During the absence of Pedro de Alvarado in Honduras, his brother Gonzalo, left in charge as his lieutenant, had made good use of the opportunity to enrich himself, imposing excessive tribute and regarding neither age nor condition in his inordinate craving for wealth. To him must be attributed the great and general uprising of the natives which occurred at this time.[IV‑19] His crowning act of oppression was to compel a large number of Indian boys to work in certain gold-washings near Patinamit,[IV‑20] requiring of them to procure daily a certain quantity of the precious metal.[IV‑21] For a few weeks the amount was punctually furnished, but on account of the tender age of the children, who were but from nine to twelve years old, the measure fell short, whereupon Gonzalo insisted that the deficiency should be made up by contribution, and threatened the natives with death, exclaiming with angry gesticulations: "Think not that I have come to this coast to dwell among a pack of hounds for any other purpose than to gather gold to take with me to Spain." This outrageous demand was also complied with, but the bitter hate of their oppressors, which had long smouldered in the hearts of the natives, was now about to break forth into a flame.
Among the nations of Central America the name of the supreme being was represented by a word that signifies 'deceiver,' or in the Cakchiquel language 'demon.'[IV‑22] In time of need or peril this personage appeared to them, as Oviedo and Vazquez would have us believe, and until the Christian Spaniard made firm his footing in the land was consulted and obeyed in all important matters. "Why wait you?" he exclaimed, as he now bid his votaries strike once more for freedom. "Tonatiuh has gone to Castile, and the strangers are few. What fear you? I am the thunderbolt and will make them dust and ashes. Both them and you will I destroy if you prove cowards. Live not as slaves, nor abandon the laws of your forefathers; convoke the nation and terminate your woes." The appeal was not in vain. From Chaparristic to Olintepec, a distance of one hundred and thirty-nine leagues, the Indians rose in revolt.[IV‑23] An army of thirty thousand warriors was quickly and secretly raised, and the Spaniards now scattered among the different settlements were taken completely by surprise. The confederated tribes divided their forces into two divisions, one of which occupied the mountain passes near Petapa for the purpose of holding Alvarado's band in check, while the other fell on the unsuspecting colonists, slaughtering the greater portion of them together with a number of their Indian allies. Those who escaped fled to Quezaltenango and Olintepec.[IV‑24]
Alvarado's March.
The Indians were now in possession of the country from its southern boundary to the district of Quezaltenango, but a swift and terrible vengeance was about to overtake them. Alvarado was already within their borders. Having crushed the rebellion in Cuzcatlan he swept northward with the fury of a tempest. Scattering like sheep the bands that first offered him resistance, he met with no serious opposition till he arrived at the peñol of Xalpatlahua, situated about three leagues from the present village of Jalpatagua.
At this point a huge rock, surrounded by a dry moat, formed an almost impregnable fortress, commanding not only the high-road, but also the pass through the mountain defiles, and here the natives had collected in force. For three days the Spaniards were detained in forcing the approaches and reducing the stronghold. Two furious assaults directed against it before daylight in hope of carrying it by surprise were repulsed, and it was only by stratagem that on the third day Alvarado succeeded in his attempt. Dividing his men into two parties, he assailed the peñol at two different points at the same moment. In the heat of the contest the adelantado, feigning retreat, suddenly withdrew the corps under his command; the others were ordered meanwhile to press the assault more closely. The ruse was successful. The defenders all collected at the point assailed, and Alvarado, rapidly wheeling round his column, crossed the ditch and gained the height.[IV‑25] The Indians, attacked in rear, were thrown into disorder, driven down the heights, and closely pursued by the Spaniards. Only when night closed upon their flying columns did pursuit and carnage cease.[IV‑26]
The army now continued its march unmolested, until it arrived at the plains of Canales. Here another obstinate and bloody battle was fought with a large body of natives collected from the surrounding districts. The contest was long maintained with doubtful result, but was at last decided by the arrival of the friendly cacique Cazhualan, who, although a portion of his tribe had forsaken their allegiance,[IV‑27] fell on his countrymen with such forces as he could collect and caused their overthrow.
