[XIX‑15] Las Casas' opponents contended that this included all slaves however acquired. Las Casas, Rel., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 158; Carta, Audiencia, July 20, 1545, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 111-12. Las Casas, that it only concerned those unlawfully enslaved. Carta, Oct. 25, 1545, in Id., 122-3. But practically it embraced all slaves, for their legal enslavement was difficult of proof. Carta, Audiencia, Dec. 30, 1545, in Id., 130-1.
[XIX‑16] Las Casas, Rel., loc. cit.
[XIX‑17] Las Casas y Valdivieso, Carta, Oct. 25, 1545, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 122-3.
[XIX‑18] Las Casas, Rel., loc. cit.
[XIX‑19] In a letter dated July 20, 1545, the audiencia informed the emperor of Las Casas' doings at Ciudad Real, and charged him with usurping the jurisdiction of the crown. Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 111-12.
[XIX‑20] Las Casas, Carta, Oct. 25, 1545, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 121; Id., Nov. 9, 1545, in Cartas de Indias, 36.
[XIX‑21] Las Casas' hostile reception and his subsequent reconciliation with the settlers described by Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 379-87, I am inclined to discredit, owing to the well known tendencies of this writer, and the fact that the letter of Father Casillas, Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 181-2, written when Las Casas was on his return from Gracias á Dios, does not indicate such hostility.
[XIX‑22] For a copy of the letter see Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 290, 338; also Las Casas, Oeuvres, ii. 120-180; this latter version is defective.
[XIX‑23] Robles, Chiapa, 27-8.
[XIX‑24] Hist. Mex., ii. 570 et seq., this series.
[XIX‑25] Ramirez, Cartas, April 26, 1548, April 20, 1549, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 201-4; Fr. Torre, Carta, Aug. 3, 1548, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 94-6.
[XIX‑26] Carta, Sept. 28, 1548, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 81-2.
[XIX‑27] Fray Antonio de Remesal began the history of the Dominican province of San Vicente de Chiapas y Guatemala about the middle of April 1615, and finished it in Oajaca, Sept. 29, 1617. The secular history of Guatemala and the other provinces under the jurisdiction of the audiencia de los Confines is moreover incidentally given, but not in a detailed manner. The author's diligence and perseverance in having completed in so short a time a folio volume of 784 pages, and one displaying great research, are remarkable, and the more praiseworthy for the reason that it was accomplished under violent opposition and many difficulties. It is to be regretted that, having bestowed so much labor on investigation, he did not supply a bibliographical list of his authorities. These he informs us consisted of archives, books, manuscripts, memorials, narratives, wills, and statements, which he asserts were documents worthy of credit and authentic, but omits enumeration of them 'in order to avoid a very long list.' He was indebted to Conde de la Gomera, president of the audiencia of Guatemala, for access to the archives and official papers of different cities. To him he dedicates his book. The advantages enjoyed by Remesal in this respect render the work an exceedingly valuable contribution to Central American history. Its value, however, is lessened by the great number of typographical and other errors which it contains. These are very important, especially where dates are concerned. While a large number of them are quite obvious, very many incidents of great importance must be verified as to time of occurrence, by reference to other authors. In the portion of his work which relates to the conquest of Guatemala, many inaccuracies are observed. In fact, Remesal was hurried, and often biassed. His style is clear and pleasing; free from the redundant and inflated form so common a century later. He submitted his manuscript to Torquemada, by whom it was highly approved and its publication advised. This occurred in the city of Mexico. But meantime a storm was brewing elsewhere. The work was by no means to the liking of certain parties in Guatemala. By means of letters addressed to different parts of Mexico, but more particularly by a special messenger who preached a crusade against the new history, these enemies raised up a tempest of indignation against Remesal and his book, especially in Oajaca. Through the influence, however, of sensible and powerful friends in Mexico and Guatemala all opposition was overcome. See pages 747-51 of his work. The author was born in the town of Allariz in Galicia, and on the 9th of October 1613, nearly five months after he left Spain, arrived at Guatemala, where he was most kindly received by the Dominican order. During the time he remained in their convent, he failed not to observe the excellent system of government under which the society worked, and occupied his time in perusing the acts of the chapters held in the convent. He was so impressed with the excellence of these laws and regulations that he proceeded to make a kind of summary of them. While thus employed, a work on the origin of the province, written by Friar Tomás de la Torre, fell into his hands. This suggested to him to undertake a history that would embrace both secular and ecclesiastical matters. With unconquerable diligence and ardor he prosecuted to the end the work thus projected. On one occasion, when suffering from a fibrous abscess in the face, he carefully perused in a single day the whole of the first book of the archives of Guatemala city, after having submitted to a severe surgical operation on his right cheek. Twice he journeyed over all New Spain, collecting information and, in particular, studying the books of the cabildos of different cities and towns. The evidence he thus obtained was in many instances at variance, he states, with printed books and histories of his own religion. The authors of these—whose names he does not mention—he would not condemn, however, but excuse on the ground that later research will necessarily produce different accounts of events. See his preface. Remesal was a fearless writer. Perhaps he had some leaning to the descendants of the conquerors, yet he does not hesitate to denounce the acts of the first colonists, to deal with Alvarado in a manner severely condemning him, and to endorse Las Casas with regard to the cruel oppression of the Indians. But his statements are to be accepted with caution, especially where Las Casas or the Dominican order is concerned. No effort is spared to hold them up to the gaze of an admiring posterity, and to expose the errors and perverseness of their enemies. To this end all sorts of probable and improbable situations and adventures are described, wherein the religious eventually triumph. Many important facts are glossed over, or omitted, the true versions of which it is evident must have come within his observation. Numerous speeches, sermons, conversations, even the thoughts and feelings of the leading actors, are described with a minuteness of detail that is astonishing considering the lapse of time—over 75 years. The account of the prosecution of the religious by Baltasar Guerra may be looked upon as a fiction, while the author's inventive faculty has had much to do with that of the opposition to Las Casas in Ciudad Real. His version of Las Casas' doings in Gracias á Dios seems also greatly exaggerated.
