European Settlement on the West Coast of America—Progress of Panamá—Laws Respecting Spanish Settlements in America—Final Abandonment of Antigua—Administration of the South Sea Government—Piracy upon Principle—Pascual de Andagoya Explores Southward—Conquers Birú—Return to Panamá—Colonies of Veragua and Chiriquí—The Chieftain Urracá Takes up his Abode in the Mountains and Defies the Spaniards—Pizarro, Espinosa, Pedrarias, and Compañon in vain Attempt his Overthrow—Building of Natá—Compañon as Governor—Hurtado Colonizes Chiriquí—Conspiracy—Capture and Escape of Urracá—Several Years more of War.
At length we find on the Pacific seaboard a European settlement, in the aboriginal fishing-station of Panamá the germ of a Spanish city, the first on the western side of the American continent from Patagonia to Alaska, the first on the Isthmus which remains to the present day. And there was much about it which the befogged but in many respects far-seeing adventurers of the time could foretell. There was wealth on this shore, but to what extent they knew not, as Peru stood yet unrevealed. Unless some strait should be found, or some narrower thread of Tierra Firme offering superior advantages, Panamá would become the great entrepôt of South Sea traffic; but wild as were their speculations in some respects, in others the imagination was as far behind the facts. Even in their wildest dreams they had not seen resting on their broad-stretching beach ships from the north and the south, and the far western east, laden with the wealth of half a world, and in the streets of their sun-beaten city gold and silver stacked in bricks; and spices, and precious merchandise waiting transportation over the cordillera to Nombre de Dios, where cargoes of European goods in like manner waited carriage southward.
To the importance of this city, even at this early day, the Council of the Indies was by no means blind; and beside the regulations[XV-1] of a general nature regarding settlement and city-building which began now to be enacted, Panamá was the recipient of special royal favors.
We have seen how Pedrarias, by fair means and foul, labored to depopulate Antigua; and it was a good work, though at the time he was not fully aware of it. Fortune had favored him in many ways of late, and the rewards of his rascalities were truly gratifying. Not to mention the deaths of Vasco Nuñez and Lope de Sosa, the successes of Espinosa and other gold-hunting captains, or the discomfiture of Gil Gonzalez, it was a fine stroke of policy making the licenciado Alarconcillo his lieutenant at Antigua; for the fraudulent residencias taken by him, under the artful management of the governor's wife in Spain, did Pedrarias and Espinosa good service at court. Nor was there any practical inconvenience to the governor in the royal orders prohibiting complex legal proceedings, that the truth might be simply and inexpensively arrived at in cases of dispute, and permitting appeals from Castilla del Oro to the audiencia of Santo Domingo; for the one gave his power a wider range, while the other could be easily regulated so as to work him no prejudice. Las Casas likewise had failed in his effort to displace Pedrarias, the privileges granted in Tierra Firme limiting him to territory outside of the jurisdiction of this governor.
The abandonment of Antigua began in 1521, and was consummated in September, 1524, Diego Ribero, the last survivor, being massacred with his entire family by his own Indians, who afterward burned the town. Thus the streets wherein had been acted so many stirring scenes were vacant, and the country, after a struggle of fifteen years and the loss of thousands of lives, lapsed into its original savagism. By royal decree issued at Búrgos September 15, 1521, Panamá was made a city, and received royal privileges and a coat of arms, in further ennoblement.[XV-2] The regidores should enjoy the title of veinticuatros, as in Seville and Córdova. For the first ten years the city had to pay only a tithe on gold; the eleventh year, one ninth; the twelfth, one eighth, and so on to the fifteenth when the usual fifth would be due. Hitherto the currency consisted of pieces of gold cut into various weights; now silver and copper money were employed.
The first regidores of Panamá were Gonzalo de Badajoz, Rodrigo Enriquez de Colmenares, Rogel de Loris, Pascual de Andagoya, Martin Estete, Benito Hurtado, Luis de la Rocha, and Francisco Gonzalez. The alcalde mayor, Hernando de Salaya, was made lieutenant of Pedrarias in Panamá, with a salary of 150,000 maravedís, Espinosa having turned his attention almost exclusively to military matters. The royal officers formerly at Antigua as a rule held their places in Panamá. These were Alonso de la Puente, the treasurer; Diego Marquez, the contador; Miguel Juan de Ribas, factor. To some of these Pedrarias was obliged to give repartimientos as an inducement to move.
More difficulty was experienced in having the episcopal see transferred to Panamá, but it was finally accomplished; the royal order to move it, with the clergy and paraphernalia of the church as well as the vecinos and the hospital, bearing date the same as the order making Panamá a city, namely, September 15, 1521. On the death of the first bishop of Darien, Juan de Quevedo, a successor was appointed in the person of Fray Vicente de Peraza. Salaya and the Archdeacon Perez came out together in 1522; Peraza came later, Salaya being commissioned to superintend ecclesiastical affairs until the bishop's arrival. And when he did arrive he appeared in no haste to move, and was still at Antigua in 1524. There, finally, Pedrarias went and exercised upon him his softest blandishments. The governor could make himself quite pleasing to one who did not know him. The bishop had not been long in Panamá before his eyes were opened, and then, indeed, forever closed; for one day, while the bishop and the governor were at cards, they had a quarrel, during which the latter was treated badly with words, and soon after the bishop died. Then with Salaya the governor employed sharp words, saying, if he did not mind he would cut off his head. "More than one head you have wrongfully cut off," Salaya retorted, "but he who cuts off my head must have a better head than mine, and that you have not." Then they were friends again. Nevertheless Salaya died. Both these men were poisoned; suspicion pointed to Pedrarias, though he was never formally charged with the crime.
For the building of churches in Castilla del Oro, the king gave large alms; his annual donation to the hospital was three hundred pesos,[XV-3] while the royal treasury covered the cost of an organ and a clock for the Panamá cathedral. About the time of the removal, Francisco de Lizaur, procurador of the new settlement for providing the Indians as well as the Spaniards with food, procured an order requiring the governor to attend to planting; likewise barter must be opened with the natives, and negro slaves were not allowed to accompany expeditions. The boundaries of the municipality extended about forty-five leagues in every direction from the three leagues of city lands in the centre.