Alvarado now advanced rapidly toward Patinamit. Fighting his way through numerous bodies of the enemy who sought to oppose his passage, he arrived in a few days at the plain in front of the city. Here the combined forces of the confederated kings and chiefs, mustering in all about thirty thousand warriors, were drawn up to give him battle and strike one more blow in defence of their native soil. In vain their effort. These Spanish veterans were invincible, and the Indian hosts were almost annihilated in sight of their capital.[IV‑28] The Spaniards following up their victory at once forced their way along the narrow causeway that formed the only means of approach to Patinamit, and putting to the sword the few defenders left, took up their quarters there for the night.[IV‑29]
On the following morning, however, they evacuated the city and occupied a position on the plain, where building for themselves a number of huts,[IV‑30] they remained for several days, during which Alvarado vainly endeavored to induce the revolted caciques to return to their allegiance.[IV‑31] Twice he sent proposals of peace; but no reply being vouchsafed, he hastened onward to Olintepec, where he arrived toward the end of August 1526. He was now at liberty to return to Mexico. Although he had not succeeded in either killing or capturing Sinacam and Sequechul, he considered that the late terrible punishments ensured safety.
Official business was promptly despatched. New alcaldes and regidores were elected, two of the former, named Hernan Carrillo and Pedro Puertocarrero, being nominated as Alvarado's lieutenants during his absence. A procurador, one Diego Becerra, was appointed by the cabildo to represent the interests of the city in Mexico; and, his arrangements being completed, he set forth on his journey accompanied by Marin, his brother Gonzalo,[IV‑32] and more than eighty soldiers. He passed through Soconusco and Tehuantepec, travelling with such breathless speed that two of his men, enfeebled by the hardships of the recent campaign, died on the march. As he drew near to the capital he was met by Cortés, whose friendship was soon to be cast aside, and whose lofty pride was ere long to be humbled by the very man whom that great conqueror now welcomed with open arms and entertained with princely hospitality at his palace in Mexico.[IV‑33]
And here, for a time, we must leave him to tell of his great achievements; to gamble with old comrades, to cheat them and lie to them, just as he had done three years before. Then he will bid farewell to Cortés forever, as it will prove, and go on his voyage to Spain, where we shall hear of his reaping honor and distinction. We shall hear of him also, under the consciousness of broken faith and dishonorable conduct, shrinking from and glad to avoid a meeting with his old comrade to whom he owed all that he possessed on earth.[IV‑34]
Puertocarrero in Charge of Affairs—Revolt at Zacatepec—Escape of the Spanish Garrison—The Place Recaptured—Execution of the High Priest Panaguali—Sinacam's Stronghold—Its Siege and Capture—Jorge de Alvarado Appointed Governor—The City of Santiago Founded in the Almolonga Valley—Prosperity of the New Settlement.
Of the two lieutenant-governors appointed by Alvarado on his departure from Olintepec, Puertocarrero was the one in whom he had most reliance. The ability which he had displayed as a soldier and a magistrate fully justified this confidence. A near relative to Alvarado, he was second only to that great captain in valor and military skill; and the most important posts in the field were usually assigned to him, while the fact that he was elected a regidor of the first cabildo, and filled that office by re-appointment till his promotion to the rank of alcalde and lieutenant-governor, is evidence of his capacity for government. In character he was in one respect too like his commander, being severe and ruthless in his treatment of the natives.[V‑1] His high breeding was displayed by a fine deportment and courteous mien, while as a companion he could be either most charming or exceeding disagreeable; his flashes of wit and humor were as much enjoyed as the lash of his sarcasm was dreaded.
