[XV‑48] When Paniagua, Gasca's emissary, first called on Gonzalo he was discourteously treated, the governor not even asking him to be seated.

[XV‑49] The captains so sworn signed their names before the notary Juan de Barutiu. Panamá, Pleito Homenage, in Col. Doc. Inéd., xlix.

[XV‑50] In Carta á Miguel Díez Armendariz, in Cartas de Indias, Gasca states that since the 1st of December 1546 1,000 soldiers, including several men of rank, had been assembled for the king's service; that he had at his disposal a fleet of from 23 to 25 ships, two of which were built at Panamá; and that there had not yet been time for the arrival of reënforcements from Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Española, or Nicaragua, at which latter province there were 250 horsemen ready to embark.

[XV‑51] On seeing the masterly disposition of the royalist forces, Carbajal, Gonzalo's lieutenant, remarked, 'Valdivia rige el campo o el diablo.'

[XV‑52] Among those present at Gonzalo's funeral was Hinojosa, who, after serving further the royal cause, was assassinated in 1552.

[XV‑53] The most partial biographer of the Pizarros is Fernando Pizarro y Orellana, author of Varones Ilvstres del Nvevo Mvndo, Madrid, 1639, folio. The book contains the lives of Columbus, Ojeda, Cortés, the four Pizarros, Almagro, and García de Paredes, but the greater part is devoted to the author's namesakes and kinsmen, by the side of whom the other heroes appear in comparatively faint outline. Every incident that can in any way redound to their credit is made to shine with a lustre unsurpassed even by the pearls and gold for which they so recklessly staked their lives. The brilliancy indeed is so strong as to merge into complete obscurity the bloody deeds and shameful traits which characterize the name. This is intentional on the part of the writer, who not only suppresses facts most notorious, but in glossing over the later revolt of Gonzalo, even attempts to justify it. His object is to advocate for the heirs of Hernando Pizarro, the restoration of his estates and titles of marquis as more fully set forth in the Discurso Legal, i Politico, published the same year, immediately after the Varones. The work is, in brief, the pleading of a learned lawyer, as the author proves himself, supplemented with quaint and abstruse notes and profuse marginals chiefly from classic writers.

[XVI‑1] Pedrarias never had the shadow of a right to the province of Peru; but it was probably an easy matter for Hernando so to persuade his audience.

[XVI‑2] 'Y porque algunos querian yr á armarse, y otras de mala gana le seguian, los reprehendia, y amenazaua, diciendo, que los haria castigar como a delinquentes, diziendoles; que no auian menester otras armas, i mandó a Iuan Barmejo, que matasse al que no le siguiese.' Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. v.; see, also, Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 491.

[XVI‑3] 'Hecho esto embiò a Granada á dar auiso á Pedro de Contreras su hermano, embiandole la daga con que auia muerto al Obispo, sin punta, que so le auia despuntado al tiempo que le matô.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 492; see also Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. v., and Gasca, Carta in Col. Doc. Inéd., 1.; but Zárate, Hist. Peru, lib. vii. cap. xii., does not attribute the killing of the bishop to Hernando himself, saying, 'i vn Dia entraron ciertos Soldados de su Compañía, adonde estaba el Obispo jugando al Axedrez, i le mataron.' This, however, is not likely, as Hernando was thirsting for personal revenge against the prelate, and the apostate friar, probably excommunicated, may also have had his secret motives for participating in the murder.

[XVI‑4] Gasca, Carta al Rey, in Col. Doc. Inéd., l. 117-23. See, also, Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 493; Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 371, and Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. v.

[XVI‑5] On board these vessels were placed all the vagrants and those who had come from Spain without license, together with certain married men who had left their wives in Spain. 'Para boluerlas a Castilla por casados, holgazanes, y gente que antes auia de causar desasosiego que prouecho.' Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. i. The governor was determined to leave on the Isthmus none who were not settlers or traders, or known to live on their means or by their labor. Gasca, Cartas, in Col. Doc. Inéd., l. 111.

[XVI‑6] So confident were they of success that instead of removing the treasure to their ships they deposited it with the merchants and others, who bound themselves before a notary to deliver it when called for either to Bermejo or the Contreras brothers. 'Proveieron estos disparates, imaginandose, que sin tener contraste alguno, eran yá Señores de toda el Nuevo Mundo.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 373.

[XVI‑7] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 493. Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 372, says they found so much Spanish merchandise 'que yá les dava hastio, por no poderlas llevar todas.'

[XVI‑8] This is the number given in Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. v., while in Gasca, Carta, in Col. Doc. Inéd., l., only 18 or 20 are mentioned. Gasca must be in error, for Contreras afterward left 25 men at Capira when he returned to assist Bermejo.

[XVI‑9] When Salguero received the message from Bermejo some confusion ensued, and most of the silver bars which he had captured were lost, being thrown into the river or stolen by negroes, who hid them in the rocks and swamps. Not only had Salguero captured the king's silver but also a large quantity of treasure belonging to private individuals. He ordered it to be packed on mules taken from the settlers at Cruces; but when he came near the city and saw the troops sallying forth he abandoned his baggage-train and hurried forward to join Bermejo. Gasca, Carta, in Col. Doc. Inéd., l. 149; and Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. vi. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 497, states that when the silver was lost only a portion of Salguero's men marched with him towards Panamá, the remainder making for the sea-shore, where they were taken on board the ships of Pedro de Contreras. It is estimated that the entire amount of treasure captured by the rebels would be worth at the present day some $12,000,000.