The natives of the New World, and they alone, were expected to support the new city, and through Panamá to send great wealth to Spain. The object of the Spaniards was not agriculture, except to save themselves from hunger; nor even mining, except as they could force the natives to dig; it was unadulterated robbery, with only the lame excuses of civilization and Christianity, and Panamá was but a pirates' nest.
By no means the worst of the band was Pascual de Andagoya, who but for the bad company he kept might have been pronounced an honest man. He assisted Pedrarias, and acted as the forerunner of Pizarro, but when it came to wholesale infamies he had no zeal for them.
A faithful retainer of the governor, he was in 1522 sent by him to explore the southern coast beyond the limits of the discovery of Vasco Nuñez. Landing at the gulf of San Miguel, Andagoya visited a province called Chochama, where he was informed that during the periods of the full moon, a fierce people infested its shore, driving the inhabitants from their fisheries, slaying them if they resisted, and spreading terror generally. This people came from a province called Birú, which name was corrupted by the Spaniards into Pirú, and finally into the Peru of Francisco Pizarro. Chochama begged Andagoya to protect his subjects from this scourge, and having obtained reinforcements from Panamá, Andagoya set out in company with his host and his warriors for the dreaded region. Ascending a large river for twenty leagues, the Spaniards found a number of villages and caciques, and on the outskirts of the province, near the junction of two rivers, they discovered a strong native fortress, well garrisoned, which on being attacked was defended with skill and bravery. But superior tactics soon prevailed, and after a struggle the stronghold was reduced and the inmates were brought to terms.
The subjugation of Birú being thus effected, Andagoya continued his voyage, the ships keeping well off shore, while the commander reconnoitred the coast in canoes navigated by friendly Indians. It happened one day, while thus employed, that his boat was caught in the surf and overturned. He was saved by the brave efforts of one of the natives whose cause he had espoused; but a rheumatic fever which followed determined him to abandon the discovery, and on the following day he turned his face toward Panamá, where he arrived in safety with a few captives.[XV-4]
Permission was then given to Juan Basurto to continue the discovery of Andagoya; but his sudden death cut short the preparations, and there the matter rested until taken up by Francisco Pizarro.
Leaving for the moment affairs to the southward, let us return to the western side of Panamá Bay. There was a cacique named Urracá, whom the Spaniards sought to kill, whose domain was the sierra of Veragua, and whose crime was the love of liberty. Indeed so villainously depraved was this savage that he would not accept Spanish salvation and domination when offered him in return for his gold; he even thought to kill the good men who invaded his territory to kill him. Urracá was fierce and strong; his mountains were rugged, and his home almost inaccessible to the hostile invader. Therefore he must be approached with caution, and his capture intrusted only to picked men. As he was reported rich, and worth the trouble, two companies were fitted out against him, one by water under Espinosa, and one by land under Francisco Pizarro. The former embarked at Panamá in two vessels, and, after touching at the island of Cebaco, passed over to the mainland of Veragua and began his march on the redoubtable mountaineer. Urracá was not afraid of him, and after placing the women, the children, and the aged of his people in safety, with his warriors he marched boldly out against the enemy. He first encountered the Indian vanguard of Espinosa, and falling on them slew them to a man. Then he fiercely attacked the horsemen, of whom there were two or three, and the foot-soldiers, fighting with such determination that but for Hernando de Soto, who with thirty men had been sent forward by Pizarro to seek a pass, the licentiate would have been cut to pieces. Pizarro, who was near at hand, had not reached the place without hard fighting. And now Urracá defied them all. With every advantage of a rugged and well-known country on his side, he rallied his men and attacked the combined force with such desperate energy that when night came the Spaniards endeavored to withdraw secretly to the open plain. To this Urracá objected. He permitted them to break up camp, it is true, and to begin their march; but, when within the darkest pass, he was on them again like a trap, and from the black craggy defile they could not move, except against the lances and war-clubs that hemmed them in. With morning the question faced them, whether they should die there or escape? And thus the captains placed the matter before the men. Summoning all their strength, they threw their united force against the living obstructions at the opening toward the sea, and, treading down the enemy, escaped to their ships, and spreading sail directed their course toward Panamá. But it would not do to return empty-handed. So landing at Borrica they plundered the town, and took the inhabitants captive, though the licentiate finally released the women. While Espinosa with the main body of his troops proceeded to Natá, Francisco Compañon with fifty men surprised by night a peaceful village in the neighborhood. It was palisaded, and the Spaniards were repulsed. Hiding themselves, they waited until the inhabitants had come forth in the morning, and had scattered themselves about the fields. At a signal they sprang upon them. The poor natives ran for shelter from the merciless steel, and arriving at the gateway in a body they so blocked it as to be easily butchered. Those not killed were carried captives to Natá.
The native village of Natá was situated on an open plain, most beautiful, with a fertile soil and wholesome air. We have seen how on former occasions it had attracted the attention of the Spaniards. They had long desired to found there a settlement, and, the present expedition having proved a failure, Espinosa sent messengers to Pedrarias asking permission to remain and form a colony. The governor acquiesced, but ordered Espinosa with the ships to Panamá, leaving at Natá only fifty men under Compañon.
The new seaport lay nearer to Urracá than the island of Cebaco, although Espinosa began his march against this province at a point on Azuero Peninsula, opposite the island, more than thirty leagues from Natá, by sea.
It was near enough, at all events, for the wary Urracá to follow the Spaniards with his vindictive eye. The chieftain, by his emissaries, knew when Espinosa landed there, what he and the others did, when they went away, and how many remained. Peeping in on Compañon he thought he could manage fifty men. He would try it. Collecting his forces he made preparations to attack the Spaniards by night. On approaching their quarters he came to a house at some distance from the others, in which three men were sleeping. One of them the savages killed with a spear; one they captured; the third eluded them until he had secured his arms, when he sprang up and shouted as if to some companions near. Single-handed he then attacked them and put them to flight; after which he released his captive comrade, and the two sought their commander. Compañon immediately sent messengers to Pedrarias, informing him of the attack.
It was not praiseworthy on the part of Urracá to allow his multitude of brave warriors to be defeated by a single Spaniard; probably he never knew how easily he was beaten; and now confederating with his neighbors he confined the Spaniards so closely in their quarters that they began to suffer for food. The opportune arrival of Hernando Ponce de Leon with forty men, and shortly afterward of the governor himself with one hundred and fifty men, placed Compañon at ease again.