With the assistance of his colleague Hernan Carrillo, he began vigorously to establish order throughout the province. His first care was to carry out the instructions of Alvarado relative to the suppression of a revolt in the town of Zacatepec, news of which had arrived before the captain general's departure. Though a portion of the natives of the Zacatepec province had joined in the general insurrection, the garrison stationed in the town itself had hitherto been able to overawe the inhabitants; but toward the end of August 1526, incited by their high priest, named Panaguali, one inspired by the presiding genius of the nation, they suddenly rose upon the Spaniards. Threats of the displeasure of their god Camanelon outweighed with them even the dread of their conquerors; and the chief priest, taking advantage of a violent earthquake which occurred a short time before, so wrought upon the fears of his countrymen that he prevailed on them to attempt the extermination of the foreigners. The garrison barely escaped a general massacre, being compelled to make their escape from the town by cutting their way through a dense crowd of assailants, who attacked them one evening about sunset. In the struggle one of their number, together with three of the Tlascaltecs, were captured and sacrificed. Next day the fugitives were joined by one hundred friendly Zacatepecs, and by rapid marches reached Olintepec the 31st of August.[V‑2]
At daybreak on the following morning Puertocarrero marched against the insurgents. His force consisted of sixty horse, eighty arquebusiers, five hundred and fifty Tlascaltecs and Mexicans, and one hundred Zacatepecs. He had also two pieces of artillery. On arriving within sight of the town the army encamped in a small valley two leagues from the village of Ucubil,[V‑3] to rest and reconnoitre. Hernando de Chaves being sent forward with the cavalry captured two natives, who gave information that Ucubil was peaceably deposed and that in Zacatepec a portion of the inhabitants had declared for the Spaniards, and having made their escape, were scattered among the neighboring corn lands. Puertocarrero now moved to Ucubil, and thence sent messages of encouragement to the friendly natives, eight hundred of whom shortly afterward joined him. The Spanish army now mustered fifteen hundred and ninety men, and with this force the commander was quite ready to meet the opposing eight thousand. He advanced, therefore, toward the town, and when about half a league distant sent messengers to offer peace on condition of surrender. They were received with disdain, and when others were despatched on a similar errand, they were on the point of being seized and sacrificed, and only made their escape by trusting to the speed of their horses.
The Spaniards now took up their position on rising ground a quarter of a league from Zacatepec. There they were almost immediately assailed by a body of two thousand natives who, issuing from a neighboring wood, attacked them briskly, but after a brief struggle were forced to retire. Early next morning three thousand warriors, advancing from the direction of the town, came down upon them, taking good aim with poisoned arrows, while the fire of the arquebusiers was for some time rendered almost harmless by a strong breeze, which drove the smoke into their eyes. Later their weapons were used with more effect, and the Indians began to retire with loss, whereupon the Spaniards incautiously advanced, thereby suffering defeat; for when the Spanish forces were in the center of the plain, the detachment from the town, suddenly wheeling round, attacked them in front, while those who remained under cover of the woods assailed their rear. Puertocarrero was compelled to withdraw from the field with all possible haste; but this could only be done by traversing the greater portion of the plain, and was attended with great loss, the troops becoming entangled during the hottest part of the engagement, in canebrakes and creepers. At length the retreating army reached a secure position between two converging eminences, and here the conflict ceased for the night.
On the following day the Spanish commander, drawing up his infantry in a hollow square with the artillery in front and the cavalry on the wings, gave the enemy battle on the plain. His lines were too strong to be broken by the Zacatepec warriors who rushed in a dense mass to the attack, but were driven back by a well directed fire of artillery and small arms. Forming into two columns, they next assailed both wings simultaneously, but with no better success. Again massing themselves in a single phalanx, they made a furious attack on the right of the Spanish army. The struggle was long but not doubtful. Volley after volley mowed down their ranks in front, while the horsemen charged repeatedly on either flank. At length they took to flight and were pursued to the entrance of the town, where Panaguali and two other priests with eight of the principal caciques were made prisoners.
Guatemala.
The campaign was now at an end. Puertocarrero, aware that the loss of their priests and their chieftains would assure the submission of the rebels, retired to Ucubil, whence one of the captives was sent to the town with a final summons to allegiance, and with strict injunctions to return as soon as possible. A submissive reply was returned, and on the fourth day after the battle the Spaniards entered the town with all necessary precautions against attack. Having occupied the guard-house and public square, Puertocarrero ordered the caciques and other leading men to appear before him, to witness the closing scene of the revolt. The Spaniards were marshalled in the plaza, and Panaguali was placed on trial in the presence of his deluded people, as being the promoter of the insurrection. All that the poor wretch could urge in his defence was that he had acted in obedience to the orders of his god; but Camanelon had now no power to save. As a matter of course the high priest was condemned to death, and immediately executed in full view of the awe-stricken natives who but now had confidently hoped to capture the Spaniards for sacrifice.[V‑4]
