." "You are beside yourself! You are beside yourself!" was all the bishop could stammer as his host appeared and withdrew him from the merciless shots of Las Casas. But Quevedo was not to escape so easily. Presenting himself after dinner at the house of the king's preacher, Las Casas tortured his enemy into yet hotter dispute. Young Charles hearing of it ordered the battle of the priests to be continued before him. This was the first audience by the prince in matters relative to the Indies. Brought into the royal presence Quevedo thanked God for the honor, pronounced the first governor of Darien a bad one, the second much worse, and the savages in a deplorable condition. Las Casas following charged the fault as much to royal officers and clergy as to hidalgos and lesser subjects.
Soon after this discussion Quevedo presented two memorials, one against Pedrarias Dávila, and the other for restricting the power of governors in general, and of the military, and for the better protection of the natives. He pledged himself to name a ruler for Castilla del Oro, meaning Diego Velazquez, then governor of Cuba, who would expend from his own private means fifteen thousand ducats in the service of the colony. Within a few days thereafter Quevedo was seized with an illness which terminated in his death; Charles was summoned to accept the imperial crown, and for a time little attention was paid to the affairs of the Indies.[XIII-3]
Another political agency appeared in Spain about this time. Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, first chronicler of the New World, who, as we have seen, came with Pedrarias to Tierra Firme as superintendent of gold-melting and acting notary-general, becoming disgusted with both the governor and the bishop departed from that shore in October, 1515. Scarcely had Oviedo arrived at Madrid when he received word of King Ferdinand's death, which was a severe blow, as he had hoped through the influence of his former patrons to reorganize the government of Castilla del Oro and place it on a better basis. Proceeding to Flanders he laid the matter before the ministers, and was referred to Cardinal Jimenez, who listened and did nothing. There the matter rested until the death of the cardinal, when Oviedo again appeared at court and succeeded in obtaining the appointment of Lope de Sosa to succeed Pedrarias in the government of Castilla del Oro. Satisfied thus far in his attempts to benefit the colonists at Antigua, he solicited for himself the government of Santa Marta. The appointment was conferred; but being refused one hundred knights of Santiago, who were deemed indispensable to the subjugation of the country, he declined the office. Like Quevedo, he aroused the enmity of Las Casas, through his opposition to the schemes of the fiery philanthropist in the management of the natives. Nevertheless Oviedo obtained many beneficial decrees for Darien. The duties of the governor were defined anew; royal officials were forbidden to trade; the royal assayer was required to give bonds; orders were issued regulating the gold-melting house; duties were abolished for four years; the export duty on gold was reduced nearly one half for a term of five years.
A business paralysis succeeded the dark days at Acla. Little was done in 1518 in the way of new adventure, though Pedrarias had enough to occupy himself withal, in keeping his own head on his shoulders. More than one lofty scheme was cut short by the stroke that laid lifeless Vasco Nuñez. The young and hardy scarcely dared achieve prominence; the old and imbecile could not; even the ferocious genius of Francisco Pizarro lay dormant all through his fiery youth, and past early impatient manhood, unknown even to himself.
Made captain-general of the South Sea, not long after the catastrophe at Acla, Espinosa was unable at once to take command in person of the force at Isla Rica. Though the licentiate was of a mild, obedient disposition, it was not without misgivings that Pedrarias permitted him to assume so important a trust, the most dangerous for purposes of revolt of any within the government of Castilla del Oro; for instruments employed in the accomplishment of base purposes are not apt to inspire the greatest confidence. But Espinosa was not a mere rover; he was an anchored judge already high in colonial office, whose robberies and murders, however unjust and lawless, were of a quasi judicial nature; moreover he was popular with the soldiers, for his legal decisions by no means interfered with popular rights in pillage and licentiousness. Indeed, when Pedrarias afterward contemplated absence, the people of Antigua begged that Espinosa might be left there to govern them, but this excited the jealousy of the governor, who refused the petition.[XIII-4]
The much talked of interoceanic chain of posts, with a commercial city at either end, was not yet an accomplished fact. As the breadth, coast-trends, and configuration of the country became better known, Acla was found situated too far to the eastward. The narrowest part of the Isthmus had been ascertained, as also the most practicable route for a road, requiring a north-coast seaport somewhere opposite Panamá, which had long since been decided upon as the best site for a city on the southern seaboard. Hernan Ponce de Leon, temporarily stationed there, had abandoned the place, so that both termini of the proposed road must be founded anew. The point selected on the north coast was Nombre de Dios.
Before Espinosa was ready for his South Sea command, positive information of the appointment of Lope de Sosa reached Antigua. It now behooved both Pedrarias and the licentiate to look to their footing, for it was not unlikely to fare hard with them in their coming residencias. It might be as well, after all, for these astute and subtle minds to fall back upon the idea of Vasco Nuñez—indeed, the cavalier's ideas seemed better than any of their own—of withdrawing beyond the possibly too restraining influences of superior authority, and establishing themselves in freer latitudes. The north coast offered no further attractions in any event. Give them the South Sea, and Sosa might have the north, and die there at his convenience. For it was assuredly the abode of death.