[XX‑1] The old church had cost more than 10,000 pesos, and the bishop had not only expended his own means upon it, but had also borrowed 5,000 or 6,000 more. He requests the king February 20, 1542, that the prompt and full payment of tithes be enforced, and that he aid him with 3,000 or 4,000 pesos for the construction of the new church already being built. Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 272-3.
[XX‑2] Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 153.
[XX‑3] Although Marroquin expressed acquiescence in the wishes of the cabildo he did not approve of the pulling down of the church, and ordered it to be re-roofed at his own expense. Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 190-1. Vazquez states that the old cathedral was taken down and the materials used in the construction of the new one. Chron. de Gvat., 165.
[XX‑4] In March 1545 Marroquin petitioned the king that the subsidy of the novenos for the erection of the church be continued. The grant was extended for four more years. In accordance with a second request made in September 1547 the grant of two novenos was extended for six years. Again in March 1548 the bishop asked for aid in addition to the novenos already granted. Squier's MSS., xxii. 45, 91, 138. Vazquez states that the building of the church lasted only three years. Chron. de Gvat., 153.
[XX‑5] He also complains of the government officials who maintained that he had no right to tithes during his absence in Mexico with Alvarado in 1540-1. Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 274-5.
[XX‑6] Id., 273-4. In May 1547 Bishop Pedraza asked the king for an increase of salary from 500,000 maravedís to 2,000 ducados, the stipend given to the bishop of Guatemala and others. Squier's MSS., xxii. 29. The royal officials were ordered in 1540 to investigate the question of salaries and amount of tithes received yearly in each bishopric. If they fell short of 500,000 maravedís, the deficit was to be supplied out of the royal treasury. Recop. de Ind., i. 63-4.
[XX‑7] Cacao formed the chief and most valuable tithe in the diocese. Id., 94. The payment of tithes on pita—the fibre of the agave manufactured into articles of clothing etc.—and balsam and the carrying of tithes to the churches was under consideration by the audiencia, December 20, 1545. Id., 132.
[XX‑8] Squier's MSS., xxii. 92, 4. In December 1551 the viceroy of Mexico addressed the cabildo on this question and expressed his astonishment at the outcry against the payment of tithes, 'que de derecho divino y humano son obligados a pagallos.' Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 181-2.
[XX‑9] Squier's MSS., xxii. 44-5, 120-1, 123, 139; Cartas de Indias, 19-23, 442.
[XX‑10] In 1546 according to Gonzalez Dávila, Hist. Ecles., i. 149. Vazquez states that the convent of La Concepcion was not founded until 1577. Chron. de Gvat., 153.
[XX‑11] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 441. Vazquez, as previously quoted, however, states that the name of the first lady superior was Juana de San Francisco, implying that she was a Franciscan and not a Dominican. This author's whole account is a contradiction of Remesal's version.
[XX‑12] The emperor contributed 2,000 ducados toward its founding. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 152.
[XX‑13] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 585. Gonzalez Dávila says that Marroquin 'Dio principio al Hospital de S. Alexo, donde se curã Indios y Españoles, que oy es Hospital Real, en año 1647'—a misprint for 1547—Teatro Ecles., i. 150. This hospital was founded for the benefit of Indians who were no longer capable of service, and whom the Spaniards were wont to turn out into the streets to die like dogs. Guat., Santo Domingo en 1724, 55.
[XX‑14] Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 152. Consult also Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 584-6, where a somewhat different account is given. In claiming merit for his order this author represents the Indians as unwilling to enter the hospital of Santiago, preferring that of San Alejo. Both hospitals received liberal support from the crown.