The suppression of the Zacatepec rebellion being completed, Alvarado's lieutenant[V‑5] next turned his attention to the stronghold of Sinacam. This fortress, built of stone and lime, was situated in an almost inaccessible position in the Comalapa mountains.[V‑6] In the fastnesses of this range, seamed with gloomy cañons, numbers of the Cakchiquels had taken refuge. Far down in the sierra is a precipitous ravine through which flows the Rio Nimaya.[V‑7] The stream when it reaches the valley below is of great depth, abounds in fish, and is fringed in places with beautiful glades and stretches of fertile land, which can be approached only by difficult and dangerous paths.[V‑8] Here Sinacam's followers planted and gathered their maize in safety, while river and forest supplied them with additional food. No better place for a stronghold could have been selected than that to which the chief of the Cakchiquels had withdrawn the remnant of his once powerful nation.[V‑9]
At the head of a numerous and well appointed force[V‑10] Puertocarrero took up a suitable position before it,[V‑11] and for two months prosecuted the siege in vain. During this time he made frequent overtures of peace, which were answered only with contempt,[V‑12] while his men, smarting under the taunts of the foe, who felt secure in his position and had no fear of hunger, were repulsed at every attack, rocks and trunks of trees being hurled down on them from the overhanging heights. Meanwhile they were harassed by repeated sorties from the natives, who, whenever they perceived any want of vigilance in the camp of the Spaniards, swept down from the mountains with inconceivable rapidity, fell upon the weakest point of their lines, and as quickly regained the shelter of their stronghold.[V‑13]
But failure only roused the Spaniards to more determined effort. There were among them many who had taken part in the storming of Mexico, and had fought under Alvarado at Patinamit. The mettle of the adelantado's veterans had been tested on many a doubtful field, and they were now about to give fresh evidence of their valor. It may be that a traitor revealed to the besiegers some secret path,[V‑14] or even served as guide; but the storming of the fortress was none the less a desperate undertaking. Its fate was sealed however. Puertocarrero divided his forces into four bodies and stationed them at the most favorable points; but before ordering the assault sent in his last summons to surrender. The messengers who bore the letter to Sinacam narrowly escaped death. On receiving it the chieftain tore the paper to shreds, and throwing the pieces on the ground with many expressions of scorn and contempt ordered the envoys to be put to death. At this moment, however, the attack was made. Puertocarrero who had observed all that was transpiring suddenly advanced his men. The ramparts were scaled, and a foothold won within the fortifications. No hope now for the garrison; the struggle which followed was severe but brief. The discolored ground was soon heaped with the dead and dying, on whose prostrate forms the triumphant Spaniards trampled as they pressed on in pursuit of the panic-stricken natives. Sinacam and Sequechul, together with a larger number of their followers, were captured, and few of those who survived the massacre made good their escape to the mountains.[V‑15]
The storming of the Cakchiquel stronghold occurred on Saint Cecilia's day, the 22d of November 1526, and long afterward the event was yearly celebrated by an imposing procession. On the anniversary of the saint and on the eve preceding, the standard-bearer displayed the royal colors in the presence of the president, the royal audiencia, the municipality, and nobles, while the Mexicans and Tlascaltecs, who had contributed to the victory in no small degree, joined in the procession, decked in bright colors and armed with the weapons of their ancestors.
In the month of March 1527, a new governor arrived in Guatemala in the person of Jorge de Alvarado,[V‑16] brother of the great conqueror, and a man gifted with abilities of no common order. He had already won repute in the conquest of Mexico, and had taken a prominent part in the political dissensions which occurred in the capital during the absence of Cortés in Honduras. During the military operations in Guatemala, more especially in the first campaign in Salvador, he had proved himself possessed of true soldierly qualities. The preferment was bestowed on him by the governor of Mexico, and that he should have been permitted to supersede Puertocarrero was probably due to his brother's favor and to the friendship of Cortés. Nevertheless he was a man eminently fitted to rule. His appointment was at once recognized by the cabildo, and he was requested immediately to take the oath of office.
Soon after his arrival the cabildo met to discuss a matter of general interest, which had long engaged the attention of the colonists. This was the selection of a permanent site for their hitherto unstable city. The choice lay between the valleys of Almolonga and Tianguecillo,[V‑17] and after a long and wordy discussion the question was decided in favor of the former locality. A spot was chosen which had the advantages of a cool and healthful climate, a plentiful supply of wood, water, and pasture, and where the slope of the ground would allow the streets to be cleansed by the periodical rains. The governor then presented to the municipality a document, signed by his own hand, conveying his instructions as to the laying-out of the future city. The streets were to intersect at right angles, their direction corresponding with the cardinal points of the compass; space was to be reserved for a plaza; and ground adjoining the public square was set apart for the erection of a church to be dedicated to Santiago, who was chosen as the patron saint of the city which was henceforth to bear his name, and whose heart was to be gladdened in after years, when the day of his anniversary recurred, by religious ceremonies and festivities, by tilting, and by bull-fights whenever a supply of bulls could be procured.[V‑18] Locations were to be assigned for a hospital, a chapel and shrine,[V‑19] and a fortress; appropriations adjoining the plaza were to be marked out for the municipal and civic buildings and for a prison; and the remainder of the site was then to be divided among present or future citizens according to the customs prevailing in New Spain.