[XVI‑10] Gasca, Carta, in Col. Doc. Inéd., l. 149-50. See, also, Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vii. cap. vii. Remesal gives 82 as the number slain on the field. Gasca says in his despatch that only three of the citizens of Panamá were killed, though many were wounded but none fatally; a rather improbable statement, considering that the rebels knew they need expect no quarter.

[XVI‑11] Soon after the suppression of the Contreras revolt, Gasca, having recovered most of the stolen treasure, embarked for Spain, where he was appointed to the bishopric of Sigüenza and afterward to that of Palencia. He died on the 10th of November 1565, leaving a history of Peru, which was published at Seville two years after his death. His Carta al Consejo, in Doc. Inéd., l. 106-63, is probably the most reliable source of information concerning the events related in this chapter. Herrera agrees with him in all the principal incidents, differing only in the order in which they are related, and in some minor points of detail. Remesal is very explicit in his narrative, and agrees for the most part with Gasca and Herrera. Gomara and Zárate give only a condensed statement of the matter, and in the main indorse the preceding authorities. The account given in Juarros is taken from Remesal, and that of Benzoni is borrowed from various sources, while Gonzalez Dávila relates only the assassination of Bishop Valdivieso.

[XVII‑1] In a letter to the king, dated Ciudad Real, August 10, 1541, Bishop Marroquin speaks very favorably of Chavez, and states that he was well adapted to rule. Carta al Emperador, in Cartas de Indias, 430.

[XVII‑2] 'Como su necesidad no era poca, tomô la mejor parte para si, y lo demas dio a sus amigos.' Herrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. ix. See, also, Juarros, Guat., i. 42, and Gomara, Hist. Ind., 64. Herrera also implies that he appropriated what remained of the live-stock and supplies brought by Alvarado from Guatemala for the relief of the colonists. dec. vi. lib. iii. cap. xix.

[XVII‑3] In Squier's Honduras, 88, it is stated that this stronghold was situated in the present department of Gracias, which borders on Guatemala and San Salvador. Lempira's ancient territory is still known by the name of Corquin, the word being applied to a district and town of Gracias. The valley of Sensenti, encircled by the mountains of Selaque, Pecaya, and Merendon, formed a part of the cacique's dominion. See p. 81 this vol. for map.

[XVII‑4] Herrera, dec. vi. lib. iii. cap. xix. The historian is of opinion that the Spaniards would have been compelled to abandon the siege had they not resorted to this or some similar artifice, and in that case it is not improbable that Lempira would have found himself powerful enough to drive them from the province or perhaps to exterminate them.

[XVII‑5] On the 10th of December 1537 the viceroy of New Spain reports to the king that he has received advices from the adelantado Montejo and the licentiate Maldonado, stating that the province was at peace and making fair progress.

[XVII‑6] Hist. Cent. Amer., i. 570, this series.

[XVII‑7] Montejo, writing from Gracias á Dios on June 1, 1539, reports to the emperor concerning the settlement at Comayagua and the appointment of alcaldes and regidores. The town had at that time 35 vecinos, most of them owning but few Indians. Juarros, Guat., i. 41-2, gives 1540 as the year of its foundation, as do Conder and Squier, while Remesal says the town was founded in 1542. It is certain, however, that it was built before Alvarado's return to Honduras, in 1539. Herrera, dec. vi. lib. vii. cap. iv.; Conder's Mexico and Guatemala, ii. 296: Squier's Notes, Cent. Amer., 129.

[XVII‑8] In December 1557.

[XVII‑9] These were Trujillo, Gracias á Dios, Comayagua, San Pedro del Puerto de Caballos, San Jorge de Olancho, Buena Esperanza, and San Juan del Puerto de Caballos. Pedraza, in a dispatch to the audiencia dated December 30, 1545, quoted in Squier's MSS., xxii. 133, states that one of Montejo's captains sent to examine the territory lying between Trujillo and the Olancho valley extended his explorations to the mouth of the Desaguadero and founded in that neighborhood the town of Nueva Salamanca, but the prelate's ideas of the geographical limits of the province were evidently somewhat vague. Possibly he may have had in mind a settlement of that name previously founded in Yucatan.

[XVII‑10] Pedraza, in describing the difficulties of travel and the condition of the roads, states that from Trujillo to Puerto de Caballos the distance by sea was 40 leagues, the journey being a very dangerous one. Thence to San Pedro it was 14 leagues, over a difficult road—especially bad in the rainy season—now in the mud (hasta la barriga), now climbing steep rocks; thence to Gracias á Dios 25 leagues, three or four native settlements intervening; from Gracias á Dios to Comayagua 25 leagues more, with three settlements between; thence to San Jorge in the Olancho valley between 20 and 30 leagues, no settlements between; thence to Nueva Salamanca 30 leagues, without any settlements intervening. Of the plague of mosquitoes on this portion of the route he remarks: 'Que nos comian vivos de noche i de dia, i nos sacaban los ojos que no havia tiempo que pudiese dormir.' From Nueva Salamanca to Trujillo, he says: 'Hai cerca de 40 leguas infernales, que ni á pie ni á caballo se pueden andar, sino la mas parte rodando con el lodo á los medios muslos i descalzos, i muchas veces subiendo hasta el cielo, i otras veces bajando hasta los abismos.' Id., 17.

[XVII‑11] Oviedo was then writing of what occurred in 1538; but it is probable that the 100,000 pesos de oro of which he speaks included the amount obtained in several preceding years. In 1539 Montejo reports that there are in Comayagua very rich mines, both of gold and silver, but as he would not allow the natives to be employed in them against their will they were worked only on a small scale. Montejo, Carta, Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 221-22, 233, 251. This consideration for the welfare of the Indians no doubt hastened his downfall.