It is true; the old governor is in the field again! War, at home or abroad, is his natural element. This bold mountain chieftain must be put down; and who so fitting to do it, who so capable, as the governor? Appointing Francisco Pizarro as second in command, with his entire available force, among which are some horses and small cannon, Pedrarias sallies forth.
Urracá is ready to receive him. He has joined forces with a neighbor named Exquegua, and awaits the Spanish governor just beyond the strongest pass. He hopes a second time to entangle the enemy amongst the craggy steeps to him so familiar. The fox enters the trap. The governor must choose either to fight at great disadvantage, or retire and leave the country to its aboriginal lord. Urracá is powerful, sagacious, and brave. Occupying in his retreat the most elevated part of the cordillera where it cuts Veragua, and being about midway between the two oceans, he can draw supplies and reinforcements from either side. So pernicious is the influence he exerts that he can prevent the pacification of western Castilla del Oro: hence the importance of his extermination.
The old governor harangues his army. After the stale fashion of Xerxes and the Scipios he sneers at the enemy, and praises his own men. It is not common to hear Pedrarias praise any one. "You see the necessity of this chieftain's death," he concludes; "let it never be said of Spaniards that they left alive a rich heathen." A charge is then ordered. The battle lasts till nightfall. It is renewed the next day and the day following. Before such unparalleled obstinacy the Spaniards grow faint. Even the fire-belching cannon, with its reverberating roar and its balls sweeping down men, splitting rocks and trees, and tearing up the earth, confounds them but for a moment. For five days the engagement continues, much of the time in a desultory manner, the Spaniards fighting from under cover like the Indians.
Urracá at length resorts to stratagem. Withdrawing his forces as if in abandonment of the fight, he retires toward the river Atra, the rendezvous of the confederates from both sides of the cordillera. Pedrarias follows, thinking in some open spot to scatter the foe and kill them. Seeing which, Urracá calls to him several wise warriors, and instructs them to play the part of men of the country, and when captured by the Spaniards to direct them to their ruin. Through this ruse Diego de Albites falls into ambush, at one time with forty men, at another with sixty, narrowly escaping destruction.
Determined never to abandon the country until his purpose is accomplished, Pedrarias sends out parties against the villages of the confederates individually. Two caciques, Bulaba and Musa, are captured, but on accepting terms of peace are set at liberty. Urracá avoids another general engagement, and Pedrarias returns to Natá. The lands and captives are divided among such soldiers as are willing to remain as colonists under Diego de Albites, who is left there as the governor's lieutenant. Sixty elect to remain, who begin to build and plant. Thus is established the town and settlement suggested by Espinosa, which is called Natá after the cacique, and which name it still retains, and next after Panamá on the Pacific seaboard, Natá assumes importance as a Spanish settlement.
All the same it is exceedingly hard on the poor aboriginal, drudgery or death. Those enslaved under the fatherly-protection system endeavor by every means to escape; failing in which, if they do not kill themselves, they soon die from hard treatment. Urracá never ceases narrowly to watch the Spaniards, attacking them as opportunity offers. Albites retaliates with frequent incursions; but unable to overthrow Urracá he finally makes peace with him. This displeases Pedrarias, who thereupon recalls Albites and appoints Francisco Compañon governor of Natá. Under the new regime hostilities are yet more vigorously pressed, but in almost every instance to the discomfiture of the Spaniards.
Beyond the domain of Urracá, toward the west, in Veragua, was the province of Chiriquí. Thither Pedrarias sent Benito Hurtado to establish a colony. The country being thinly populated was easily taken and held. Indeed, the caciques of Chiriquí, Vareclas, and Burica, the chief rulers within an area of one hundred leagues, obeyed without resistance, and for two years the colony of Chiriquí was unmolested. But the more submissive the people, the more exacting the conquering race. The crushing weight of servitude becoming unbearable, the men of Chiriquí at length rose to arms. They were joined in a general revolt by Urracá. Unable to vanquish this chieftain, Compañon determined to capture him by fair means or foul. Overtures were begun by presents and fair promises, and at length, under the most solemn assurances of liberty and safety, Urracá was induced to visit the governor at Natá. No sooner had he entered the town than he was seized and ironed. I am disposed to praise the perfidious Compañon for not burning his captive, or giving him to the dogs; he only sent him, in violation of his sacred pledge, a prisoner to Nombre de Dios, with the intention of shipping him off to Spain. Before the sailing of a ship, however, the brave cacique managed to burst his fetters and escape. Breathing vengeance he roused the mountains, organized a yet more powerful confederation, and marched against Natá. Long and bloody warfare ensued, with alternate success. One of the most disastrous conflicts occurred early in 1527, in an expedition against a rebel chief named Trota, under Captain Alonso de Vargas, with forty soldiers, principally men newly arrived from Spain. The protestations of some of Trota's adherents, who entered the camp with humble mien but active eyes, induced the captain, at the recommendation of a veteran comrade, to send Pocoa, an allied chief and guide, with offers of peace. The fellow was no sooner out of sight than he cast the olive branch to the winds, and joining cause with Trota, advised him to seize so advantageous an opportunity for glory and revenge, when the force before him was weak and inexperienced and the commander ailing. Four days later five hundred warriors fell upon the camp, led by Pocoa in a glittering breastplate of gold. Although taken by surprise, the soldiers fought desperately, but the numbers were overwhelming, and Vargas succumbed with half his men. This blow was one more incentive for the Spaniards to exert themselves in retaliation and conquest. The country adjacent to the settlement being open and level, horses and cannon could be used with advantage; while on the other hand, to make up for lack of skill, were numbers, drawn from a great distance around, with the protecting mountains in which to nurse declining energies. Thus for nine years the war continued, until the chieftain Urracá, yielded up his life, though not, after all, to arquebuse or bloodhound: he died in bed, among his own people, but lamenting, with the last breath, his inability to drive out the detested Christians.
Oviedo in Spain—He Secures the Appointment of Pedro de los Rios as Governor of Castilla del Oro—Pedrarias Determines to Possess Nicaragua—He Sends thither Córdoba, who Founds Brusélas, Granada, and Leon—And Carries a Ship across the Land from the Pacific to Lake Nicaragua—He Makes a Survey of the Lake—Informed of Spaniards Lurking thereabout—Development of the Spanish Colonial System—Gil Gonzalez Escapes with his Treasure to Española—Despatches Cereceda to Spain with Intelligence of his Discovery—Sails from Santo Domingo to the Coast of Honduras—Arrives at Puerto Caballos—Founds San Gil de Buenavista—Encounters Hernando de Soto—Battle—Cristóbal de Olid Appears—Founds Triunfo de la Cruz.