[XX‑15] The second opening of the Dominican convent took place about July 1536. Though Remesal, on pages 111, 115, states that Las Casas arrived at Santiago in 1535, there is positive evidence that 1536 is the right year. In the deposition, taken in Leon on the 23d of August 1536, relative to the proceeding of Las Casas in Nicaragua, the witness Martinez de Isagre in his evidence mentions that the padre left Leon about two months previous to that date. Informaciones, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 141, 143. Gonzalez Dávila makes the same error as Remesal. Teatro Ecles., i. 143. Juarros is correct. Guat., 264. Torquemada, iii. 338, states that friars Pedro de Angulo, Juan de Torres, and Matias de Paz, were sent from Mexico in 1538 to found the province of the order in Guatemala.
[XX‑16] A misunderstanding occurred between the cabildo and the friars relative to the grounds of the latter in the old city. These the Dominicans had sold, but the cabildo, which had declared the site of the old an egido, deemed the new grant an equal exchange for the former lots, declared that the friars had no right to make such a sale, and ordered the inclosures which had been built to be pulled down. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 369-70.
[XX‑17] Remesal gives the names and grades of these members. Id., 457, 525.
[XX‑18] Torquemada, iii. 489. On the 18th of January 1533 I find that Motolinia was in Tehuantepec with Fray Martin de Valencia and others of the order, who signed at that place a letter to the emperor. Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii. tom. v. 228.
[XX‑19] The names of these friars were Alonso de Casaseca, called also de las Eras, Diego Ordoñez, Gonzalo Mendez, Francisco de Bustillo, Diego de Alva, and a lay brother Francisco Valderas. Torquemada, iii. 338; Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 42-3, 154, 518-19; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 145.
[XX‑20] The expense of each friar from Seville to Vera Cruz was 70 ducados. Id.; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 384.
[XX‑21] Diego Ordoñez was chosen to succeed him. Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 51-5.
[XX‑22] Vazquez states that they occupied a small convent badly out of repair built by Franciscans formerly in the country. 'Cõventico, que por entõces àpenas tenîa vn lienzo de horcônes.' Id., 59.
[XX‑23] Vazquez gives a copy of the order for the allotment signed by the joint governors Marroquin and Cueva. It is without date, but Vazquez infers that it was given during October 1541, when lots were being distributed. Id., 167.
[XX‑24] They were engaged in the difficult task of collecting the Indians into towns. Fray Ordoñez remained in charge of the monastery; Gonzalo was sent among the Zutugils; Bustillo and Alva to the Quichés and Cakchiquels respectively. Id., 60-7, 77-82, 106-11, 129.
[XX‑25] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 384-5; Torquemada, iii. 338-9.
[XX‑26] Both the date and number of friars are matters of dispute. Torquemada states that Motolinia was sent in 1542 to Guatemala by Jacobo de Testera, comisario general of the order, with twelve of the 150 friars whom he had brought to Mexico that year. Torquemada, iii. 337, 339. He follows Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 385. Figueroa, in Pap. Franciscanos, MS., i. No. 1, 37 et seq., supports Torquemada as to date but maintains that the number of friars was 24. Vazquez, on the authority of Fund. de la Prov. de S. Franco de Guat., MS., 1583, Lizana, Hist. Yuc., a letter of Motolinia dated October 21, 1545, and the minutes of the cabildo, concludes that Motolinia arrived at Guatemala in 1544, with 20 or 24 friars. Chron. de Gvat., 42-3, 102, 105-6, 440.
[XX‑27] The convent next founded after that at Santiago was the one at Atitlan by Fray Gonzalo in 1541; then followed others at Tecpanatitlan and Comalapa. Id., 84-5, 340. There is some doubt as to the date of the founding of the Franciscan custodia in Guatemala. Torquemada states that it was established in 1551, following Mendieta. Vazquez is contradictory, giving the years 1544 and 1549 as the dates. Chron. de Gvat., 102, 123, and furthermore quotes on pp. 144-6, Fund. Prov. S. Francisco, MS., 1583, as follows: 'Digo, que lo q̃ ay en el caso es: que esta Provincia fuè veinte años Custodia de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio de Mexico.' As this refers to the erection of the order into a province in 1529, it would appear that there was a Franciscan custodia in Guatemala in 1539. Figueroa, in Pap. Franciscanos, MS. i. No. 1, 37, gives 1542 as the date.
[XX‑28] The number of friars sent to Yucatan as variously given by the authorities already quoted, was four or six. But Marroquin, writing to the emperor December 1, 1545, states that Fray Villapando was in Yucatan with eight of the order, whom he had taken from Guatemala. Squier's MSS., xxii. 140. For mention of Villapando's labors in Yucatan see Hist. Mex., ii. 452 et seq., this series.
[XX‑29] Torquemada, iii. 339. The cabildo of Santiago in December 1545 petitioned that Motolinia should be sent back. The comisario general in Mexico replied, in February 1545, that more friars would be sent but that Motolinia's services were more needed in Mexico. Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 105-6.
[XX‑30] Ibid.; Audiencia al Emperador, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 132.