[XVII‑12] See Hist. Cent. Amer., ii., and Hist. Mex., ii. passim, this series.

[XVII‑13] By a royal cédula dated May 25, 1538, the viceroy of Mexico was instructed to allow Francisco de Montejo and Alvarado of Guatemala to exchange portions of their respective provinces, Puerto de Caballos and Ciudad Real de Chiapas being particularly mentioned. Puga, Cedulario, 116. It would appear that Montejo did not give his consent to this proposition.

[XVII‑14] Montejo, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 231-2, 245; Alvarado, in Id., 255. In a letter to the king, Montejo says he had heard that his Majesty had been informed that Alvarado would, on his return to Honduras, find the amount of the king's fifth to be 100,000 castellaños, but that the statement was unfounded, the sum being only 12,000 castellaños. The cause assigned for the deficiency was the stoppage of certain mining works which had been operated by gangs of Indians from Salvador and Guatemala on account of the great mortality among them. The order for the stoppage of the work emanated from Maldonado, acting governor of Guatemala, and presumably occurred before the assumption of the government by Montejo.

[XVII‑15] Montejo was on bad terms with Pedraza, but gained his intercession by approaching him when he was in an amiable mood. He accuses him of boasting that his authority was greater than that of the governor and that a letter from him to the emperor would at once procure his dismissal. He also states that on one occasion he was compelled to turn back from an expedition on which he had started, news having reached him that Pedraza was disturbing the country by his harsh treatment of the Indians, and that he had some difficulty in restoring quiet. Montejo, in Id., 248-51, 258-9. It is not improbable that this may have been the case, for in a letter quoted in Squier's MSS., xxii. 26, 27, Pedraza states that in 1547 he petitioned for leave to found a settlement in the Indian village of Jutical, in Comayagua, and to grant repartimientos to those who should furnish him the means, claiming that he was specially inspired by the holy spirit to carry out the pacification of the natives by prayer and persuasion. The ecclesiastic was a young man; vain, ambitious, covetous, and one who would not hesitate to prostitute his profession if it would serve his own interests.

[XVII‑16] The amount was 17,000 pesos according to Oviedo, iv. 23.

[XVII‑17] In a letter to the emperor, dated Trujillo, May 1, 1547, Pedraza states that he would gladly have gone in person to aid Gasca in Peru, were it not that his journey to Portugal five years before and the time he had lost in Spain awaiting the papal bull, consumed the greater part of his fortune. Pedraza, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 18. It is not probable, however, that he was in any great danger of poverty, for he made large sums of money by his traffic in slaves.

[XVII‑18] During this absence of Pedraza, Bishop Marroquin of Guatemala had charge of the diocese and made various pastoral visits through the province, on which occasions he was afterward accused by the former of having spent more than 12,000 pesos of the episcopal revenues. Marroquin in refuting this charge refers to Alonso Maldonado, president of the audiencia, and affirms that though he spent over 1,000 castellanos during his journeys going and coming, he never received one peso de oro in return. Marroquin, Carta al Principe Don Felipe, in Cartas de Indias, 449.

[XVII‑19] This cathedral was dedicated to the 'Conception of Our Lady' and had five dignitaries with salaries ranging from 150 down to 40 pesos a year. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 304 et seq.

[XVII‑20] See Hist. Cent. Amer., ii., and Hist. Mex., ii., passim, this series.

[XVII‑21] Before his appointment he was an oidor of the audiencia of Mexico, and acting governor of Guatemala.

[XVII‑22] In Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 206, and Cartas de Indias, 776, the audiencia is said to have held its opening session May 16, 1544, whereas in a letter to the emperor dated December 30, 1545, and signed by President Maldonado and all the oidores, it is distinctly stated: 'En 15 Marzo desembarcaron los Licc. Herrera i Rogel. En 13 Mayo nos juntamos en Aud^a i luego se pregonaron las Nuevas Ordenanzas.' Audiencia, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 130.

[XVII‑23] Pedraza had been summoned from San Pedro del Puerto de Caballos, whence he had only come after repeated solicitations. Had he persisted it would have been necessary for Las Casas and Valdivieso to proceed to that town in company with Marroquin, for it was required that three prelates should assist at the ceremony of consecration. Pedraza was on bad terms with the two former, who state that they have heard things related of him. 'Que pareçen no buenas, y muchos escandalos.' Las Casas and Valdivieso, Relacion in Cartas de Indias, 19-23.

[XVII‑24] Id.

[XVII‑25] The above are the leading points contained in the memorial, which was a somewhat lengthy document, containing seven different clauses according to Las Casas, Carta Amonest., and Relacion in Squier's MSS., xxii. 140-42; and nine according to Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 374-76, and Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i., lxxvii.-viii. Remesal states that each bishop presented a memorial, that of Las Casas giving less offence than the others.

[XVII‑26] Las Casas and Valdivieso, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 118-20.

[XVII‑27] Marroquin states that the memorial was 'mucho desacato i mayor desatino: i él, como mas atrevido i favorido (por haverle dado credito á sus proposiciones i fundamentos sacados de su pecho lleno de hipocresias, sobervia, invidia, i avaricia), lo presentó, requirió, i amonestó.' Marroquin, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 139-40. He speaks rather favorably of Maldonado, but complains of his being remiss, wanting in vigilance, and somewhat careless as to the welfare of the colonists. He declares that there is dissension between the members of the audiencia, and says: 'Á mi no me satisfazen mucho sus letras ni su vida, aunque los he conversado poco.' Marroquin, Carta, in Carta de Indias, 440-1.

[XVII‑28] Maldonado exclaimed, while Las Casas was protesting against being expelled from the hall of the audiencia: 'Estos cocinerillos en sacandalos del conuento no ay quien se pueda aueriguar con ellos.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 376.