Pedrarias accordingly determined to make the southern seaboard his future base of operations, and to convey thither as much as possible of what he esteemed valuable. To this end he embarked from Acla, and laid before the council at Antigua a proposal to abandon that site, and remove the capital to Panamá. The plan was not regarded with favor, as he neither expected nor desired it to be; for, if Panamá was made the capital, Sosa's government would be there, and might seriously interfere with his projects. Two advantages were, however, gained by making the proposal. By opening the question it unsettled the minds of residents at Antigua, and enabled Pedrarias with less difficulty to enlist recruits, and it could not afterward be said that he had sought to abandon the government, having offered to carry it with him. Nevertheless, he could not part with the people and their council without a fling at them; so, one night he summoned the cabildo to appear at his house, and took from them their insignia of office, leaving the municipality to manage as best it might during his absence. Returning to Acla, he ordered Espinosa to summon the forces stationed in the province of Pocorosa, and unite with them all the available troops of the colony. With these, and such provisions and articles of trade and use as they could lay their hands upon, the governor and the alcalde mayor set out across the cordillera for the Southern Sea.
Pedrarias was not altogether satisfied with the site of his proposed Pacific city. On either side of the old fish-drying station thick tangled woods rose from marshy bottoms; so that, while the spot called Panamá was obviously malarious, there seemed at hand no better one.[XIII-5] At the Pearl Islands affairs were found as Vasco Nuñez had left them. Compañon had proved faithful to his trust. More acts of possession were now inflicted on this thrice-gulped wilderness, one on the mainland, January 27, 1519, and one two days after, on the Isla Rica of Vasco Nuñez, called by Pedrarias as Morales had christened it, Isla de las Flores.[XIII-6] Taking the ships Balboa had built, the governor and Espinosa embarked the forces, and proceeded to the island of Taboga,[XIII-7] where Badajoz had been three years before, opposite and some five leagues distant from the proposed settlement.
Pedrarias and Espinosa had now at their command about four hundred men, most of whom were opposed to city-building as detrimental to the nobler profession of plundering. But calming their fears in this regard, Pedrarias sought to secure their interest in his scheme by partitioning the lands adjacent to Panamá, and giving to each man a section. Foraging expeditions were sent out at once, and the soldiers were encouraged to make captures, and so secure laborers for their lands and means for the indulgence of their lusts. Thus every settler soon had from forty to ninety slaves, who did not live long, however. Nor were the colonists at Antigua forgotten in this division, to the end that by offering superior inducements here, the northern coast might the sooner be depopulated.
The formal act of founding the city of Panamá was consummated August 15, 1519; the public notary certifying that Pedrarias Dávila founded then and there a city, the name whereof was Panamá, and that in the name of God, and of the queen, Doña Juana, and of Don Cárlos, her son, he would defend the same against all opposers.[XIII-8]
Not the least important or successful among the foraging expeditions at this time sent out from Panamá was one under Espinosa, who with a hundred and fifty men embarked in one of the brigantines in search of the gold that Badajoz had lost. Ah! that gold; the Spaniards could scarcely sleep for thinking of it. But now the licentiate should judicially recover it; then might Panamá have rest.
Dropping westward a few leagues, Espinosa anchored at the mouth of a small river flowing through the province of Cutara, called after the son of the late Paris who now ruled that province. Ascending the river in canoes the Spaniards surprised by night the village, and no opposition being offered, the robbers took such plate, provisions, cotton cloth, and Indian weapons as they could lay their hands on. It then occurred to the more ghoulish of the company to search the death-chamber of the cacique Paris, whose body was then lying in state. And there, to their unutterable joy and thankfulness, round the corpse were not only the golden plates before captured, but piles of vessels and ornaments of the same blessed metal. By this desecration, gold to the value of forty thousand castellanos was secured, which made glad the heart of the old governor at Panamá. And who shall say the learned licentiate was not an humane and pious man, a just judge and good Christian withal, when after taking the trouble to drive the inhabitants of that village captives to the sea, he liberated them all at the entreaty of the youthful cacique, who had followed them wildly wailing, and faithfully promising a ransom of as much more gold as had been already taken? On the way back the licentiate stopped at the landing of the cacique Biruquete, of whom he bought a cargo of maize, without paying for it. Lest the treasure should fall into improper hands, half of it was buried at Panamá by Pedrarias and Espinosa; with the remainder the worthy couple set out immediately for Antigua, where the latter paid over the king's share, and then made preparations for a voyage of discovery along the coast, toward the north-west.
It occurred to Pedrarias that while Espinosa was absent from Darien with the men and ships making discoveries, it would be well for him to visit Spain and place his declining power on a firmer basis. But in order to leave he must have permission from the chief authority, or else lay down his office and submit to a residencia. Since the Jeronimite Fathers had made the cabildo of Antigua their agent to watch Pedrarias, and if possible keep him within the bounds of humanity and decency, he applied to it for permission to leave the country, and was refused. It was very hard, he said, that the king's governor should be thus subject to check by a vulgar town council; but the friars at Santo Domingo must be obeyed.
Since he could not go to Spain Pedrarias wrote the royal authorities there, setting forth what he had done at Panamá, soliciting a South Sea government for himself, and the removal of the municipality and cathedral of Antigua to the new city. Again, midst much storming, he applied for leave, saying he had been chosen procurador in Castile; and again he was refused permission. Then he dissembled, spoke softly, and said he loved the councilmen as his children, but nothing availed.
An act of this council, passed during his absence, greatly exasperated him, as tending to show a disregard for his authority. This was the granting of a request by Diego de Albites to plant a colony on the coast of Veragua. Fearing that the friars might impose upon him further restrictions he abruptly broke off all conference with the council of Antigua, and proceeded to Panamá.