[XX‑31] Torquemada, iii. 339, 374-5; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 385.
[XX‑32] Many through inability to master the difficulties of the languages had left. Squier's MSS., xxii. 39-40.
[XX‑33] Zapata, Carta, 'Destruyen i no edifican.' Id., 40.
[XX‑34] Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 207-8.
[XX‑35] According to Motolinia, Hist. Ecles., 259, 268, Fray Betanzos wrote a letter to Las Casas attributing much evil and scandal to his mode of proceeding.
[XX‑36] Meaning land of war; the name Vera Paz signifying true peace was given it by the Dominicans because they had accomplished by peaceful measures what force of arms had failed to do. Miranda, in Squier's MSS., xv. 2; Juarros, Guat., ii. 320-1. This last author, quoting Las Casas, states that this name was conferred by Charles V. i. 153. Consult also Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 118-24. The native name is written by different authors Tuzulutlan and Tezulutan.
[XX‑37] Now called Dulce.
[XX‑38] Squier's MSS., xiv. 1-2. Miranda in 1575 reported to the oidor Palacio of the Guatemala audiencia that the river Zacapulas separated Vera Paz from the province of Guatemala, and that the distance thence to the gulf of Dulce was about 48 leagues, its greatest width being 27 leagues. The inhabited portion was only one third or one fourth of its surface, for the friars had collected the Indians into towns, and established a system of commerce. Squier's MSS., xv. 3. At the time of these reports the northern part, a wild and heavily wooded country, was—and still is—inhabited by wild tribes, being then a refuge for fugitive Indians from Yucatan.
[XX‑39] Quintana conjectures that lack of mines and other valuable resources prevented their being enslaved. Vidas, 2a parte, 173.
[XX‑40] Entitled De Unico Vocationis Modo, and abounding in copious legal and theological arguments in favor of his system of peaceable conquest. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 118-21; Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 2a parte, 172-3.
[XX‑41] Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 238-9. These terms were guaranteed by Maldonado in May 1537 according to Remesal. Hist. Chyapa, 122-3. They were approved by the audiencia of Mexico in February 1539, and by the emperor in November 1540. Real Cédula, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 146-56.
[XX‑42] Pelaez, Mem. de Guat., i. 153.
[XX‑43] Remesal gives an interesting and romantic account of the method first adopted by Las Casas, but one which, I apprehend, is more an invention than a true statement of facts. He represents Las Casas and his colleagues as composing verses in the Quiché tongue, narrating the principal mysteries of the Catholic faith. These were set to music and taught to four Indian merchants, who were in the habit of journeying into Tuzulutlan. The lord of Zacapulas was a formidable and powerful chief called by Remesal Don Juan. To him the four merchants were instructed to go and sing their canticles, having been provided with various articles from Spain such as would excite curiosity. Their reception was favorable, and the interest awakened by their songs, the novel presents which they brought, and their description of the peace-loving men induced a wish in the haughty chieftain to be visited by the friars themselves. Accordingly a second expedition was planned and Fray Luis Cancer was selected to accompany the Indian traders. His mission was successful. The cacique was persuaded to embrace Christianity, destroy his idols, and be baptized. On the return of Fray Luis, Las Casas determined still further to extend the work in person, and in December 1537 visited Don Juan accompanied by Fray Angulo. They then extended their journey into the more remote districts of Tuzulutlan and Coban, being provided with an escort by the cacique, who vainly endeavored to dissuade them from their hazardous undertaking. The treatment they met with was, however, generally favorable, and though they experienced some opposition among the subjects of both Don Juan and the lord of Coban, they completed their journey and returned early in 1538. Hist. Chyapa, 122-4, 135-40. Consult also Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., passim; Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 174-6; and Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 793-6. Now this account savors at least of inaccuracy. The efforts of Las Casas and his companions, previous to his departure to Spain in 1539-40, were confined to the frontiers which were to a certain extent under subjugation. In February 1542 Bishop Marroquin, writing to the emperor, after mentioning the arrival of some Dominicans who brought with them 'dos señores de la raya de tierra de guerra, que les salieron al camino,' and describing the excitement caused by the reading of a royal provision 'eshivida á contemplacion de fray Bartolomé de las Casas y por su relacion,' uses these words: 'Esto confiado, que este pedazo de tierra que está á la mar del Norte, cuya cabecera es Teculutlan, ha de venir en conocimiento de nuestra santa fée, sin riesgo ni sangre ni muertes, y cuando no, antes ganará que perderá.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 278-9. This clearly proves that but little progress had been made in the spiritual conquest of Vera Paz up to the date of Marroquin's letter. The mention of the two lords of the Tierra de Guerra and Fray Domingo de Vico's custom of composing verses on the life of Christ and scriptural subjects, to be sung by converted Indians at feasts, as mentioned by Remesal on pages 611-12, may have suggested to that writer his story of the merchants and Don Juan and the lord of Coban. Moreover, in December 1545 the audiencia informed the emperor that two Dominicans had, previous to May preceding, left Guatemala for the provinces of Tuzulutlan and Lacandon, and that their lives being reported in danger Fray Angulo had gone to their aid. The oidores also expressed their disapproval of the proposition to exempt Don Juan, the cacique of Atitlan, and others from the encomienda system as a reward for the assistance rendered by them in the pacification of those districts. Squier's MSS., xxii. 131.