Scarcely were the fair provinces of the Southern Sea brought under the yoke of the Spaniards, when the conquerors began contending among themselves. For it must be confessed that neither their culture nor their religion prevented them from behaving very much like the wild beasts and the wild men to whom they regarded themselves superior. In following these disputes we will now accompany, in a second visit to Spain, the author and veedor, and withal the maker of governors, Fernandez de Oviedo, whom we left in July, 1523, fleeing the wrath of Pedrarias.
At Cuba the veedor was entertained by Diego Velazquez, the governor; at Española he was invited by Diego Colon to take passage with him for Seville, where he arrived in November. After presenting himself to the Council of the Indies, at Búrgos, he went to Vitoria, where the court was residing. Vested with full power to act for the city of Antigua, Oviedo set forth the affairs of the colony, entered his complaints against Pedrarias, and urged the appointment of a new governor. In this measure he was opposed by the bachiller Corral, whom he had made an effort to send in chains to Spain, and by Isabel, wife of Pedrarias. Through their influence he was involved in litigation which lasted two years; and for his treatment of the bachiller he was fined one hundred thousand maravedís, which he was obliged to pay. But in the end the veedor triumphed in displacing Pedrarias, and in securing the appointment of Pedro de los Rios, of Córdova, as governor of Castilla del Oro, and of the licenciado Juan de Salmeron as alcalde mayor and judge of residencia.
The prospect of speedy displacement in office, no less than the success of Gil Gonzalez at the freshwater sea, determined Pedrarias to secure a footing in Nicaragua before the arrival of the new governor of Castilla del Oro. No one knew better than himself that by the customs of discovery and occupation, which were now fast becoming laws, he had not the slightest right there, having neither contributed to the discovery of Gil Gonzalez, nor even sanctioned it. As an act preliminary to taking possession of this discovery, Pedrarias despatched thither his lieutenant, Francisco Hernandez de Córdoba—not he who discovered Yucatan, though of the same name—and captains Gabriel de Rojas, Francisco Compañon, and Hernando de Soto, who embarked from Panamá in 1524.
Landing at the gulf of Nicoya Córdoba founded a settlement at Urutina, on the east side, which he called Brusélas, but which existed only three years, being dismantled by order of Diego Lopez Salcedo in 1527. Thence Córdoba proceeded northward thirty leagues, to Nequecheri, on the shore of Lake Nicaragua, where he founded a city to which he gave the name Granada, building there a fortress and a church. In the province of Nagrando[XVI-1] he established another city which he called Leon. While at Granada Córdoba drew one of his brigantines ashore, and taking it apart conveyed the pieces overland to Nicaragua Lake. After rebuilding he made a circuit round the shore of the Freshwater Sea, and discovered its outlet in the Rio San Juan, though he did not descend the stream, on account of the rocks and rapids. With this leader had come many friars and religious men, some of whom were quite expert in performing miracles, and by this means was excited among the natives a furor for baptism scarcely inferior to the lively manifestation under the swift instructions of Captain Gil Gonzalez. Córdoba sent Pedrarias a full account of his proceedings thus far. He also informed him that a band of Spaniards was lurking thereabout, though as yet he had not encountered them, but he had sent Hernando de Soto to learn who they were.
The colonial system of Spain as it unfolded in the New World seemed at this time to assume the form of a political tripod whose three props were the subjugator, the sovereign, and the executive vicegerent, each contributing to the support of the others, though in a manner oppugnant and contradictory. It was something wholly new in the polities of nations for royalty thus to delegate so much and so varied power at such a distance; and royalty was troubled for itself in consequence, and regarded with jealousy and mistrust such of its servants as it was obliged to confide in. Ashamed of his suspicions, the sovereign attempted to cover them by the application of chicane to a system of balancing, placing one agent to watch another, and counteracting the power of one deputy by the power of another deputy. The discoverer on returning from his perilous voyage must wear away the remainder of his life importuning for the promised recompense; and often he was compelled to lose beside his services the costs advanced by himself. The conqueror must be frowned upon in the moment of his triumph, lest he should forget himself, or rather forget his master. He, without whose adventurings the monarch's realm could scarcely find enlargement, must immediately on the attainment of new territory be diverted by the intrusion of some professional governor, who between law, selfishness, and despotism usually managed to defeat the aims of both king and conqueror, and attain his own end in ruin and disgrace. Thus it was on Española, and thus it is again on Tierra Firme. Had Columbus been less incompetent as the beginner in this colonization, and as governor; had he with wise statesmanship founded one New World colony on firm and liberal principles, the whole Spanish-American colonial system during the following three centuries might have been something quite different. Had the monarch found on trial that his deputies were trustworthy, he would have trusted them. Had he not, they would have compelled him. As it was they compelled him to treat them as unreliable and unjust, as indeed they were, that is to say such of them as were competent. While the monarch was far less blamable than his representatives, while as a rule he sought with honest and pious purpose the best welfare of his subjects, civilized and savage, it seemed his fate thus far to keep the colonies always in a ferment, every man's hand against his neighbor, and under such poisonous and perverting stimulus, that the vilest elements attained success, while the noblest were consumed to cinders. Witness Christopher Columbus and Bartolomé his brother as against Bobadilla and Ovando; Vasco Nuñez beside Pedrarias; and now Pedrarias and Gil Gonzalez.
Upon the return to Panamá in June, 1523, of Andrés Niño and Gil Gonzalez, from their discovery of Nicaragua, Pedrarias undertook, as we have seen, at once to secure for himself every benefit of their adventure. And this without a shadow of right or reason. The pilot and the contador had acted under authority direct from the king; they had imperilled their lives and had exhausted their private fortunes; while the governor had not only contributed nothing, but actually disobeyed the king in refusing to deliver the ships of Vasco Nuñez, and in withholding men and means for the expedition. A grand achievement had been consummated by a handful of men, poorly equipped and in small unseaworthy vessels, whose consequent sufferings were in a measure caused by the inherent wickedness of the governor, now the first of all to clutch at the gold. He would have the honor of paying the king's fifth into the royal treasury, for he could make it advantageous for himself.