[XVII‑29] When the audiencia refused to recognize the bishops as protectors of the Indians, Marroquin addressed a letter to the emperor, wherein, after commenting on the disturbances caused by the new code, he concludes: 'Mas, no son tan largas los poderes de los Obispos destas partes como el ruido i sonido. La Audiencia lo manda todo i dá á entender que no hai para que el Obispo sea Protetor i Visitador: asi han proveido Visitadores a deudos suyos, quando V. M. solo quiere fiarlo a los Obispos.' Marroquin, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 135-6.

[XVII‑30] By order of the audiencia Rogel visited Chiapas for the ostensible purpose of assisting Las Casas in liberating the natives and settling the amount of their tribute.

[XVII‑31] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 480. Cerrato did not hesitate, however, to censure the bishops severely when he thought it necessary. He complained of their maintaining alguaciles like those of the emperor and of the unjust arrest of persons 'sin haver caso de Inquisicion.' In speaking of the excommunication by the bishop of Nicaragua of certain royal officers because they were unable to pay him his salary, he says that he and Pedraza 'were enough to turn the heads of a thousand judges.' Cerrato, Cartas, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 83, 7.

[XVII‑32] Cerrato, Carta de Setiembre 28, 1548, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 80-1.

[XVII‑33] Even if he had been found blameless he could not have been reinstated, as Cerrato was appointed by the crown to supersede him. He lost his life at sea about two years later. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 179.

[XVII‑34] He was fined for having appropriated a mine and for having seized certain negroes belonging to one of the priests. Cerrato, Cartas, in Squier's MSS. Marroquin remarks in Carta al Principe Don Felipe, in Carta de Indias, 448: 'Very few who have come to the Indies have so well feathered their nests in so short a time as Herrera and Rogel.' 'Quieren para si un dios y un principe, y para los demas confusion y perdiçion.' Pedraza endorses Marroquin's statement with reference to Herrera, and accuses him of trafficking in silks, velvets, and cloth like a common mercer. Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 123. The statement of Las Casas and Valdivieso in Id., xxii., is doubtless more deserving of credit.

[XVII‑35] Bernal Diaz speaks unfavorably of Cerrato. He says that at first he promised well, but subsequently acted in every way contrary to his instructions, as if these had been 'mirá que todo lo bueno que bacare y obiere en estas provinçias todo lo deys á vuestras parientes.' He accuses him of giving the best repartimientos to his two brothers, a granddaughter, a son-in-law, and his followers and friends, and remarks that the people feared the coming of another boat-load of Cerratos. Carta al Emperador, in Cartas de Indias, 38-42.

[XVIII‑1] Viceroy Mendoza addressed letters to the bishop of Guatemala, Francisco de la Cueva, and the cabildo respectively. In that sent to the municipality he says: 'You will learn that God was pleased to take to his glory the adelantado Alvarado.' Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 179-80. Tello states that Governor Oñate also send word of Alvarado's death to Guatemala. Hist. N. Gal., 390-7. According to Remesal the first reports were generally discredited, and it was not until the viceroy's letters arrived that any manifestation of sorrow was shown. Hist. Chyapa, 165 et seq. A cabildo was held on the 29th of August.

[XVIII‑2] Ibid.; Carta al Emperador, in Cartas de Indias, 432-3; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 236.

[XVIII‑3] An unknown author writing later during the same year states that Doña Beatriz 'dixo muchas veces que ya no tenia Dios mas mal que le hacer.' Relacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 385. Gomara, Hist. Ind., 269-70, and Torquemada, i. 324 et seq., make similar statements. Gomara's assertion is disputed by Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 226-7. See, also, for accounts of Doña Beatriz' grief, Carta del Obispo in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 388; Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 156; Bernal Diaz (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 466-7; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 166.

[XVIII‑4] In his letter to the cabildo, above alluded to, and dated July 15, 1541. Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 179-80. Remesal gives July the 5th as the date, one day after Alvarado's death, which it was impossible for the viceroy to know anything about at that time. The friar, however, attempts to account for the discrepancy which his error produced. Hist. Chyapa, 165-6.

[XVIII‑5] Bishop Marroquin was of opinion that Cueva was not a fit person to have been left by Alvarado in charge of the government. In a letter to the king dated August 10, 1541, he describes him as being too young and inexperienced, void of zeal in favor of the natives, careless in matters of justice, as not being partial to the company of good people, and offering a bad example to others. Carta al Emperador, in Cartas de Indias, 430. I entertain little doubt that it was through the bishop's influence that the appointment of Doña Beatriz was made. It certainly was countenanced by him. His control over the lady-governor would give him great power in the protection of the natives.

[XVIII‑6] The extraordinary appointment of Doña Beatriz to the government of Guatemala is thus condemned by Gomara, who infers that she caused herself to be elected: 'Y se hizo jurar por Gouernadora: desuario, y presuncion de muger, y cosa nueua entre los Españoles de Indias.' Hist. Ind., 270. Escamilla, Noticias Curiosas de Guat., i., states that she resigned the same day, referring doubtless to the appointment of Cueva. Remesal, who gives a detailed account of these proceedings, also attributes the appointment to her own desire for it, ungenerously remarking: 'Y con todos estos extremos excedia su ambicion á las lagrimas, y el desseo de mãdar á la falda del mongil y pliegues de la toca.' The only dissenting voice to her appointment was that of the alcalde, Gonzalo Ortiz, who probably objected to it on the grounds of her apparent want of saneness. Although half a page was left blank for the entry of his opinion it was never filled up. This blank half page still existed in 1615. The signature of the hapless lady on this occasion was written thus: La sin ventura Doña Beatriz. In the original a line is drawn through the words Doña Beatriz which was probably done by herself at the time of signing with the object of letting it be known that in future she wished to be called La Sin Ventura. Hist. Chyapa, 166-8. This same author states on page 367 that Cueva's appointment by the viceroy was not recognized by the city because it was not accompanied by his commission as governor. I cannot agree with the above authorities who attribute to Doña Beatriz such ambitious feelings while in the state of despair to which she abandoned herself, but regard her appointment as a purely diplomatic proceeding.