[XX‑44] In addressing the emperor from Madrid, December 15, 1540, Las Casas reports the commencement of the work, and that the lords of the provinces had already treated with the Dominicans secretly. He expresses the conviction that the country would be brought to acknowledge the sovereignty of Spain 'por via de paz, amor y buenas obras.' Col. Doc. Inéd., viii. 555-6.
[XX‑45] The date of his departure from New Spain and of his arrival at the peninsula are alike uncertain. Remesal states that he attended a provincial chapter of his order held in Mexico on the 24th of August 1538 at which the question of his mission to Spain was discussed and permission given to him, Ladrada, and Cancer to go thither. At the same meeting the title of vicar of the Dominican convent in Guatemala was conferred upon Fray Angulo. Hist. Chyapa, 147, 150. Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 178, concludes that he arrived in Spain in 1539. Helps, Span. Conq., iii. 304-7, and Life of Las Casas, 178, avers that he returned from Tuzulutlan to Santiago in May 1539 and proceeded to Mexico to attend the chapter held on August 24, 1539. According to Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. pp. lv. lxii. 258, Las Casas was in Tlascala in the early part of 1539. For particulars regarding the sailing of the fleets to and from Spain see Id., pp. cxiv-v. February 15th was the day of leaving Vera Cruz as regulated by decree of 1564. Remesal states that previous to his departure Las Casas founded Rabinal after mature deliberation as to the choice of a site favorable to his design. The undertaking was extremely difficult, but through the curiosity of roaming natives and the friendly invitations of the original settlers, the number of inhabitants increased before long to 500, including neophytes and other Indians. Las Casas was assisted in this work by Fray Luis Cancer, who availed himself of the opportunity of visiting the interior as far as the towns of Coban. Hist. Chyapa, 143-4.
[XX‑46] These were respectively dated November 17, 1539, and April 20, 1540. In the first of these he is charged with insisting upon the liberation of certain slaves under penalty of their owners being refused the sacraments. Gavarrete, Cop. Doc., 41-2. In the second one it is asserted that he was travelling about rather than looking after the Indians 'que estàn de guerra' and 'nunca los vió. Ni creemos que tuvo inteligencia ninguna con ellos.' Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 15-16.
[XX‑47] Copy of this decree which was dated January 9, 1540, can be found in Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 146-7; and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 152.
[XX‑48] This decree was issued on October 17, 1540. It also provided that in the event of the collection of tribute being decided upon by Las Casas the governor or bishop should appoint a proper person. Id., 153, et seq; Real Cédula, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 146-9.
[XX‑49] This decree, however, was not issued until January 28, 1541. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 155-6.
[XX‑50] My authority for giving this date is a passage from a letter addressed by Cancer from Seville to Las Casas at the court of Spain. It is as follows: 'Contéles luego el fundamento, que fue todo el suceso de las provincias de la Verapaz, y como S. M., á instancia de vuestra Señoría, me envió allá agora siete años y lo que se hizo con solo dos religiosos.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 185. This letter was doubtless written in 1548, shortly before Cancer's departure on his ill-fated expedition to Florida, which will presently be narrated. See copy of royal order dated December 28, 1547, extending permission, also assistance to the expedition. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 114-15.
[XX‑51] Bishop Marroquin states that nearly the whole of this region to the northern sea was conquered by Diego de Alvarado, and that a hundred Spaniards settled therein. They afterward abandoned it to go to Peru, and in the more important affairs which occupied the colonists this rugged province was forgotten. Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 238.
[XX‑52] Among the places visited may be mentioned Zacapula, 'uno de los pueblos de paz que sirven á los españoles en la ciudad de Guatemala,' at which place four caciques of Tezulutlan met the bishop. Then he proceeded to Patal and Jatic, Coban, and Tezulutlan. Informacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 216. From the same document it may be gathered that at the time of the visit the friars in the country were: Pedro de Angulo, Luis Cancer, Juan de Sant Lúcas, Fray Gabriel, Domingo de Vico, Domingo de Azcona, and two others whose names are not mentioned.