There he found the soldiers and colonists more than ever dissatisfied. Provisions were scarce, and there was fever among them, and they said, Espinosa among the rest, if they were to become citizens, they would prefer the pure air of Spain to this pest-hole. "Very well," replied the governor, "let the gold be unearthed, and that with all the rest returned to the people of Paris, as the Jeronimite Fathers have ordered, and let us return to Castile. I assuredly can live there without hunger." A threat from Pedrarias to do a righteous act was uncommon and terrifying. The disaffected were silenced; and while Pedrarias yielded so far as to agree to the search for a more favorable country to the westward, it was at the same time determined that the building of Panamá should be proceeded with.
Meanwhile the cabildo of Antigua proceeded as best it could with the establishing of a northern seaport. By several successful raids on the north coast, toward Veragua, Diego de Albites had accumulated wealth, and with wealth ambition more vaulting. During the war between Vasco Nuñez and Pedrarias he pictured to himself political dissolution, and sent to Spain Andres Niño, a pilot, and two thousand castellanos to purchase for him a South Sea government. Better skilled in navigation than in diplomacy Niño returned without the office and without the money. At another time, while left in command at Acla during Vasco Nuñez' absence at the South Sea, Albites slipped cable and sailed for Española, where he applied for authority to build a town at Nombre de Dios or establish a colony on the coast of Veragua. Referred by the friars to Pedrarias, as an excuse for his absence he enlisted sixty men, loaded his ships with much-needed provisions, and returned to receive the thanks of the governor whom he had sought to circumvent. For this faithful service he received permission from Pedrarias to make an incursion into the province of Veragua, which greatly offended Vasco Nuñez; and when Albites returned successful from this raid the cabildo at Antigua granted him permission to establish a settlement not only in that province, but at Nombre de Dios, to Pedrarias' extreme annoyance.[XIII-9]
It was in 1517 that Albites returned to Antigua from Veragua, Chagre, and Nombre de Dios with much gold and many slaves. According to Herrera he attempted an expedition to Veragua in 1518, but was driven back to Nombre de Dios, where he founded a city. Andagoya is correct, however, when he places the settlement of Nombre de Dios in the latter part of 1519, though it was not by order of Pedrarias as he affirms. Embarking from Antigua in a brigantine and caravel, Albites touched at the isle of Bastimentos, and coasted westward a few leagues, raiding upon the natives for gold with meagre results. One of the ships becoming leaky he returned to Bastimentos, where it foundered. Thence he was conveyed by the cacique in canoes to Nombre de Dios, and at once set about building a town.
Two opposite posts being thus established, a road was constructed from sea to sea, "through the mountains overgrown with thick woods never touched from all eternity," as Peter Martyr expresses it. At great labor and cost both to the crown and to the colonists, a way wide enough for vehicles was cut through the thickets; trees were felled and thrown into the marshes, obstructing rocks torn from their beds, and bridges made where necessary.[XIII-10] Thus was opened through primeval shades a passage for the blessings and the curses of that Atlantic civilization which was to illuminate the Pacific.
This same year the lucky licentiate and alcalde mayor, Gaspar de Espinosa, was gaining further renown as discoverer and treasure-seeker. With Juan de Castañeda as pilot, he coasted one hundred and eighty leagues toward the north-west, touching at Huistá, Natá, Chirú, Chame, and other posts, and returned to Panamá well laden with maize and other provisions, and gold to the value of thirty-three thousand castellanos. During this exploration he entered a gulf to which he gave the name Culebras,[XIII-11] from the many snakes of various colors seen there.
A stroke of better fortune than he deserved likewise befell Pedrarias not long after. In May, 1520, Lope de Sosa, with three hundred men, arrived and anchored in the harbor of Antigua. Pedrarias, who was there at the time, immediately made preparations to receive him with becoming ceremony. Having given orders concerning his disembarkation, the new governor entered his cabin to dress. While there he was seized with a sudden illness, from which he shortly after expired. With mournful pomp and outward demonstration of grief Pedrarias conveyed the body to the church and buried it before the altar. Juan Alonso de Sosa, the son, and all the followers of the late governor were treated with that show of distinction which the old courtier could so well assume. Juan Rodriguez de Alarconcillo, who came as alcalde mayor, and before whom the residencia of the outgoing governor would have been taken, was favored with marked consideration. By way of prudence, some time before the anticipated arrival of his judge Pedrarias had sent his wife to Spain with all his gold and pearls.
Sosa's appointment to supersede Pedrarias was one of the reformatory measures which the chronicler Oviedo claims to have effected while in Spain.[XIII-12] For himself he had obtained, besides the offices of veedor and escribano-general, those of collector of chamber penalties and regidor perpetuo of Antigua. Orders were issued, furthermore, to all New World governors to furnish him a truthful report of all their acts, so that he might complete the General History of the Indies already begun. He was also appointed receiver of the property of Vasco Nuñez and his accomplices which had been confiscated to the king. He arrived at Antigua with his wife and two children soon after Sosa.
But the heart of the scholar was not in the coarse cunning of Darien politics; he became discontented, irritable, and while commanding the respect of the colonists he was not popular with them. They did not want reform so much as plunder. Pedrarias was his enemy, as he was the enemy of every well-meaning man of ability. The deaths first of a boy and then of his wife did not tend to sweeten his disposition. "Many times would I have returned to Spain," he exclaims, "had not need and shame prevented me."