Gil Gonzalez would cheerfully have turned over the treasure to the king's officers, for his blood was up, and he wished to return immediately and chastise the impudent caciques, Diriangen and Nicaragua. But, when under his letters patent he demanded aid for that purpose, the governor promised it only on condition that he went as his lieutenant, and that the war should be conducted in his name. This the contador refused to do. Pedrarias then said that he would undertake the further pacification of Nicaragua on his own account, and plant a colony, perhaps, at the gulf of Fonseca; that a southern expedition which he had planned would be directed north, in view of the superior attractions appearing in the reports of the late discoveries. Upon this Gil Gonzalez determined to hasten from Panamá with the king's gold, which had been melted down by the assayer, and lay the matter before the audiencia at Santo Domingo, thence going to Spain if necessary.
There was a caravel lying at Nombre de Dios, which Gil Gonzalez purchased for one thousand castellanos, and stealing from Panamá he escaped with the gold, and set sail for Española just as Pedrarias in hot pursuit appeared upon the shore with a requisition and order of arrest.
The royal authorities at Santo Domingo listened with favor to their former contador; on comparing his actions with his instructions they found that he had acquitted himself creditably. They deemed it unnecessary for him to go to Spain, and thought he could better serve the king by continuing his important discovery. He might proceed at once to the eastern shore of Tierra Firme, and search for the strait communicating with the Freshwater Sea, or its outlet, which was sure to exist; or, failing in that, enter the territory, pass over to the Freshwater Sea by land, found there a colony and build a town. To this end the audiencia promised to aid him in raising three hundred men and fifty horses, which, with the ship he had brought from Nombre de Dios, would give him a fair equipment. Distributing, therefore, the royal share of the treasure[XVI-2] among five ships lying at Santo Domingo, according to the royal regulations, Gil Gonzalez despatched by Antonio de Cereceda, treasurer of the Nicaraguan expedition, the famous letter which I have so frequently quoted, and a map of the coast from Panamá to the Gulf of Fonseca, made with great care by the pilots of the expedition. In this letter, after giving an account of the discovery and presenting his plans, the writer begs the sovereign that his pay as captain be made over to his wife at Seville, for the support and education of his children; that the limits of his discovery may speedily be defined, and other conquerors and rulers forbidden to intrude; that letters patent may be granted him with the title of Admiral of the Freshwater Sea, together with a tenth of the king's revenue within the territory. Were it not that his majesty might deem it a desire on the part of the discoverer to call attention to himself he could tell much more; but this he would say of five things done by him, namely—no other Spaniard ever before discovered so many leagues on foot with so few men so poorly equipped; no man ever converted so many souls to Christ in so short a time; no discoverer as yet had brought so much gold; none had fought so many Indians without the loss of a man; and, finally, no one before him had ever returned from a voyage of discovery without having lost to the adventurers the cost of the outfit. Cereceda and the letter were graciously received by the emperor, who ordered Gil Gonzalez to continue his discoveries.
But without waiting instructions from Spain Gil Gonzalez had hastened to occupy what he had discovered, before others should arrive to dispute possession with him. He sailed from Santo Domingo in the spring of 1524[XVI-3] for the eastern coast of Nicaragua, intending to cross to the Freshwater Sea, by way of its outlet, and thereby avoid collision with the governor at Panamá; but he steered too far to the right, and struck the continent on the north side of Honduras, about twenty leagues east of Golfo Dulce. Obliged by a storm to throw overboard some horses to save his ship, he gave the name of Caballos[XVI-4] to the port from which he had under the circumstances to turn away. From this point he was driven by the wind westward to Golfo Dulce. Finding himself in a strange mountainous country, and at a loss whither to proceed, he deemed it safe in any event to take possession and plant there a colony, and to this he gave the name San Gil de Buenavista. Leaving there a portion of his men he coasted eastward, to a point between capes Honduras and Camarones, and although still far from his destination he disembarked the troops and marched southward in search of his Freshwater Sea.
Continuing on this course Gil Gonzalez in due time approached the territory of Nicaragua, but only to encounter Hernando de Soto, sent by Córdoba to ascertain who were the rival settlers. Gil Gonzalez first learned of the presence of Córdoba in that quarter while passing through the valley of Olancho. There was but one way to settle rival claims under such circumstances, the old brutal way, practised by both savage and civilized from the beginning, and in vogue to-day among our most Christian and cultured nations—the weaker must give way to the stronger.
The two companies met at a place called Toreba. The savage method of warfare was adopted. Just before dawn, as Soto lay wrapped in slumber, Gil Gonzalez, with a portion only of his command, crept into the enemy's camp, and raising the war-cry, "San Gil! kill the traitors!" began a furious onslaught upon his countrymen. Soto commanded the superior force, and although taken at a disadvantage he was soon disputing for the victory with every prospect of success. The engagement lasted some time, and several Spaniards on both sides were killed. At length Gil Gonzalez, fearing defeat, cried out, "Peace! peace, Señor capitan, in the emperor's name!" And although Soto was urged by his associates to follow up the advantage, he ceased hostilities and prepared for an amicable adjustment of differences.
Thus matters remained for several days. But Gil Gonzalez had no intention of abandoning the field, as his actions and words implied. He only wished to gain time and bring up the remainder of his force. This effected, he again suddenly sprang upon the enemy, and after a short but severe engagement drove him from the field, securing his treasure, to the value of one hundred and thirty thousand castellanos.[XVI-5]
Satisfied with this success, and unprepared to meet a superior force under Córdoba, Gil Gonzalez disarmed the enemy, and retired to Puerto Caballos, where he was informed that a fleet had arrived from Mexico in command of Cristóbal de Olid, one of the captains of Hernan Cortés.
After the defeat of Soto, Córdoba took measures to strengthen his position at Leon, building there a strong fortress. Cristóbal de Olid, of whom I shall speak presently, founded a settlement on the north coast of Honduras, fourteen leagues east of Puerto Caballos, to which he gave the name of Triunfo de la Cruz.[XVI-6] Thus for the territory now embraced within the boundaries of Nicaragua and Honduras, there appeared three claimants—Gil Gonzalez, who, under the auspices of the crown, claimed for himself as the discoverer; Francisco Hernandez de Córdoba, who claimed for Pedrarias; and Cristóbal de Olid, who claimed for Cortés and himself.