[XX‑53] Marroquin reporting this visit indulges in unfriendly and ungenerous remarks against Las Casas: 'yo sé que él ha de escribir invenciones é imaginaciones, que ni él las entiende ni entenderá en mi conciencia: porque todo su edificio y fundamento va fabricado sobre hipocresía y avaria, y asi lo mostró luego que le fue dada la mitra.' But I do not find that the bishop of Guatemala differs in any material point from the bishop of Chiapas in his account. He says, 'y media legua ántes que llegase salió todo el pueblo hombres y mugeres á me recibir con muchas danzas y bailes ... y alabé mucho á Dios en ver tan buena voluntad y tan buen principio,' and admits further on that the friendly reception was due to the method adopted by the friars. He describes the land as 'la mas fragosa que hay acá, no es para que pueblen españoles en ella por ser tan fragosa y pobre.' Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 238-9. See also Marroquin, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 139-40. Motolinia also states that Las Casas represented Vera Paz as of great extent and densely populated, but that it was not one tenth as large as represented by him. Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 243.
[XX‑54] 'El tributo que tienen agora es intolerable, cada ochenta dias doscientas y cincuenta mantas, cuarenta y dos ziquipiles de cacao, y lo de la sementera, y creo que se la comen en las minas los oficiales.' He states, too, that with warriors taken from Tuzulutlan a town double its size had been founded near Guatemala. With regard to the tribute he hoped that it would at any rate be reduced to two payments a year, one on St John's day and the other at christmas. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 231-6. Nevertheless immoderate tribute was complained of for many years afterward. In 1551 a royal decree was issued for the purpose of lessening the burden. In 1568 the audiencia of Guatemala was ordered to moderate the tribute paid by the Indians of Vera Paz, the caciques having forwarded a petition to the crown; and in 1577 the audiencia is again ordered to reduce the tribute. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 702-3.
[XX‑55] The crown furnished Cancer with 800 ducados, with which ten tons of goods were purchased for the purpose of trading with the Indians. The friar addressed three letters to Las Casas previous to his departure, the first being dated February 9th, and the second February 14th. None of them give the year, but there is little doubt that they were written in 1548. Copies of these letters are to be found in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 184-201.
[XX‑56] Ibid. Remesal states that Cancer took no companions with him from Spain, but that he selected from the Dominican convent in Mexico three friars and a lay brother. Hist. Chyapa, 515. There can be no doubt, however, that two of these accompanied him from Spain. See Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 199.
[XX‑57] Both Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 150-1, and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 515-16, attribute the catastrophe which followed to the action of the captain, who, they assert, was well aware that he was not carrying out the wishes of Cancer. Las Casas also states that the captain knew of the danger, but refused to land farther off under the pretext that four Spanish armies had disembarked at that point without meeting with resistance. Oeuvres, i. 405.
[XX‑58] Remesal enlarges on the tragedy. He states that the cacique of the neighboring village was grieved that the murdered friars had not been taken alive, in order that he might have conversed with them, and that he caused the skins of the victims to be stripped off and stretched upon the walls of his house, while their heads were stuffed with cotton and suspended from a tree. He then adds 'y comieronse la carne en vn gran combite, despues de muchos bayles y fiestas.' Hist. Chyapa, 516. According to the same author, between 1566 and 1600 four unsuccessful attempts were made by Jesuits, Dominicans, and Franciscans to christianize Florida. In these efforts nearly all the missionaries lost their lives. In a second attempt made by the Franciscans they gained a foothold in the country, and in 1612 a province called Santa Élena was founded by the chapter general at Rome. Id., 518-19. Dávila Padilla, 179-89, states that Fray Louis Cancer was a native of Saragossa in Spain. He was of noble family, and proficient in various branches of learning. He first went to Española, thence to Puerto Rico, where he founded a convent, and a few years later proceeded to Guatemala. Both this author and Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 150, assert that on a voyage from Mexico to Spain he was captured by Turkish pirates, but ransomed. To judge from his letters Cancer was a single-minded and devout missionary, filled with religious ardor, and sanguine of success.
[XX‑59] Las Casas, Oeuvres, i. 405-6. His vehement opponent Motolinia, in his letter to the king, dated January 2, 1555, while urging the necessity of carrying the gospel into Florida, remarks, 'but not after the manner of Las Casas.' Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 255.
[XXI‑1] Jan. 14th, according to Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 222; evidently before the beginning of March. See Quesada, Carta, May 25, 1855, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 1-3.
[XXI‑2] Quesada, in his letter cited above, reports it finished.
[XXI‑3] The salaries of the different offices were to be fixed; each town was to have a casa de communidad, a strong box to contain their surplus earnings, a jail, tariff, records, and accounts of the estates of minors and the deceased; lands were to be assigned them; the mode of paying tributes was to be regulated; and, above all, they were to be instructed. Quesada, Carta, loc. cit.
[XXI‑4] Torres, Carta, Nov. 17, 1555, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 6.
[XXI‑5] Cavallon, Carta, Feb. 27, 1555, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 7.
[XXI‑6] Torres, Carta, Nov. 8, 1555; Torres, Carta, Nov. 17, 1555; Cárdenas, Carta, Dec. 6, 1555, in Squier's MSS., xxii., 5-7.
[XXI‑7] Its chief feature was bleeding at the nose, for which no remedy could be found. The country was almost depopulated. Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 157. Juarros, Guat. (ed. Lond. 1823), 148.