The powers of the governor having been enlarged by means of the veedor, Oviedo's was the first head on which they were visited. The principal quarrel was over the depopulation of the northern coast. The veedor protested in the king's name, but the governor, now lord of all, was determined to execute his cherished project while he possessed the power. There was no longer any need of a north-coast capital; Pedrarias would make Panamá his metropolis. Before introducing further changes, however, it was necessary that his residencia should be taken. But this, with his experience, need be nothing more than an arraignment and trial of himself. At his request the licentiate Alarconcillo published the residencia for thirty days, during which time the governor continued to exercise the functions of office; no one appeared against him, and a certificate of the proceeding was sent to Spain. Pedrarias then took up his permanent abode at Panamá.
Not long afterward the veedor and contador were obliged to visit Panamá to weigh some gold and receive the royal share, since the governor would no longer send the metal to Antigua. The contador took up his residence there, but Oviedo returned to Antigua, more than ever determined to stand by that city. Seeing which Pedrarias was satisfied he could no more effectually ruin his adversary than by permitting him to have his own way. Besides, it were as well to stop the tongue and pen of one who could make and unmake governors. So when next Oviedo complained Pedrarias answered, "Señor Veedor, since you know so well how to achieve such desirable results, accept from me what power I possess, and govern Antigua according to your pleasure."
After some hesitation Oviedo accepted the proposal, and presented his credentials to the municipal council in November, 1521. Opening his administration with the enthusiasm of a novice, he straightway set about correcting abuses. He forbade blasphemy, keeping mistresses, and selling or eating meat on Saturday. He prohibited gambling, and burned all the cards in the public square. A dishonest notary was required to make restitution fourfold and be suspended from office for one year. Indian women must no longer be employed as beasts of burden, and Indian children must not be sold and bought as slaves. Certain more practicable provisions, however, saved Antigua, for a time, from the effects of a morality which standing alone would have killed any colony in the Indies. The new ruler bought for small sums the houses of those leaving, and sold them to new-comers at cost. He erected a market, opened mines, built ships, and sent out expeditions to smooth the ruffled plumage of the savage. He made of old iron five hundred hatchets, which were sold to the Indians; and when they became dulled, their owners not knowing how to sharpen them, he placed on board a vessel three large grindstones, covered so that the uncivilized might not steal the secret, and proceeded along the coast grinding such implements as the Indians brought, and charging therefor a sum equal to the original cost, which was cheerfully paid. It is claimed that more than seven thousand castellanos were thus secured during one voyage.
A greater prosperity followed these measures than pleased Pedrarias. But by revoking the many decisions of his deputy that came up on appeal from dissatisfied colonists, the governor was enabled to render Oviedo's position one of little power.
The staff of officials was increased by yet another alcalde mayor, the licentiate Sancho de Salaya, for the South Sea government particularly, who arrived at Antigua in a caravel from Spain, the 1st of July, 1522. With him came Rodrigo Perez, the friend of Vasco Nuñez, vicar when sent in chains to Spain, but returned arch-deacon.[XIII-13]
About this time a rebellion broke out on the Rio Grande San Juan, caused by outrages perpetrated by the bachiller Corral and Martin Estete during a foraging expedition. Heedless of the warning of Oviedo, Martin de Murga, visitador of the Indians, in company with three Spaniards and ten friendly Indians, paid a visit to Bea, the cacique of this province, who slew the entire party. Juan de Escaray with forty men was sent against the revolted chieftain.
Soon after some christianized Indians came down from the mountains, eight leagues distant, and reported outrages on them by the cacique Corobari. Thirty-five men were sent to capture him, and when brought in, Salaya sentenced him to be burned; after which the licentiate proceeded to Panamá. Several spies caught near Antigua about the same time confessed under torture to an insurrection contemplated by the cacique Guaturo, who had joined Bea. It was his plan to fire the town and slay the inhabitants. Oviedo in person, with forty men, proceeded against the new rebel, who, with several of the conspirators, was captured and hanged. This was the last of the wars of Antigua.
At length it pleased Pedrarias to depose Oviedo, and appoint in his place the bachiller Corral, who had shortly before incurred the anger of the chronicler, and had by him been sent in chains to Spain, on the charge of having there a wife while living himself in the Indies. The ubiquitous bachiller re-appeared at Antigua, however, almost in a twinkling. Of course, the chronicler was very indignant. The revocation was read in council; whereupon Oviedo laid his staff of office on the chair which he had occupied as president, and took his seat among the members, saying, "This is my place, given me by the emperor; here will I henceforth serve their Majesties, as in duty bound, and here only." Accompanying the revocation was a decree from Pedrarias, authorizing the city of Antigua to elect a representative to a general assembly, to be convened at Panamá for the purpose of providing measures important to the province, and to elect procuradores de córtes, or members of Congress to send to Spain. Pedrarias preferred Espinosa to represent Antigua, for obvious reasons; but instead of sending a delegate to the junta at Panamá, the people of Antigua chose their own representative in the person of Oviedo. While waiting for a vessel Oviedo occupied himself by presenting charges against Pedrarias before the new alcalde mayor, Alarconcillo, who had ordered a second residencia of the governor, and also one of Espinosa. For this pastime he not only narrowly escaped paying with his life, at the hand of an assassin, but Pedrarias ordered his late lieutenant's own residencia to be taken, and even placed him in irons until bonds should be given. The trial was passed without further damage than a fine of twenty castellanos for sending Corral to Spain. Another attempt being made at murder, Oviedo on the 3d of July, 1523, stole away, embarking ostensibly for Nombre de Dios, but bearing off, he directed his course toward Cuba and Jamaica, and thence sailed to Spain. Verily, these were the days of dissimulation.