After this document had been publicly read and entered by the notary in the books of the cabildo, all formalities were completed except that of taking possession of the future city as though it already existed. According to the usual formality a post was erected, and the governor, placing his hand upon it, proclaimed with great solemnity, "I take and hold possession, in the name of his Majesty, of the city and province, and of all other adjacent territory."[V‑20]
Four days after the completion of this ceremony twenty-four persons enrolled themselves as citizens; and so prosperous, at first, were the affairs of the new settlement that within six months one hundred and fifty additional householders joined the community.[V‑21] During the remainder of the year 1527 and for many months afterward the Spaniards were occupied with municipal affairs, or busied themselves with the erection of dwellings and with dividing and putting under cultivation the rich lands of the adjoining valley.
In March 1528 Jorge de Alvarado, in virtue of the authority granted to him by the governor of Mexico, claimed the right to appoint new members of the municipality. As no valid objection could be offered by the cabildo, the nominations were immediately made, and eight regidores were elected in place of four. The most important measure adopted by the new corporation during the year was the redivision of lands and the adjustment of questions that would necessarily arise from such a change. The grants were so unfairly distributed that, while many citizens had far more than their share, others had none at all. The discontent of the latter made it imperative for the municipality to take action. On the 18th of April all previous regulations were revoked and all divisions of land cancelled. An order was then issued for the redivision of the valley into caballerías and peonías,[V‑22] and a committee appointed to redistribute the grants.
A measure of this kind could not fail to meet with much opposition, and as will be seen later the division of lands and the system of repartimientos caused much dissension among the colonists; yet in the present instance the cabildo acted with all possible discretion and fairness in the matter. Those grants of land which were less fertile, were of greater extent than the more barren portions; men distinguished for their services received larger shares to correspond with the degree of their merit; growing crops were the property of those in possession at the time of the redistribution; and if any occupant had made improvements and was removed to another grant, his successor was required to make others of equal value on the new land assigned to him. Complete title-deeds were promised by the cabildo in the name of his Majesty;[V‑23] the citizens were ordered to enclose and keep in good condition the portion of the street corresponding with their allotments; the exorbitant charges of artisans were regulated; and such was the thrift of the inhabitants that within little more than a year after its foundation the town was surrounded with cornfields and orchards, and the valley of Almolonga soon became one of the most flourishing colonies throughout the breadth of Central America.
Alvarado Returns to Spain—He is Arraigned before the Council of the Indies—His Acquittal—His Marriage—He Returns to Mexico—His Trial before the Audiencia—Francisco de Orduña Arrives at Santiago—And Takes the Residencia of Jorge de Alvarado—The Confederated Nations in Revolt—Juan Perez Dardon's Expedition to the Valley of Xumay—The Spaniards Attack the Stronghold of Uspantan—Their Repulse and Retreat—The Place Afterward Captured by Francisco de Castellanos—The Circus of Copan Besieged by Hernando de Chaves—Gallant Conduct of a Cavalry Soldier—Alvarado's Return to Santiago—Demoralized Condition of the Province.
Soon after his meeting with Cortés in Mexico Pedro de Alvarado returned to Spain. Arriving early in 1527, he soon learned, as we may well imagine, that charges of a serious nature were being preferred against him. Gonzalo Mejía, the colonial procurator, had accused him before the India Council of obtaining wealth by embezzling the royal dues, and by unfair appropriation of the spoils of war. The amount thus secured was estimated at one hundred thousand pesos. Many acts of injustice were also laid to his charge, all of which Mejía affirmed could be substantiated by documents which he laid before the council. The result was that an order was issued directing a formal investigation to be made both in Madrid and New Spain, and directing that his gold which amounted to fifteen thousand ducats be seized as security for any fine in which he might be mulcted. He was required moreover to appear at court, in person, without delay.