[XXI‑8] They killed four men, besides a priest who attempted to prevent the seizure of the host, remained nearly two weeks, and made many prisoners. The viceroy of New Spain was at once notified. Velasco, Carta, Sept. 30, 1558, in Squier's MSS., x. 1, 2.
[XXI‑9] Carta, Feb. 18, 1555, in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 25.
[XXI‑10] 'Que no solo le era licito al Rey hazerles guerra, sino q̃ en conciencia estaua a ello obligado, y para a defender a sus subditos totalmente destruyra los de Lacandon.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 616.
[XXI‑11] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 621, says many escaped in the direction of Yucatan through a large river connected with the lake which Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 161-2, supposes to have been the Zacapulas.
[XXI‑12] In 1638, Pinelo says that it was not known whether Puchutlas was in Lake Lacandon or in another lake. Relacion, i. Fancourt in his map accompanying Hist. Yuc., places the town north of L. Lacandon. Other maps of this region do not attempt to give its locality. In making my map of this region I have drawn from this and other sources. Dávila says the expedition started forth to visit the provinces of La Candon, Pochultra, Catanu, and Tofilte pequena. Relacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvi. 327.
[XXI‑13] This according to Juarros, though he does not give us his authority for the statement. Guat., i. 259.
[XXI‑14] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 622, piously observes that the expedition was ordained by God for the salvation of a single soul, that of an infant, 'Entiendese que solo la ordenò nuestro Señor para saluar vn alma predestinada de vn niño de solos quinze dias que hallãdole vn Español atrauessado con vna saeta le bautizò antes que espirase.' Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., i. 159-64, takes the more practical view adopted in the text.
[XXI‑15] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 523-645, forms the chief and original authority for the foregoing events, and it is much to be regretted that we have no other account with which to compare his statements. In all subsequent descriptions of this expedition their authors have directly or indirectly followed Remesal. Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza., 51-80, copies him literally. Pinelo, Relacion, 2-4; Juarros, Guat., 258-9; Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., i. 159-64, all follow him. Squier, Cent. Amer., 554-61, follows both Villagutierre and Pinelo.
[XXI‑16] Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 26. Vazquez, Chronica Gvat., 222, says that he was appointed Nov. 28, 1558.
[XXI‑17] Dowerless maidens had been provided for, provisions had become abundant and cheap, and both Spaniards and Indians were contented. Cartas, in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 28, 30.
[XXI‑18] 'Mandó que diesen los indios cierta cantidad de pescado cada semana, no habiendo rios ni mar dentro de diez y doce leguas. Mandó con pena ... que no vendiesen las gallinas por más de un real, valiendo á dos reales, y sino quisiesen venderla á real, dió licencia que los españoles se la tomasen por fuerza.' Las Casas, Representacion in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 163.
[XXI‑19] Las Casas, Representacion, loc. cit.; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 624-6; Cabildo, Carta, Feb. 12, 1563, in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 36.
[XXI‑20] Hist. Chyapa, 639.
[XXI‑21] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 646.
[XXI‑22] 'Que se le envie à mandar tenga especial cuidado del bien é aumento de los que en esta cibdad é provincias viven.' Carta, Jan. 26, 1562, in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 32. In another letter they petitioned the king that in the appointment of governors preference be given those having experience in the Indies, as with a new governor there always came a number of servants, dependants, and relatives who had to be provided for, to the prejudice of the more meritorious conquerors and settlers. Carta, Feb. 12, 1563, in Id., 36.
[XXI‑23] Spelled Briceño by Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 646; Briceño de Coca, also Briseño, by Juarros, Guat., i. 354; ii. 49; the orthography here adopted is from the letters of the cabildo, in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 39, 45.
[XXI‑24] Presbyter ... and visitador of the provinces of Popayan and Guatemala. Escamilla, Not. Cur., MS., 2.
[XXI‑25] At the end of July, according to Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 646; Feb. 12, 1565, according to Juarros, Guat., ii. 49. In January of 1564 the cabildo were awaiting his arrival. In the following December they say that he arrived August 2d of the previous year, 'del año pasado,' which is evidently an error, the same year being meant.
[XXI‑26] Cabildo, Carta, Dec. 20, 1564, in Arévalo, Col. Doc., 39. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, represents Landecho's rule as very corrupt; that he was placed under arrest in his own house by Brizeño, and that to escape a fine of 30,000 pesos he secretly fled to the coast, embarked, and perished at sea. Remesal also states that all the oidores were suspended excepting one, whose name he does not give, and all fined in sums varying from 3,000 to 9,000 pesos. Juarros follows, in brief, Remesal's account of the corrupt rule, arrest, fine, escape, and death of Landecho, and the fining of the other oidores, including Loaisa, who he says was retained. In the account of Brizeño's arrival, however, he gives the popular tradition that the visitador came first in disguise and made himself known only to the prior of the convent of Mercy, with whom he lodged. Having learned from personal observation and conversations the true state of affairs, he proceeded to the town of Petapa, whence he announced his arrival to the audiencia and cabildo. The letter of the cabildo cited above does not favor either of these versions. It says: 'De la visita resultó quedar suspendido el Presidente y Gobernador que en ella estaba, juntamente con el Lic. Jufre de Loaisa Oidor.'