[XVIII‑7] The base of the following account of the destruction of Santiago City is taken from Bishop Marroquin's narrative in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 386-8, and from another and fuller narration without signature in Id., 378-86. Oviedo, iv. 27-32, gives an almost verbatim copy of it, and states: 'Estas nuevas truxo á la isla ... Cuba, Johan de Alvarado, sobrino del mesmo adelantado don Pedro, que aportó al puerto de la Habana, desde donde el capitan Johan de Lobera, su amigo é uno de los mílites que un tiempo anduvieron con el mesmo adelantado, me escribió todo lo ques dicho por su carta fecha á quatro de enero de mill é quinientos é quarenta y dos años.' It must, however, be remarked that the letter in Pacheco and Cárdenas bears unquestionable evidence of having been written in Guatemala. Juan de Alvarado, who had been recommended by Marroquin to the emperor for the governorship—Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 271—was on his way to Spain. I conjecture that he was the bearer of this anonymous account of the calamity and allowed Lobera to transcribe it, who merely changed the first person into the third and forwarded it to Oviedo in Santo Domingo.

[XVIII‑8] The town unfortunately occupied a site in a natural hollow running down the mountain side.

[XVIII‑9] Bernal Diaz (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 463-4; Herrera, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. xiii.; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 270, the records of the cabildo according to Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 559, and Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 164-5, give September the 11th as the date. But Marroquin and the anonymous writer both state that the disaster occurred on Saturday night, the first authority mentioning that the preceding Thursday was the 8th.

[XVIII‑10] 'Porque las piedras, como diez bueyes juntos, las llevaba como corcha sobre el agua.' Rel., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 383. The immense stones brought down by this deluge were still to be seen in the city when Bernal Diaz wrote. (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 463.

[XVIII‑11] 'Y muchos, quebrados brazos y piernas, de que algunos despues han muerto.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 383.

[XVIII‑12] The bishop says that eight 'doncellas' perished with her, 'entrellas doña Anica, hija natural del Adelantado, de 5 años.' Id., 387. Consult also Gomara, Hist. Ind., Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 91, and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 175-80. This last author gives a vivid account of this catastrophe, but appears to have drawn considerably upon his imagination. He affirms that repeated violent shocks of earthquake occurred; that the Volcan de Agua was reduced a league in height—'Parecio el mõte descabeçado cõ vna legua menos de subida'—and indulges in general exaggeration. With regard to the earthquakes it may be stated that Remesal, page 559, as also Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 164-6, quotes from the books of the cabildo with date of September 9, 1542, as follows: 'Que porque à vn año que por nuestros pecados, vino el terremoto, e tempestad a esta Ciudad;' and again on page 365, from the minutes of the same with date of September 16, 1541, 'Que por quanto Dios nuestro Señor fue seruido ... de embiar tempestad é torro molto a esta Ciudad.' But as neither Bishop Marroquin nor the Anonymous Writer makes mention of any earthquake, I can but conclude that none took place, notwithstanding an entry in the books of the cabildo a year after the event to the contrary.

[XVIII‑13] One Spaniard and 60 Indians who were outside all perished. Such is the account given by the bishop. That of the anonymous writer differs from it. He states that Cueva escaped from the house and saved himself by getting upon a wall which had remained standing.

[XVIII‑14] The anonymous writer, pp. 381-2, gives the names of eight, and says that more than 40 Spaniards of both sexes lost their lives. The bishop, page 388, mentions the names of twelve settlers whose houses were completely overthrown or washed away, adding: 'Si bien algunos destos se salvaron;' and further on informs us that 'Murieron, sin los españoles dichos, mas de 600 indios.' Vazquez states that about 100 Spaniards and over 200 Mexican and Tlascalan allies escaped unharmed. Chron. de Gvat., 98.

[XVIII‑15] 'É gran suma de ganado, que tomó en el monte y otra que tomó en la cibdad, que se vinieron á ella huyendo.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 388. The mud in the streets reached almost up to the highest windows. Id., 383-4.

[XVIII‑16] No mention is made of the church having received damage. A portion of the bishop's residence was destroyed, causing the death of 'un bachiller Contreras.' Id., 388. According to Remesal the remains of Doña Beatriz were subsequently transferred to the cathedral of the new city. From the day on which she perished the bishop ordered three masses to be said weekly for the repose of her soul. Hist. Chyapa, 181. Benzoni describes this lady as 'a woman truly proud, vain, and haughty;' while Alvarado, in a letter to the cabildo, dated Puerto de Caballos, April 4, 1539, assures that body that 'Doña Beatriz está muy buena.' Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 179.

[XVIII‑17] Their remains were removed in 1580 to the Franciscan convent at Almolonga. The inscription, in 1615-17, said that there were buried Juan de Artiaga and twelve lady companions, all of whom perished with Doña Beatriz in 1541. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 181. This inscription is confirmed by Vazquez. Chron. de Gvat., 96.