Alvarado had now no easy task before him, but there was much in his favor. His great renown, his handsome presence,[VI‑1] and remarkable conversational powers won for him many friends, among others the king's secretary, Francisco de los Cobos, who personally interested himself in his defence, and with such success that the conqueror of Guatemala was acquitted, his gold restored, and he soon had an opportunity to plead his own case before the emperor.
Once in the royal presence the cavalier does not hesitate to inform his Majesty of his many doughty deeds during the conquest of Mexico, and to mention that the subjugation of Guatemala was achieved at his own expense.[VI‑2] The king listens with marked attention, particularly when he advances schemes for ship-building on the southern shore of Guatemala for the discovery of the coveted Spice Islands, and for the development of South Sea commerce.[VI‑3] The royal favor is won, and honors and appointments follow. The cross of Santiago is bestowed upon him, and he is appointed a comendador.[VI‑4] He is also made governor and captain general, as Arévalo tells us, of Guatemala, of Chiapas, Cinacantan, Tequepampo, Omatan, Acalan, and all other territories adjoining and belonging to that province. In return he enters into an engagement with his royal master to send forth expeditions of discovery and thoroughly to explore the waters of the South Sea.[VI‑5]
The favors which he thus received from the emperor were due in part to his marriage with a ward of the secretary Cobos. It is true that he was already betrothed to Cecilia Vazquez, a cousin of Cortés, but a mere vow could not be allowed to stand between him and high connection. Cortés had been a true friend; but Alvarado could now win stronger support than ever the conqueror of Mexico could bestow on him, and what mattered friendship when help[VI‑6] was no longer needed? A few months after his arrival in Spain, he had offered himself as a suitor for the hand of the accomplished Doña Francisca de la Cueva, daughter of the conde de Bedmar, and niece of the duke of Albuquerque. Secretary Cobos received his offer approvingly, arranged the marriage, and at the ceremony gave the bride away.[VI‑7]
Alvarado was now prepared to return to the western world, and on the 26th of May 1528,[VI‑8] entered his appointments and despatches at the India House in Seville according to form. While he was there waiting to embark Cortés arrived at Palos. But the new adelantado was no longer so anxious to meet his former commander as he had been when he marched to his aid through the wilds of Honduras. He knew how deeply he had wounded his pride in the two most sensitive points, and he received with a feeling of relief the news that Cortés had gone direct to Madrid.
In October 1528, the governor of Guatemala, accompanied by a number of noble gentlemen, friends, and relatives, again arrived at Vera Cruz, and hastening on to Mexico hoped soon to reach the capital of his own province. But the officers of the royal treasury informed him that he need be in no haste to leave; for now the investigations were not to be lightly treated. It was a serious matter, that of accounts, very serious the question how much he owed his Majesty. And near at hand were those immaculate men, the oidores of Mexico's first audiencia, who were jealous for the rights of the king, and more jealous that any other subjects should be permitted to outsteal them. Upon the heels of Alvarado they entered Mexico, bearing a document in which was a clause which read thus: "You will also inform yourselves whether it is true that, when Pedro de Alvarado was in Guatemala, there was not proper care in the collection of the fifths, and that he did not present himself to the treasurer with the portion pertaining thereto."[VI‑9] The Guatemalan governor was at once informed that he might answer to the charges on record against him.
The celebrated trial which followed was protracted as long as party faction, envy, and personal enmity could make it last. The more important accusations were three—embezzlement of royal fifths and soldiers' booty, cruelty, and illegal warfare; but any act of Alvarado's previous life that could be used against him was pertinent. The total number of charges preferred was thirty-four, and there were ten witnesses for the prosecution. On April 6, 1529, the examination commenced; on the 4th of June Alvarado presented his reply; and on the 10th began the examination of his witnesses who numbered thirty-two, the chaplain Juan Diaz being one. Eighty-four questions were submitted, and in addition to verbal evidence twelve documents were filed for the defence.[VI‑10] On the 5th of July the defence was closed and the case submitted, but all efforts to obtain a speedy decision were unavailing. The oidores would have the governor of Guatemala feel their power yet a little longer.
Soon after Alvarado's arrival in Mexico, his brother Jorge, who had been left in charge of the province of Guatemala, received from him a copy of the former's appointment as governor and captain general.[VI‑11] At the same time the adelantado, being so empowered, constituted Jorge his lieutenant. The documents, being read before the cabildo, were duly recognized by that body; whereupon Jorge declared that he ceased to exercise the powers he had hitherto held from the governor of Mexico,[VI‑12] took the oath in the usual manner, and assumed the duties laid upon him by his new appointment.