Andrés Niño and his Spice Islands—Fails to Obtain Authority to Discover—Applies to Gil Gonzalez Dávila—Agreement with the King—Royal Order for the Ships of Vasco Nuñez—Pedrarias Refuses to Deliver Them—Gil Gonzalez Transports Ships across the Mountains—Embarks from the Pearl Islands—Gil Gonzalez Proceeds by Land and Niño by Sea—Visit to Nicoya—And to Nicaragua—The Captain-general Converts many Souls—And Gathers much Gold—Fight with Diriangen—Nicaragua Apostatizes—The Spaniards Terminate the Discovery and Hasten to their Ships—Niño's Voyage to Fonseca Bay—Return to Panamá.
The pilot Andrés Niño was an enterprising fellow, not to be put down by any slight frown of fortune. He had lately seen service with Vasco Nuñez, and would, God willing, follow the fantasy thence engendered. If two thousand castellanos could not buy a small slice of dominion on the North Sea, he would try the South. And in the mind of Niño, as with other navigators of that day, the undiscovered South assumed fantastic shape. There was the originally created strait, actual though invisible, leading to the Spice Islands hard by. Why should not one pilot as well as another sail through that strait to those fragrant shores, even though the voyage must be begun by crossing a little strip of cordillera?
Such was New World geography in 1519, when the inspired pilot found himself in Spain, soliciting the Council of the Indies for the ships of Vasco Nuñez, in which to make his voyage to the Moluccas; for, if so be he might get there for the asking, it would save him much trouble. Niño had come under the patronage of Alonso de la Puente, the royal treasurer, and accompanied by Andrés de Cereceda; but the persuasive eloquence of the worthy pilot was wanting in the soft, seductive tones that come from the ring of precious metals, and a second time Bellerophon fell to earth.
It happened that the contador of Española, Gil Gonzalez Dávila,[XIV-1] was then at the court of Spain; and it was suggested to Niño, who seemed to have exhausted all his resources, that if he could engage that gentleman's interest in the enterprise, it would be equivalent to its accomplishment. For he was a man of no small influence, springing from a good family of Ávila, and having been formerly attached to the household of the all-potential bishop of Búrgos. Possessed of exceptional ability and integrity, he had been sometimes sent by the government on missions of importance and trust, and was engaged in one of them when first we met him at Santo Domingo, investigating the affairs of the defaulting treasurer, Santa Clara. His energy was of the substantial cast, authoritative, robust, and direct. He seldom made mistakes, either in men or measures; and seemingly was strongest when standing at ease. Neither so bold as Vasco Nuñez, nor so cunning as Pedrarias, nor so cruel as Pizarro, nor so learned as Espinosa, he was a man of deeper and broader experience than any one of them, with a more evenly balanced mind, a cooler, sounder judgment, not always a warrant for greater success than with a more senseless recklessness, but on the whole much safer as a colleague, and more reliable as a friend. He was not a man easily diverted by hollow schemes, however brilliant or high-soaring; but when Niño laid before him his plans, he saw at once that they were eminently practical. There were the ships, and there the undiscovered sea, of which was already known that its shores abounded in gold and pearls, guarded by naked and almost weaponless men—this, and little more. What more was wanted? It did not require a Periander to tell the accomplished contador that this was no ordinary opportunity. Fonseca, who had always retained a warm interest in his protégé, heartily approved the plan, and the details were soon arranged with Niño. Gil Gonzalez was to be captain-general of the expedition; to him was given the habit of Santiago, and he was recommended to the newly appointed governor of Castilla del Oro, Lope de Sosa. Niño was to be a partner in the enterprise, with the position of pilot. Cereceda was chosen contador of the discovery.[XIV-2]
A royal order[XIV-3] was issued at Barcelona the 18th of June, 1519, directing the governor of Castilla del Oro to deliver to Gil Gonzalez the vessels built by Vasco Nuñez, and authorizing an expedition for South Sea discovery, the expense of which was to be borne largely by the crown. With this cédula Lope de Sosa promised faithfully to comply.
During the year following the execution of these documents Andrés Niño so bestirred himself, that his captain-general was enabled to land at Acla with two hundred men, prior to the arrival at Antigua of Lope de Sosa. Pedrarias was incensed that any one should presume to intermeddle in Tierra Firme affairs. Gil Gonzalez nevertheless despatched to him with the royal order Juan de Sauce, who duly delivered it in the presence of the notary Martin Estete.[XIV-4]
It is worth witnessing the reception by this arch-hypocrite of a royal command. "And forthwith the said lieutenant-general," writes the notary, "took the said cédula of his Highness in his hands, and kissed it, and placed it on his head, and said that he would obey it, and that he did obey it with the utmost reverence he could and ought, as a letter and commandment of his king and natural lord, whom may it please God our Lord to let live and reign during many and long years, with increase of kingdoms and seignories; and, as to the fulfilment thereof, that his lordship would see to it, and answer and provide thereupon as might be conducive to his Highness' service."
In which pathetic demonstration no one who knew Pedrarias could doubt that he never for a moment intended to do as he had said. Rather than tamely admit a new and dangerous rival, high in reputation and royal favor, some risk might be run. And so he at first agreed, then delayed, interposing technicalities and pretexts, and finally refused to deliver the ships, alleging as an excuse that they were private property, and claimed as such by individuals. In vain the captain-general urged that this was not a question of rights of property, but of royal command, which to disobey was dangerous. Pedrarias stood his ground; and fortune sustained him in the death of Sosa, who, had he lived, would have made all well for the expedition. But in Gil Gonzalez the old governor found his match; for the captain-general was no less decided than he, and far quicker in resources.