Cortés in Mexico—Extension of his Conquests—Fears of Encroachments on the Part of Spaniards in Central America—Cristóbal de Olid Sent to Honduras—Touching at Habana, He is Won from Allegiance to Cortés—Triunfo de la Cruz Founded—Olid as Traitor—Meeting with Gil Gonzalez—The Wrath of Cortés—Casas Sent after Olid—Naval Engagement in Triunfo Harbor—Casas Falls into the Hands of Olid, Who is soon Captured by the Captive—Death of Olid—Return of Casas to Mexico—Trujillo Founded—Interference of the Audiencia of Santo Domingo.
While certain of the Spaniards were settling themselves in possession of the Isthmus and parts of Central America, others were engaged in like manner elsewhere. Among the latter was Hernan Cortés, who sailed from Cuba, in 1519, for the conquest of Mexico, which was accomplished in 1521. So great was the glory of this achievement, complete details of which will be given in a later volume of this work, that fresh hordes flocked to the banner of its hero, whose further efforts toward conquest in different directions were little more than triumphal marches. On nearly every side his captains found rich provinces and populous settlements which promised flattering rewards in tributes, plantations, and submissive slaves; or their ears were filled with reports of still greater cities, still richer territories, further on. From such substance rumor blew its gaudy bubbles, which danced in iridescent hues and ever increasing size before the eyes of the conquerors, luring them on into the depths of mysterious regions beyond. Insatiate, a world apiece would scarcely satisfy them now.
Of the several points toward which expeditions were sent out from the Mexican capital by its conqueror, the southern regions seemed in some respects the most alluring. Information came to Cortés of the high culture of the inhabitants in that quarter, of their manifold wealth, their palaces and great cities, all magnified by mystery and distance. Further than this, the possibility, nay, the certainty that Spaniards moving northward from the Panamá region would soon be in possession there if not forestalled, made delay seem dangerous. Hence it was that Oajaca and Chiapas were quickly made to open their portals; and now the redoubtable Pedro de Alvarado, second only to Cortés himself, was entering Tehuantepec to rend the veil which enfolded the Quiché kingdom, and to disclose the splendor of Utatlan.
Likewise the northern seaboard to the south of Yucatan claimed attention. This could scarcely now be called an undiscovered country, for Spaniards as well as natives poured into the conqueror's ears the sure truth of what might be expected. There were pilots whose course had led them along the coast of Hibueras, or Honduras,[XVII-1] and who charmed their hearers with tales of gold so abundant that fishermen used nuggets for sinkers. In this there was nothing startling to Cortés, however, for since his first entry into Mexico he had received such information touching this Honduras country, particularly two provinces, that were but one third true, "they would far exceed Mexico in wealth, and equal her in the size of towns, in the number of inhabitants, and in culture."[XVII-2]
These reports could not be disregarded. An expedition to this region would also be able to meet that of Alvarado, and crowned with success the two could then carry conquest onward, till sullen ocean, east, and west, and south, alone might bar the progress of their arms. Great would be also the reward in wealth and souls. Another wish, the discovery of a strait, ruled Cortés with equal strength. It was now known how short a distance lay between the two oceans, and this long narrow strip of intervening land might in some one of its many inlets hide the passage, though it was toward the north that the conquistador looked chiefly for it. The subject had been specially commended to him by the emperor. "Knowing the desire of your Majesty," writes Cortés, "to discover the secret of this strait, and the great benefit which your royal crown will derive therefrom, I shall leave all other interests and gains to follow this course."[XVII-3] As an earnest of his intention Cortés had begun to build vessels at Zacatula, on the South Sea, as early as 1522, and with these he would explore the coast northward till the passage was found, or proved not to exist. In the North Sea also fleets were prepared to coast northward to Newfoundland, and southward to the Isthmus.
The expeditions were all delayed, the first by conflagration, the others by incidents at Pánuco which for a time diverted all available forces. The latter difficulty over, Cortés reverted to his pet project, and the Atlantic fleet, which had been for several months at considerable expense waiting orders for sailing south, was now reinforced to muster six vessels fully equipped, with nearly four hundred Spaniards and thirty horses.[XVII-4]
So important an expedition called for a lieutenant not only brave and able, but trustworthy. Amongst the three or four thus esteemed by the great conqueror was Cristóbal de Olid,[XVII-5] before mentioned, who, owing to his prominent position under Governor Velazquez of Cuba, had been appointed captain under Cortés when he set out for the subjugation of Montezuma's empire. His devotion, courage, and ability had made him a favorite, and at the fall of Mexico he had been rewarded with an ample share of the treasures and encomiendas. While lacking in sincerity and depth of thought, and being less fit for the council, he possessed qualities which made him an admirable executive officer. He was at this time about thirty-seven, of powerful physique and stentorian voice, which contributed not a little to his success as a leader.[XVII-6]
Several of the old campaigners, but lately ensconced in snug plantations where they were enjoying a post-bellum repose, were called to aid Olid. This they did, though not always consenting with cheerful faces. Among the number was Captain Briones, a turbulent fellow, who had brought some scars from the wars in Italy, and, after airing his profane vocabulary as commander of brigantines during the siege of Mexico, had nursed a hatred against Cortés for services that he fancied to have been ill paid.[XVII-7] Two priests were added to the expedition.