[XVIII‑18] The bishop, however, thought otherwise. In an address to the people for the purpose of encouraging them, he said: 'Que á los buenos habia llevado Dios á su gloria y á los que los habia dexado, nos habia avisado para que fuésemos tales.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 385. Remesal uncompromisingly attributes the catastrophe to blasphemous language of Doña Beatriz, and adds that so exasperated were the inhabitants that they wished to cast her body to the dogs, as that of another Jezebel. Hist. Chyapa, 179-80. Vazquez treats this charge as an absurdity and intimates that it is an invention of Remesal, who he says was the first to publish such a story. Chron. de Gvat., 91. But this last author also errs, since the belief undoubtedly prevailed, as is proved by the anonymous writer on the above quoted page of Pacheco and Cárdenas. Mendieta, while inclined to excuse the language attributed to Doña Beatriz, implies that it was a punishment from God who was displeased with Alvarado's irregular second marriage. Hist. Ecles., 390.

[XVIII‑19] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 467.

[XVIII‑20] None dared to occupy the few houses left, and a large barrack was constructed on the outskirts of the town as a common dwelling-place. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 386.

[XVIII‑21] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 366.

[XVIII‑22] Torquemada attended one of these processions. He writes: 'iban cada Año, en el mismo Dia, que le corresponde al de el anegamiento (y Yo me hallé én ella vn Año ...) pidiendo á Dios seguridad en la segunda Poblacion, y perdon de averle ofendido.' i. 327.

[XVIII‑23] Soon after the death of Bishop Marroquin the custom was discontinued, although he left a fund to support its observance. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 468-9. It was established at a meeting of the cabildo on September 9, 1542. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 559. After the old church was pulled down the procession marched to the Franciscan convent in the old city. Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 164-6.

[XVIII‑24] Id., 366; Escamilla, Noticias Curiosas de Guat., MS., 1.

[XVIII‑25] These were the oidor Maldonado, Juan de Alvarado, a nephew of the deceased adelantado, and Juan Chavez, a resident of Santiago. Marroquin, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 271. Juan de Alvarado was a nephew of the adelantado, and according to Bernal Diaz went to Spain with Pedro, a natural son of the conqueror, neither being ever heard of afterward. Hist. Verdad., 237.

[XVIII‑26] He recommends as honorable gentlemen, Sancho de Baraona, a conquistador, Hernan Mendez, and Doctor Blas Cota. Id., 376-7. Consult also Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 58-9, 365.

[XVIII‑27] 'Hizo mucho daño en las tiendas y mercaderias.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 388. The cabildo in a letter to the king, dated September 10, 1543, says, 'perdimos casi todos lo que teníamos.' Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 20.

[XVIII‑28] It will be remembered that Alvarado appointed Marroquin his executor. The bishop justifies this proceeding by the necessity of the occasion. Had the distribution not been made he assures the king that two thirds of the Spaniards would have left, but he adds that, nevertheless, the greater portion of Alvarado's Indians had been reserved to his children. Id., xiii. 268-9.

[XVIII‑29] At a special meeting held on the 27th of September, 43 citizens were present, making with the authorities 55 persons in all. Of these 43 voted for removal, five against it, and seven were without choice. Juarros, Guat., ii. 263.

[XVIII‑30] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 366. Bishop Marroquin was at first in favor of removing to some high plains two leagues off, but for the reasons above stated and also in order to lessen the labor of the Indians he changed his opinion. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 370-1.

[XVIII‑31] At an open meeting held on the 2d of October, at which 78 persons were sworn in to vote without fear or self-interest, 49 voted for removal to Chimaltenango and 29 to the valley of Alotenango, and the former place was formally declared the future site of the city. At this juncture Juan Bautista Antonelli, a royal engineer, arrived with instructions to superintend the laying out of towns. He made an examination of various localities and gave in a full report upon the valleys of Las Vacas, Chimaltenango, Alotenango, Melpas de Luis de Alvarado, and the valley of Tuerto or Panchoy, and strongly recommended the selection of the latter. Juarros, Guat., ii. 263-6. Helps suspects that Antonelli's report had reference to some other occasion and discredits it. Sp. Conq., iii. 390. For general map of Guatemala see p. 110 this vol.

[XVIII‑32] Juarros, ubi sup. Bernal Diaz considered that either the valley of Petapa or Chimaltenango would have been a more favorable situation on account of the frequent overflowing of the river and the earthquakes experienced at Panchoy. Hist. Verdad., iv. (ed. Paris, 1837), 467.

[XVIII‑33] The cabildo considered it their duty more than once to pass laws to prevent the Indians from being overloaded. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 367-8. Every month the Cakchiquels of the dependency of the Ahpozotzil were compelled to furnish 1,000 laborers of both sexes to aid the prisoners of war in the building of the city. Cakchiquel, MS., Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 790. The audiencia and viceroy of Mexico ordered the Indians of Alvarado's estate to be employed in the erection of the new city. The bishop appealed against this order on the ground of the distribution which he had made already, the annulling of which would cause great dissatisfaction. Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 276.

[XVIII‑34] On November 18, 1541, the cabildo issued a decree ordering lots to be enclosed with adobe walls before St John's day, June 1542, under penalty of forfeiture. The time given being found to be too short, it was extended on May 21, 1542, to easter in the following year. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 365-7.

[XVIII‑35] Helps, who is given to looseness in his statements, without quoting any authority in this instance boldly states that 'the 4th of December 1543 was the day on which the Spaniards took possession of their new quarters.' Sp. Conq., iii. 390.

[XVIII‑36] Remesal asserts that the entry in the books of the cabildo on that date is the first to indicate a session held in the new city; 'es el primero que se escriue en esta forma. En la ciudad de Santiago de Guatemala, en el asiento nueuo della,' etc. Hist. Chyapa, 368.