The audiencia of Mexico was quickly notified of these proceedings, and in July 1529 it was known in Santiago that a judge and captain general had been appointed to take the lieutenant-governor's residencia. A bold though unsuccessful attempt was made to avoid the threatened investigation. Jorge compelled the procurator, syndic, and notary public to draw up a formal representation, urging, in the name of the cabildo, that Pedro de Alvarado and no other person should be obeyed as captain general and governor. This action had, however, no effect in averting his speedy fall from power. On the 14th of August Francisco de Orduña, the official appointed by the oidores, arrived at Santiago, and presenting his credentials took the customary oath the same day.[VI‑13]
The audiencia could not have selected a man more unfitted for this important office, or one less likely to promote the interests of the colony. He came at a time when of all others prudence and dispassionate action were needed. The redistribution of lands and the assignment of encomiendas in spite of all efforts to the contrary had caused discontent; the new-comers were jealously regarded by the conquerors and the settlers were already divided into factions. To reconcile differences was not Orduña's object. His policy was to be guided by self-interest, and by enmity to Alvarado and his party. A man of coarse nature, irascible and unscrupulous, he was often guilty of gross indecency in speech and of unseemly personal violence; after acts of gross injustice he insulted all who claimed redress.
One of his first measures was to call in question the legality of Jorge's administration. The alcalde Gonzalo Dovalle, a creature of Orduña's, brought the matter before the cabildo, claiming that all repartimientos which he had assigned, and all suits which he had decided, from the time that he had received from his brother the appointment of lieutenant-governor, were annulled. The question was a delicate one, inasmuch as the cabildo had recognized the authority of Jorge, and their own powers and rights were thus endangered. Nevertheless they did not venture to oppose the jurisdiction of the audiencia, and within three months after Orduña's arrival he found himself in control of the ayuntamiento.
The natives were not slow to take advantage of the discord among the Spaniards, and during the latter portion of 1529 it became necessary to send out numerous expeditions to suppress revolt or repel encroachments.[VI‑14] Several of the confederated nations which had sustained defeat at the hands of Alvarado on his return from Honduras[VI‑15] began to make inroads on portions of the province which hitherto had always been held in subjection. The valley and town of Xumay was the principal seat of the outbreak, and against this point a force of eighty foot, thirty horse, and one thousand native auxiliaries was despatched under command of Juan Perez Dardon.[VI‑16]
The march of the troops was uninterrupted until they reached the river Coaxiniquilapan.[VI‑17] Here they found their passage disputed by a large force posted on the opposite bank. Not deeming it prudent to attempt the crossing in the face of the enemy, Dardon withdrew his troops, and making a rapid detour under cover of a range of hills, arrived unperceived at a point above on the stream. By the aid of a wooden bridge which he hastily threw across it he passed his army over, and marched into the valley of Xumay. Here he encountered a strong body of the enemy, who, after a spirited opposition, suddenly retreated to a steep eminence,[VI‑18] hotly pursued by the Spaniards. The latter failed more than once in their attempts to carry this position, but the natives falling short of provisions and becoming enfeebled through hunger were at length dislodged with great slaughter.
The town of Xumay now lay at the mercy of the Spaniards; and the chief of the confederated tribes,[VI‑19] finding himself unable to cope with the enemy, determined on stratagem; but his astuteness could suggest nothing better than the oft-tried ruse of making treacherous overtures of peace. Dardon was not to be imposed upon by so trite an artifice, and apprised him that he was thoroughly aware of his design, whereupon the cacique threw off the mask, and resolving to make one last effort, attacked the Spaniards with all the forces he could collect, but was routed with heavy loss. On entering the town Dardon found the place abandoned, and in vain sent a number of his prisoners with promises of pardon to their countrymen on condition of their return. They had even less confidence in the word of the Spanish commander than he himself had shown in the good faith of their chieftain. It was therefore ordered that the place should be burned, and parties were sent to hunt down the scattered fugitives, many of whom were captured, and among them a number of caciques. All were indiscriminately branded as slaves, and hence a village afterward built near the spot, as well as the Rio Coaxiniquilapan received the name of Los Esclavos.[VI‑20]