Olid was instructed to direct his course to Cape Hibueras, and after founding a fortified settlement to despatch the three largest vessels to Cuba for supplies, while the three smaller, under command of Hurtado de Mendoza, the cousin of Cortés, were to search for a strait as far as Darien, exploring first the gulf thereabout, that is the Bahía de la Ascension, as the instructions read, from which "many pilots believe a strait to lead into the other sea." The fleet left San Juan de Chalchiuhcuecan, the present Vera Cruz, January 11, 1524, for Habana, where an agent of Cortés was then purchasing additional arms, horses, and stores for Olid.[XVII-8]
Let traitors beware of treachery. Cortés had been untrue to Governor Velazquez: by what law of compensation could he expect subordinates to be true to him? Scarcely was the fleet adrift before Briones was whispering his commander treason. And when on landing at Habana the Cuban governor, with all the hatred of foiled ambition, joined the foes of Cortés to work upon the fidelity of his captain, Olid was shaken. "Mexico by right is mine," argued the governor. "It is I who am your rightful chief, and I absolve you from the miscreant you follow. Strike out from him, as did he from me; I will furnish men and money, and the king shall know of your conduct and reward it."[XVII-9]
Ere the fleet left Cuba Olid had decided on his course. He had learned prudence, however, under his wily chief, and resolved to do nothing decisive, until he found himself strong enough, and had learned whether the country was worth the risk.[XVII-10] On landing, therefore, some fourteen leagues east of Caballos, the 3d of May, he not only took possession in the name of Cortés, but appointed the officials named by him. The papers of possession, however, bore Olid's name.[XVII-11] To the town here founded was given the name of Triunfo de la Cruz, from the day of landing.[XVII-12]
Olid was not long in openly declaring his intentions. Most of his company acquiesced; a few did not. These latter to the number of three score, under an officer named Valenzuela, after robbing the town during the absence of the men in the interior, seized one of the vessels and set sail for Mexico, but only to meet shipwreck and starvation at Cozumel Island.[XVII-13] All thoughts of searching for a strait had been abandoned, and Olid determined to hasten forward, make himself acquainted with the country, and secure possession. It was not many days before he came upon the bands of Spaniards whom we have seen there fighting each other, and Olid's presence among them tended in no wise to lessen complications.
Gil Gonzalez was not in condition to meet so powerful an opponent as Olid, especially with a threatening avenger in the near west; and so he thought it prudent to retire until he might secure to his own interests at least one side by an alliance. Nor was Olid just then strong enough openly to brave a well known Spanish leader. He therefore met the advances made him by Gil Gonzalez in a friendly spirit, and sought by artful letters to lull suspicions regarding his true motives.
Surely they were not in vain, the lessons he had learned under the astute Cortés. Watching an opportunity, when Gil Gonzalez had confidingly divided his forces, he sent Briones, his maestre de campo, to surprise them in detail, while he himself prepared with another body to descend in two caravels on the coast settlements. Early next morning, as Olid awoke pluming himself over his well laid plans, a page rushed in, announcing, "Two sails in the offing, señor capitan!" Olid hastened to the shore not without misgivings that this might be a Mexican expedition, bearing perhaps his injured chief.
It so happened that while the renegade Olid was at Habana, the royal factor, Salazar, had arrived there en route for Mexico to assume office, and learned only too clearly what was brewing. Nor was he the only one to carry the news. Cortés heard it with distended nostrils, and the characteristic swelling of his veins[XVII-14] indicated the anger which the next moment found utterance. "Villain! whom I have reared, and honored, and trusted; by God and St Peter he shall rue it!"[XVII-15] Unable to enter in person upon the determined chastisement, the general sent Francisco de las Casas, a resolute man of no mean ability, married to a cousin-german[XVII-16] of his, and therefore regarded with greater confidence. He relied also on the many warm adherents in the rebel camp who could require no very strong appeal to return to their leader. For this reason four vessels, two of them quite small,[XVII-17] and one hundred and fifty men were deemed a sufficient force to subjugate the usurper.
As the fleet approached Triunfo a boatman was captured who gave information of the state of affairs, and on entering the harbor Casas hoisted a flag of peace with the hope that friendly overtures might bring about a revolution of sentiment, among a portion of the rebels, in favor of his chief. Olid, however, who had at once suspected the character of the arrival, knew the danger of a parley, particularly since the greater part of his force was absent. Brave and resolute, he ordered his two caravels to be manned, and opened fire to prevent a landing. Finding his overtures disregarded Casas replied with equal spirit, covering at the same time the operations of the boats which he sent off. It was an original spectacle in these parts, Spaniards fighting Spaniards, in regular naval engagement; and as the hissing projectiles flew out from the smoke over the still waters, followed now and then by a crash, the noise of battle reverberating over the forest-clad hills, the dusky spectators who lined the shore should have been exceedingly grateful for this free exhibition of the wisdom and power of European civilization that had come so far to instruct them in such a fashion.[XVII-18] Presently, amidst the boom of cannon and dimly belching flames, cries of distress were heard, followed not long after by shouts of victory. Olid's gunners had found their match. One of his caravels was sinking, and the attacking boats were approaching the second. Hurriedly sounding the recall he sought the shore, with the loss of a few men,[XVII-19] sending meanwhile a boat to the victor with a proposal for truce, on condition that no landing should be effected till the negotiations for surrender were completed. Casas consents; and Ares dons the mask of Pallas. The first act of Olid on sighting the fleet had been to despatch a messenger to his lieutenant Briones, summoning him in all haste to his assistance. Time might now be gained by parley. But to the same lieutenant went another messenger from Casas with the most alluring promises for active or passive aid. And in this Casas was so far successful that Olid waited in vain for succor, while his opponent, under further prospect of support in the camp itself, lay confidently at anchor waiting the dawn.[XVII-20]
It was a golden chain of treachery thus lengthening itself from the capital of the Indies through Mexico and into the wilderness of Central America; Velazquez revolts from Diego Colon, Cortés from Velazquez, Olid from Cortés, and Briones from Olid. But what avails the cunning of man against the gods! That night a storm burst upon the harbor, and within an hour the late victor found himself, with the loss of his vessels and some forty men, upon the shore swearing allegiance to the enemy.[XVII-21] Buffeted to exhaustion by the waves, and without arms, Casas was thus fished in by the exultant Olid.
The next step was to secure the fleeing Gil Gonzalez, who was surprised at Choloma and brought to headquarters,[XVII-22] which had meanwhile been removed to Naco, a fertile and salubrious valley about twenty leagues from Caballos, occupying a central position and abundantly supplied with means of subsistence.