[XVIII‑37] Called henceforth Ciudad Vieja.

[XVIII‑38] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 368. This author was presented with a painting of the city, executed by Captain Miguel de Ortega at the request of the authorities. He describes it as representing a scene truly beautiful.

[XVIII‑39] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 200, 367.

[XVIII‑40] It was the general wish that Governor Maldonado should be chosen, but this was rendered impossible by his appointment as president of the new audiencia. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 393.

[XVIII‑41] The members were the bishop, Cristóbal de la Cueva, Gabriel de Cabrera, Sancho Barahona, and Hernan Mendez de Sotomayor.

[XVIII‑42] In this document the petitioners especially brought forward as an injustice a regulation previously passed that only married settlers could hold repartimientos. Id. The cabildo had as early as February 1538 made a representation to the crown on this matter, in which they explained the difficulty and expense attending the procuring of wives from Spain. Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 13-14. It is evident also that in 1543 the cabildo again addressed his Majesty on the subject of their claims, as the viceroy Mendoza acknowledges receipt of 'el pliego que venia con ellas para S. M.,' and adds: 'yo escribo à S. M. ... haciéndole relacion, como conviene al servicio de S. M. alargar las mercedes y no acortallas.' Id., 180.

[XVIII‑43] Remesal states that Mendez under various pretexts delayed his journey, and that on the 8th of June the cabildo revoked his appointment. No other procurador appears to have been appointed up to September 10, 1546, when receipt of the revocation of the new laws as regarded the repartimientos rendered such an appointment no longer necessary. On this later date the cabildo resolved to send a commission to the audiencia to solicit its enforcement. Hist. Chyapa, 394-5. But I find that on May 7, 1545, the authorities of Guatemala wrote to the king requesting that their procurador, who had been sent to protest against the new code, might be given a hearing. Squier's MSS., xxii. 138. And Bishop Marroquin, writing on September 20, 1547, mentions that many letters had been sent with Hernan Mendez to the council of Indies relative to his action with the audiencia in 1545. Carta al Principe, in Cartas de Indias, 446. He also states that Mendez was prejudiced against the public will and partial to Herrera and the bishops of Nicaragua and Chiapas, and that there was also another procurador named Olivero in Spain at that time. Squier's MSS., xxii. 44-5.

[XVIII‑44] They also recommended that Don Juan, the cacique of Atitlan, and others who had aided in the pacification of the country should be allowed to retain their Indians. It was, moreover, suggested that alcaldes mayores should be appointed in Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Chiapas. Id., 132-3.

[XVIII‑45] The cabildo on March 30, 1548, thank the emperor for this concession which had been notified by their procurador Al.^o de Oliveros. Id., 91-2. This privilege did not, however, last long. In 1564 the procurator at court sought to procure the passage of a law establishing encomiendas in perpetuity, but, owing to the prejudice of the existing council against the colonists, he dared not even broach the subject. In 1565 there were in Guatemala 72 encomiendas which produced 80,000 ducados annually. A royal cédula dated November 28, 1568, ordered encomiendas to be granted solely upon merit, the descendants of discoverers and conquerors being especially considered. But in 1572 the cabildo complained of the incessant arrival of persons provided with royal cédulas granting them encomiendas as they became vacant, to the detriment of deserving residents who had been long in the country. The attempt to obtain encomiendas in perpetuity was abandoned in 1585, and a petition made for their extension to a third life. This was also defeated in 1595. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 2, 3. Bernal Diaz in the latter years of his life represents himself, in common with four others, the sole survivors of Cortés' soldiers, as aged, infirm, very poor, with a large family, and small income. Hist. Verdad., 250.

[XVIII‑46] Padre Cancer writing to the bishop of Chiapas October 20, 1545, mentions that the cacique of Tezulutlan and other Indians were going to present to him a petition against the enormous tributes which had been imposed upon their people. Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 233-5.

[XVIII‑47] Squier's MSS., xxii. 137. In September 1547 Marroquin had heard that the oidor Rogel 'esta nombrado para hacer la retasacion,' and adds, 'Ojalá no sea aora como lo pasado.' Id., 45.

[XVIII‑48] The crown acted upon this suggestion and issued two decrees relating thereto. Marroquin on February 4, 1548, reports that the consolidation of native towns was already in progress and that it was a highly necessary measure. Id., 89, 92.

[XVIII‑49] President Cerrato describes Gracias á Dios as occupied by only 18 vecinos, with neither physician, surgeon, nor druggist, while a great scarcity of both meat and fish prevailed. He adds that the majority were in favor of removal to the city of Santiago. Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 87-8. Marroquin urgently advocated this city as the future seat of the audiencia. Id., 45, 89, 94.

[XVIII‑50] The removal doubtless took place in 1549. The letters of Cerrato and Marroquin above quoted bear dates of October 5, 1548, and September 20, 1547, February 8, 1548, and August 1, 1548, respectively. Remesal gives the date of the cédula as May 1, 1549. Hist. Chyapa, 503. Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 222, June 16, 1548.

[XVIII‑51] The king by royal cédula, dated July 7, 1550, approved the purchase of the episcopal palace for the use of the audiencia. Hist. Chyapa, 503.

[XVIII‑52] The document, found in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 21-4, is defective and without date, but was probably written soon after the establishment of the audiencia de los Confines in Santiago.