What Gil Gonzalez did was to copy the magnificent performance of Vasco Nuñez, under the circumstances scarcely less creditable in the imitation than in the original. After strengthening his command by recruits from the officers and men of the Pedrarias government, among whom were the treasurer Puente and the contador Diego Marquez, he dismantled his ships, packed up the sails and cordage, and taking from the hulls the iron, and such of the timbers as better suited the purpose than those freshly cut, which were also necessary, he secured the services of some Indians, and transported his vessels across the sierra to the same Rio Balsas used by Balboa. There he constructed and launched four vessels, but lost them all before reaching the mouth of the river.[XIV-5] The party, reduced in number more than one half since leaving Acla,[XIV-6] now crossed in canoes to the Pearl Islands.
A letter directed to Pedrarias in this emergency was productive of no results. Gil Gonzalez again requested possession of the vessels of Vasco Nuñez; his messenger brought back a surly verbal refusal. The captain-general then presented himself in person before the governor and demanded at least men for the building of new ships. Pedrarias dared not offer further opposition; and in time four small and poorly equipped vessels lay at the Pearl Islands ready for sea.[XIV-7] "In all my experience while in the service of your Majesty," writes Gil Gonzalez to the king, "I have nowhere been handled so roughly as in crossing Tierra Firme with the men I had brought from Castile, having to support them for two years, and spend my goods and jewels on them, and build the ships twice over."[XIV-8]
Embarking the 21st of January, 1522, having on board a few horses, with arms and articles for traffic, Gil Gonzalez struck westward, and after sailing one hundred leagues he was obliged to beach three of his vessels to save them from the worms, while the fourth returned to Panamá for pitch and other articles for repairs. New water-casks had likewise to be made, as those on board were failing through the rotting of the hoops.[XIV-9] Leaving the ships in charge of Andrés Niño, with orders to follow the coast for eighty or a hundred leagues, and there in some safe harbor to await him, Gil Gonzalez with one hundred men and four horses continued his way by land. Poor food, a hot sun, with heavy rains and softened ground, made the journey excessively irksome. The wading of rivers while the body was heated brought upon the commander a cramp, so that he had to be carried. Thus they trudged for many days, gathering gold, and christianizing the country, meeting no resistance.
Presently they came to what they called an island, ten leagues in length by six in breadth, "formed by the branches of a river," which was no island, however, but the peninsula which forms the western side of the Golfo Dulce.[XIV-10] Here in a huge wooden shed, as high as a tower, which the chroniclers please to call a palace, dwelt the ruler of that land, who was invited to retire while the strangers took possession in the upper part, the lower being flooded. For a fortnight they sheltered themselves from the falling waters. One night the palace posts began slowly to sink into the softened earth. The outlook was not encouraging. Their only shelter was sinking, and with it they were being submerged. They saved themselves, however, by cutting through the roof, and thus made their way out, bearing the commander on their shoulders. They were then obliged to take to trees, and to dwell in them for several days, the commander's quarters being a blanket stretched between two branches. During the flood were lost many weapons and much plunder.
After this they proceeded, sometimes going inland for food, but groping along the shore as best they might. Once when obliged to seek the ocean ten leagues away, they descended a river on rafts, one of which floated out to sea in the dark, but was brought to shore next morning by a lucky breeze and some expert swimming. Finally, after visiting and robbing a number of petty chieftains, and securing gold to the value of forty thousand pesos, they came to a gulf[XIV-11] which Gil Gonzalez called San Vicente, and where to his great joy he found Andrés Niño with the ships.
Owing to his lameness Gil Gonzalez would have embarked by sea, sending Niño with the land party; but the men lost courage at the prospect of remaining on shore without their leader, because the caciques were becoming more powerful. He accordingly bound Niño by oath to explore the coast with two ships, slowly and by day only, and reckon the distance sailed, leaving the other two vessels with the gold in San Vicente Gulf, while he himself plunged boldly inland, determined to subjugate the people, peaceably, if possible, otherwise by force.
Among the caciques whom Gil Gonzalez met was one most powerful living near the northern end of the gulf, named Nicoya, who gave a friendly reception as a friend, and presented him with gold to the value of fourteen thousand castellanos. When told of God, and of the bliss of heaven and the pains of hell, Nicoya very sensibly preferred the former place, and permitted himself, his wives and subjects, to the number of over six thousand souls, to be baptized. Furthermore he gave up six golden idols, each of a span in length, "For being now a Christian," said he, "I shall have nothing more to do with them." Which emblems of perdition the Spaniards did by no means scruple to take.
Nicoya was a great chief, but there was a mightier than he, fifty leagues to the northward, whose name was Nicaragua, of whom Nicoya said: "He is wise as well as valiant, and your little army will quickly melt before his warrior host."
It will be observed that the peaceful policy adopted in this expedition had thus far proved successful beyond that of any other similar attempt in the Indies. The sword remained sheathed, and it was found profitable as well as humane to keep it so. Hence these gentle robbers walked the land triumphant. The truth is, for the times Gil Gonzalez was an honest man. He tells large stories about baptizing, as we shall see; but we are accustomed to some degree of exaggeration where proselyting is concerned, and Gil Gonzalez really believed that the Christianity he gave Nicoya paid him well for his gold. Beside being honest, Gil Gonzalez was humane; he did not delight in blood. Let us doublemark these traits, for they are rare hereabouts.