Olid was a generous jailer. He was haunted by none of the suspicious fear which resorted to manacles and shackles. Casas and Gil Gonzalez were treated rather as guests than as prisoners; they were given seats at Olid's own table, and allowed to share in every conviviality. They enjoyed in fact every liberty, except that of crossing the limit fixed for their movements. Finding the host so lenient Casas began to plead also for release. He wished to present himself before Cortés and justify his conduct. Olid of course would not consent. "You are too pleasant a companion for me to lose," he smilingly said to his captive. "Ah, well! your worship," Casas replied, "pray God I prove not so pleasant as some day to kill you." The prisoners had not failed to improve the opportunities which their trusting host provided, and finding that Briones held out as a rebel, they gained sufficient confidence to form a conspiracy. On a certain evening seats at table were secured for two accomplices, while near at hand were others awaiting the appointed signal. Ever a most agreeable companion, on this occasion Casas outdid himself; and had not Olid been of so unsuspecting a nature he would have seen through the veil of affectation that enveloped the conversation. When the table was cleared and the attendants had withdrawn, the conspirators exchanged glances; whereupon one of them, Juan Nuñez de Mercado, passed behind Olid, and seizing his head pulled it back, while Casas, who was seated beside him, rose and grasping him by the beard, began to slash at his throat with a pocket knife,[XVII-23] crying, "Tyrant! the earth shall no longer endure thee." Gil Gonzalez was instantly on the other side of Olid stabbing him in the breast. Yet with all their advantage they made slovenly work of it, cutting up the old hero. He was a powerful man, and in a moment had recovered himself and was hurling his assailants right and left. He called to his guard, but these were quickly secured by the conspirators. Olid made his escape, however, and sought a thicket where he fell, fainting from loss of blood. The conspirators shouted lustily, affirming that he was dead, and called on all present, in the name of the emperor and of Cortés, to rally round Casas.[XVII-24] None cared to refuse.
Meanwhile Cristóbal de Olid, one of the proudest of Mexico's proud conquerors, felt that the knives of these assassins had been too much for him. He who had so many times faced death for mighty cause must now die of dastardly blows inflicted by countrymen. True, he was a rebel. But so was his master. And who of those present would not cast off any allegiance the moment their interests demanded it? The cold grasp of death was on him. Of what avail at this moment were the hardships endured, and the infamies so lately inflicted in the crushing of Montezuma and his people? Crawling to an Indian hut he begged shelter and secrecy, offering all his wealth for these favors, and for yet another, that a priest should be summoned. How many of this race had begged of him, and begged in vain! The owner of the hut went out upon his mission. It was almost impossible that the dying conquistador should not thereby be discovered, but to die unshriven was death thrice over. Closely upon the priest's heels like thirsting bloodhounds followed the assassins, who, now that their noble quarry was stricken, plucked up the courage to cut off his head by law. Dragging forth the dying man, a court was formed, which that night declared him traitor, and doomed him to death. As if to favor them, life lingered with the prisoner until morning, when he was brought into the plaza, his eyes half closed in death, to receive his sentence. There and then the hideous mockery was completed; and as the head was severed not one voice was heard, not one hand moved in sympathy for the gallant soldier who had so often led his men to victory, and whose hand had been as free to give as was his voice to cheer.[XVII-25]
Being now master of the situation, Casas made some necessary changes among the officials to insure the fruits of victory. Triunfo having proved unsafe, it was decided to form a settlement in a more secure harbor. Nearly four score enrolled themselves as settlers and a municipality was appointed, with the recommendation to select a site at Puerto de Caballos, if found suitable, and to name the town Trujillo, after the native town of Casas.[XVII-26] Eager to relieve the anxiety of Cortés and to consult with him, Casas did not stay to see this carried out, but selecting Juan Lopez de Aguirre, originally treasurer, as his lieutenant, aided by the new alcaldes, Mendoza and Medina, the latter also contador, he set out on his return to Mexico. A large number accompanied him, leaving but a little more than a hundred adherents of Cortés in the province.[XVII-27] Among those who went was Gil Gonzalez, too dangerous a man to leave behind, who must appear before Cortés and arrange with him as to what share in the province he might keep, if any. Meanwhile his men appear to have been left in possession of the Nito district.[XVII-28] The route taken led through Guatemala, the later highway to Mexico. On the road they came upon Briones, who fancied that his desertion of Olid entitled him to consideration on the part of Olid's enemy. But nobody liked the man, and regarding him, furthermore, as dangerous to the peace of Honduras, they took the precaution of hanging him.
Lieutenant Aguirre conducted his party to Caballos, as instructed, but the site did not meet with general approval, and a vessel arriving with a glowing description of Puerto de Honduras, it was decided to go there. The vessel was chartered and Aguirre went on board with nearly forty men, a number of native servants, and the stores and other articles which the party proceeding by land could not conveniently carry. When the land expedition reached the port no vessel was there. An anxious search being instituted for the possible evidence of a shipwreck, an inscription by Aguirre was found bidding the men not to grieve; he had sailed on for supplies and would soon return. The mockery of this message was only too apparent, and bitterly did they denounce the deserters who had carried off not only treasure and effects, but abandoned them on a strange shore with but scanty armament. The horses were now their main reliance. Although poorly provided they remained, and electing Alcalde Medina to the captaincy, proceeded on May 18, 1525, to found Trujillo and install officers.[XVII-29]
One morning, not long after, a caravel was seen approaching, and eagerly the officials set out to meet her. But it was not theirs. The audiencia of Santo Domingo had heard of the threatened collision of rival factions in Honduras, and of the fuel Casas was bringing to the flame. They were desirous that their authority should be felt in these parts. They would bend the spirit of these turbulent governors. On this occasion Fiscal Pedro Moreno, a better trader than judge, had been sent by the grand tribunal to Honduras to order away Casas, to enjoin Córdoba and Alvarado not to meddle, to impose on Olid and Gil Gonzalez the authority of the audiencia, with injunctions to peaceably occupy only that part of which they had been the first to take possession, and to surrender to the fiscal the royal fifth. To cover the expenses of the commission the chartered caravel had been loaded, for account of the crown, with arms and stores, which were to be distributed among the needy colonists at a profit. If the adventure proved successful the judges might make a part of the profit their own; if unfortunate, who so well fitted to bear the loss as the sovereign!
Medina related to Moreno the troubles of the colonists, including the desertion of Aguirre, and appealed to him for redress. He also asked for arms. Moreno offered to relieve the wants of the colony only on condition that it should transfer allegiance from Cortés to the audiencia, as agents for the emperor, and accept for captain Juan Ruano, one of Olid's officers, as had been done by Gil Gonzalez' men.[XVII-30] Pressed by necessity the colonists acquiesced. One of the first acts in connection with the transfer was to change the name Trujillo to Ascension. After a kidnapping raid on a neighboring pueblo, Moreno departed with about forty slaves, promising soon to return with a force strong enough to hold the province.[XVII-31] Hardly had his sails disappeared when the colonists restored the standard of Cortés, and sent Ruano to follow his patron, with the reminder that his moderation and efforts in their behalf had alone saved his neck.