[XVIII‑53] 'Formó gran enemistad, y estuvo muchos dias que no quiso ir à misa à la Iglesia mayor.' Id., 22. The disagreement between Marroquin and Cerrato was already brewing in 1548, for on November the 3d of that year the latter informs the crown that he and the licentiate Ramirez were in San Salvador engaged in liberating slaves and reforming tributes, 'que eran incomportables las que havian hecho el Opo i el Lic. Maldonado;' and, he adds, 'i luego ... nos partiremos a Guatemala i se hara lo mismo.' Al Empr, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 97.

[XVIII‑54] President Cerrato reported to the emperor September 28, 1548, that the first audiencia had observed neither new nor old laws, that the Indians were treated as previously, and no steps taken to liberate them. Carta, in Squier's MSS., 80.

[XVIII‑55] He stated to the king that the tributes levied were intolerable and could not be satisfied even if the Indians were twice as numerous, remarking, 'ni los Encomenderos guardan lei ni tasacion i los'—the Indians—'destruyen sin piedad.' Id., 80, 82.

[XVIII‑56] The punishment of certain Spaniards of Comayagua by Cerrato for loading Indians had called forth a general storm of abuse and denunciation by the settlers. Id., 82. At this time Bishop Marroquin was the only one who had letters patent, and consequently jurisdiction, as protector of Indians; the other bishops had to apply to the audiencia to obtain such authority. Id., 83-4. Marroquin in February 1548 requested the king to allow him to have an alguacil for the service in connection with his protectorship. Id., 90.

[XIX‑1] As early as May 28, 1528, fines were appropriated to the building of the church. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 277; Juarros, Hist. Guat., 63. It was dedicated to Nuestra Señora de la Anunciacion, but afterward, when the name of the city was changed, San Cristóbal was chosen as the patron saint, and this name was retained after it was erected into a cathedral. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 274; Nueva España, Breve Res., MS., ii. 390; Calle, Mem. y Not., 122.

[XIX‑2] Both these priests were army chaplains, the latter receiving his appointment from Pedro de Alvarado in the name of his Majesty. The religious fervor of the Spaniards at Ciudad Real was to say the least lukewarm. In 1528 Pedro Gonzalez was ordered to say mass daily on pain of forfeiting his salary. Another ordinance was that citizens were to attend church in proper time; 'El Español que desde el Euangelio adelante estuuiere fuera de la Yglesia, tiene pena de tres pessos;' while a third was to the effect that no citizen was to be absent from the city during christmas, easter, and whitsuntide, under a heavy penalty, which was inflicted on those absent at christmas in 1535. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 275-6; Mazariegos, Mem. Chiapa, 44; Pineda, Descrip. Geog., 128.

[XIX‑3] Fray Pedro de Barrientos was appointed superior, and according to Pineda, 129, by Bishop Marroquin. The cabildo granted the friars their choice of an allotment, and they selected one near the Cerro de la Cruz on the road to Chapultepec. An additional piece of land, 130 paces square, was also given them for their church and convent. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 436-7; Juarros, Hist. Guat., 63-4; Pineda, Descrip. Geog., 129.

[XIX‑4] In 1546 Fray Marcos was succeeded by Friar Hernando de Arbolancha. The former established a cattle farm near Copanabastla, where he also built a country-house and a sugar-mill.

[XIX‑5] According to Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 202; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 189, April 14th; Calle, Mem. y Not., 122, May 19th; Larrainzar, Hist. Soconusco, 20, April 14th; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., viii. 26, May 15th. All these dates are wrong, as may be seen from a copy of the bull in Nueva España, Breve Res., MS., ii. 392.

[XIX‑6] Nueva España, Breve Res., MS., ii. 389-92.

[XIX‑7] In Nueva España, Breve Res., MS., it is remarked that a copy of this document is nowhere to be found, but that Remesal makes mention of it as being identical with that of the Guatemalan bishopric, except in the exordium. In the cathedral of Chiapas no account of it exists. See Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 202. The personnel of the cathedral was to consist of a dean, archdean, precentor, chancellor, and treasurer, besides two canons and other ecclesiastics. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 189.

[XIX‑8] Remesal states that the immediate cause of his death was taking poison during the night in mistake for water. Mazariegos inclines to the opinion that the fatal draft was taken while Arteaga was delirious with fever. Mem. Chiapa, 45. According to Calle, Mem. y Not., 122, Avendaño was a native of Estepa. Some of the members of his chapter went to Santiago, and others remained at Ciudad Real in a destitute condition, but were provided for by Marroquin. They asked that their allowance be given them from the revenues of that church, but this was refused by Marroquin until the emperor's decision should be known. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 278-9.

[XIX‑9] In his memorial to the audiencia Oct. 22, 1545, Squier's MSS., xxii. 176, Las Casas claims Yucatan and Tezulutlan. June 4, 1545, Bishop Marroquin acknowledges receipt of the prince's letter assigning Soconusco to Las Casas. Id., 121.

[XIX‑10] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 223, says the 9th; Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 184, the 10th; Helps, Span. Conq., iv. 302, the 4th.

[XIX‑11] Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 211-14.

[XIX‑12] Las Casas, Relacion de entrada, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 157.

[XIX‑13] 'Donde más excesos y desórden ha habido en hacer injusta é inicua y malvadamente los indios esclavos, ha sido en Guatemala y Chiapa.' Las Casas, Representacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 168-9.

[XIX‑14] Diego Ramirez, juez visitador to Chiapas in 1548, writes Las Casas under date of April 20, 1549, that so excessive had been the tribute imposed by the settlers, that many of the natives had nothing left, not even a mantle, and their condition was that of slavery or even worse. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 204. Cerrato, writing to the emperor, Sept. 28, 1548, says that in Guatemala and Chiapas the encomenderos observed neither the law nor the prescribed tribute, but destroyed the natives without pity. Squier's MSS., xxii. 82.