How different was this from the usual form with which the captains of Pedrarias introduced themselves to savagism, may be seen in the approach by Gil Gonzalez to a people of doubtful temper. When within one day's march of Nicaragua's town he despatched to that chieftain an embassy of six Indians and two interpreters to notify him of his proximity and character. "Tell him," said Gonzalez, "that a captain cometh, commissioned to these parts by the great king of the Christians, to tell all the lords of these lands that there is in the heavens, higher than the sun, one lord, maker of all things, and that those believing and obeying him shall at death ascend to that loftiness, while disbelievers shall be driven into the fire beneath the earth. Tell him to be ready to hear and accept these truths, or else to prepare for battle."
Nicoya spoke the truth when he pronounced Nicaragua a wise man. There is great advantage in possessing an intellect unclouded by learning. He was both wise and honest enough to manifest amazement when messengers brought to him things amazing. "Tell those who sent you," said Nicaragua, "that I know not their king and therefore cannot do him homage; that I fear not their sharp swords, but love peace rather than war; gold has little value, they are welcome to what I have. In regard to the religion they teach I will talk with them, and if I like it I will adopt it." Of the two messages, that of the savage was far the more logical and sensible.
Next day when within one league of the town the Spaniards were met by four of Nicaragua's principal men, who told them that the king awaited their coming in peace. On entering the town they were received by Nicaragua, who assigned them lodgings in the public square, and placed all the surrounding houses at their disposal.
After the presentation of gifts, which, voluntary or forced, was always first in order, and which in this instance consisted on one side of gold to the value of fifteen thousand castellanos, and on the other of a shirt, a red cap, and a silken dress, attention was turned to spiritual affairs. To a lengthy harangue on what the savage must do and not do in order to attain Christian salvation, Nicaragua replied: "I see no harm in it. We cannot, however, give up our war-paint and weapons, our gay decorations and dances, and become women!"
Before accepting baptism[XIV-12] Nicaragua desired to ask Gil Gonzalez a few questions. "You who know so much of the maker and of the making of this world, tell me," said he, "of the great flood; and will there be another? In the universal end, will the earth be overturned, or will the sky fall and destroy us? Whence do the sun and moon obtain their light, and how will they lose it? How large are the stars; how are they held in the sky, and moved about? Why are the nights made dark, and the winters cold; why did not the Christian's God make a better world; what honor is due him; and what rights and duties has man, under whose dominion are the beasts? Whither goes the soul which you hold to be immortal when it leaves the body? Does the Pope never die; and is the great king of Spain a mortal; and why do the Christians so love gold?" These and other questions of like import the savage asked, and Gil Gonzalez answered them. There was no question that brave and pious Gil Gonzalez could not answer. And Peter Martyr says that "Cereceda, the king's treasurer, witnessed the manner in which Gonzalez answered the questions of Nicaragua." Strange to say, the savage was not satisfied. Doubtless Gil Gonzalez could have made himself better understood by a Christian. "Came these men hither from heaven?" whispered Nicaragua to the interpreter. "They came from heaven," was the reply. "But how?" asked Nicaragua, "directly down, like the flight of an arrow, or riding a cloud, or in a circuit like a bent bow?" The interpreter could not tell.
Nicaragua finally consented to have the idols in his temple removed, and the Christian's cross placed in their stead. A specimen of the worship they had adopted was then given them with great solemnity. Upon a high mound, whose summit was reached by steps, Gil Gonzalez had planted the cross on first entering the town. A procession headed by the Spanish and the native leaders now marched solemnly about the town, and ascended the steps of the mound[XIV-13] on their knees, chanting their hymns of praise the while. Proceeding to the temple, they erected there an altar, and jointly placed upon it the sacred emblem, in token the one of giving and the other of receiving the true faith. Such was the conquest and conversion of Nicaragua, unique and spiritual.
Nicaragua's town stood on a large fresh-water sea,[XIV-14] into which Gil Gonzalez rode his horse and took possession, drinking of the water. It was barely three leagues from the South Sea; but there was no connection, and a canoe sent out upon it could discover no current. "The pilots I had with me," writes the commander in his narrative of the expedition, "certify that it opens into the North Sea; and if so it is a great discovery, as the distance from one sea to the other is but two or three leagues of very level road."[XIV-15] One other matter claimed the attention of the discoverer at this juncture; which was to ascertain whether the invaders of Mexico, whose conquest was known at Panamá prior to the sailing of this expedition, had carried their operations so far south as this point. After close inquiry among the natives Gil Gonzalez was satisfied that they had not.[XIV-16]
April of this year, 1522, was now at hand, and Gil Gonzalez, well satisfied thus far, must determine what next to do. Before he was aware of it, baptism had become the rage in all that region. His stay at Nicaragua had been for eight days. Then he went forward north-westwardly six leagues into the next province, and found there a cluster of six towns, of two thousand inhabitants each, all the towns being less than two leagues apart. These people, jealous lest Nicaragua should secure to himself all the efficacies of the mysterious rite, came forward in multitudes to receive it, freely giving the Spaniards gold and food and slaves.
Yet farther before the visitors spread their fame, until a powerful cacique, called Diriangen, came in great state from some distance to meet them. To make the most imposing appearance possible, when within a short distance of the Spaniards Diriangen halted, and arranged his train. Five hundred unarmed men advanced, each carrying one or two turkeys, whose gay plumage made brilliant the spectacle. After them came ten banner-men, their flags yet furled. Then followed seventeen women nearly covered with plates of gold; after which were five trumpeters; and lastly, the chief men of the nation, bearing on their shoulders a palanquin richly adorned with colored cloths and feathers, in which sat the potentate. The cortége then moved forward and entered the village where the Spaniards were encamped, drawing up in perfect order before the commander's quarters. The litter was placed on the ground, the ten white banners were unfurled, and the trumpeters blew a shrill melody. Presently Diriangen ordered the musicians to cease, and approaching Gil Gonzalez he touched his hand. Then turning to the women, he ordered the gold to be presented, including two hundred golden hatchets, which amounted altogether in value to eighteen thousand castellanos. The five hundred Indians now came forward, and after severally touching the hand of the commander, presented the fowls to him. "For what purpose," asked Gil Gonzalez of the chieftain, "have you come so far to meet me?" Diriangen answered: "Having learned that a wonderful people, bearded and riding upon beasts, had arrived in this land, I come that with my own eyes I may behold them, and offer such hospitality as is in my power." Gil Gonzalez thanked the chieftain courteously, presented him some European articles, and after further conversation asked him if he did not wish to become a Christian, and a subject of the king of Spain. Diriangen intimated that it would give him great pleasure to accept both of these flattering proposals, but that he first desired to confer with his women and priests; he would return answer within three days.
Now Diriangen was a wily lord, who cared not a jot for the king of Spain, or for his religion. He wished to see this spectacle, and he was willing to pay royally for admission to it. The faith his fathers had held was sufficient for him, and he preferred ruling himself rather than being subject to another. He believed he could vanquish that little company; at all events he would try. With these reflections he bid the Spaniards a warm adieu, mounted his litter, and was carried away. This was on the 14th of April.
Three days after, while the clergyman of the expedition was absent at a neighboring town whither he had gone mounted on the best horse and attended by two valiant men, to preach, and the Spaniards were taking their mid-day siesta, Diriangen came down upon them with three thousand[XIV-17] men, armed with flint-toothed swords, lances, and arrows, and mailed in coats of wadded cotton, and was within a cross-bow shot of them before the alarm was given. Gil Gonzalez sprang upon one of the three remaining horses, and shouted to his men to rally in front of his dwelling, which faced the square. He then placed one third of his force in the rear of the house, fearful lest the enemy should fire it, for it contained all their gold. By this time the square was filled with Diriangen's warriors, who gave immediate battle, hand to hand. The swift death-blows of the Spaniards seemed to carry no special terror with them, and for a time it was extremely doubtful how the fight would turn. The Indians brought six Spaniards to the ground, and captured one, whom, however, they manifested no disposition to kill. Finally, upon a charge of the commander and the two other horsemen with their lances, the enemy gave way and were driven out of the town. Gil Gonzalez recklessly pursued, until wearied with killing, and alone, he turned, when there fell on him a shower of stones and darts which hurried him back to his people. Diriangen had kept in the background during the battle, and disappeared immediately it was over. None of the Spaniards were lost. The captive was recovered; the priest returned in safety, and the Indians were finally permitted to carry off their dead. Luckily Gil Gonzalez had taken the precaution to increase the number of bearded men by cutting hair from the heads of Spaniards and fixing it to the chins of twenty-five young natives of his company.
After due consultation it was decided to terminate the exploration at this point and return to Panamá. They had obtained a large amount of gold, and had baptized many. The results from the conversions, however, would have been far more pleasing to the Spaniards had not so many of the Indians apostatized before their back was fairly turned. As the Spaniards entered the province of Nicaragua, on the way to their ships, a plan of that sapient ruler was revealed to Gil Gonzalez, none other than to repeat the experiment of Diriangen. Immediately sixty Spaniards, all who were at present sound, formed into a hollow square, so as to act defensively and offensively while marching, having the invalids and treasure in the centre, and at each corner a horseman and an arquebusier. As they passed by Nicaragua's town the natives cried out to the carriers, who had been lent the Spaniards by Nicaragua, to throw down their loads. To this the Spaniards made no reply; but when the natives attempted by force to accomplish their purpose, Gil Gonzalez hurried forward the weakest of his force, and placed himself with seventeen men in the rear. A desultory fight was kept up for some distance, during which the cargo-bearers managed to throw down their loads and escape, to the unutterable disgust of the Spaniards, who were thus obliged to carry them. Gaining nothing by this, but rather losing, the natives made peace. Nicaragua, by his messengers, disclaimed any agency in the attack, but the Spaniards had recognized some of his principal men among the assailants. At length they reached the gulf of San Vicente in safety, eight days after the return of the party discovering by sea. Niño had coasted three hundred and fifty leagues north-westerly, reaching, according to some estimates, the very southern limit of Cortés' conquests. Hardly any details, however, are given beyond the statement that he discovered a large bay which Gil Gonzalez named Fonseca, in honor of his friend and patron the bishop of Búrgos. To an island within this bay he gave the name of his own niece, Petronila.[XIV-18] Returning, the expedition reached Panamá, June 25, 1523, with gold in value to 112,000 pesos, half of which was of inferior quality. According to his reckoning Gil Gonzalez had coasted six hundred and fifty leagues, travelling by land three hundred and twenty-four leagues, and converting to Christianity thirty-two thousand souls.[XIV-19]