[XXI‑27] Corn sold at the exorbitant price of four tostones a fanega, and bands of men and women went about the country seeking work sufficient to enable them to obtain food. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 641, 645.
[XXI‑28] Private residences, and churches, and convents, were greatly damaged; many Indians were buried under the ruins of their houses, and the inhabitants were compelled to live in temporary shelters or in the open air, while constant prayers were offered to appease the divine wrath. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 647; Juarros, Guat., i. 88; ii. 353.
[XXI‑29] Minutes of Cabildo, Jan. 29, 1580, quoted by Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 559-60.
[XXI‑30] At this time Francisco del Valle Marroquin was acting as procurator at court for the city of Guatemala. In a letter dated Feb. 20, 1564, he informed the cabildo that the transfer of the audiencia had already been determined upon, and about a month later wrote that in consequence of the dissatisfaction with which the procurator from Peru had left the court, the council deemed it a favorable opportunity to transfer the audiencia. Marroquin, Cartas, cited in Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., i. 164-6. In 1563 the audiencia of Quito was established. Décadas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., viii. 35. The foregoing facts would appear to imply that the transfer of the audiencia had some connection with political changes in Peru. Whatever were the motives of the crown for this measure, they were too urgent to be effected by the powerful influence brought to bear against this change, which is indicated by the letters of Marroquin.
[XXI‑31] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 646, gives May 17, 1564, as the date of the first decree, and Juarros, Guat., ii. 49, Sept. 17, 1563. The dates here adopted are those given in Panamá, Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 531-2.
[XXI‑32] Marroquin, Carta, Feb. 20, loc. cit., and Panamá, Reales Cédulas, loc. cit.
[XXI‑33] Cabildo, Cartas, in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 37-40; Panamá, Cédulas Reales. loc. cit.; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 646-7. Juarros, Guat., i. 259-60, says Oidor Loaisa conveyed the seal.
[XXI‑34] Cabildo, Carta, March 12, 1570, in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 43-4, mentions the audiencia as already in Santiago. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 657-8 bis, says that Gonzalez was appointed June 28, 1568, but that he found decrees of September 27, 1567, and March 3, 1568, addressed to the audiencia of Guatemala. According to this same author the audiencia arrived on the 5th of January 1570. Juarros, Guat., i. 260; ii. 50, gives June 28, 1568, and Jan. 25, 1569, as the dates of the decrees ordering the removal of the audiencia, and in the dates of the appointment of Gonzalez and the arrival of the audiencia at Santiago follows Remesal.
[XXI‑35] Mem. Hist. Guat., i. 169. See also Juarros, Guat., ii. 50; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 658 bis. The oidores composing the audiencia were the licentiates, Jufre de Loaisa, Valdés de Carcamo, and Cristóbal Asqueta. See last two authorities cited.
[XXI‑36] Carta, in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 44-5. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 659, says that he was honorably acquitted and returned to Spain, in which he is followed by Juarros, Guat., i. 260. Escamilla, Not. Cur., MS., says Brizeño went to Santa Fe de Bogotá as president of that audiencia.
[XXI‑37] By Remesal he is sometimes called Domingo de Ara. Dávila says he constructed a vocabulary of the language of Chiapas.
[XXI‑38] 1590, says Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 114, but the above date is confirmed by Dávila, Teatro Ecles., 197; Concilios Prov., i. 325, and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 653.
[XXI‑39] According to Calle, Mem. y Not., 125, the bishopric was established in 1556. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 171-2, says Angulo was appointed April 21, 1560, and died at Zalamá, Vera Paz, while on his way to Guatemala to be consecrated. Remesal says that he received his appointment in Guatemala at the beginning of 1560; accepted it April 21st; went thence to Mexico; the following year was ordered to his diocese to await the arrival of the bulls for his consecration; and that in March or April 1562 died at Zalamá, Vera Paz, while on the way to Guatemala. By royal decree of September 1560, the audiencia was ordered to pay him the usual 500,000 maravedís, until he had sufficient tithes for his support. I deem this author more reliable than the others as he wrote earlier, was a Dominican, and had greater facilities for obtaining information.
[XXI‑40] Cabildo, Carta, Jan. 26, 1564, in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 38-9.
[XXI‑41] Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 116, says Father Pedro de la Peña followed Angulo, then Cárdenas, and that Father Antonio de Ervias, Dominican, was bishop in 1570. Calle, Mem. y Not., 125, places Peña second, and says that he was removed to Peru in 1580; that Ervias ruled from 1583-90, and that Cárdenas was appointed in 1595. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa., 702-4, names Hervias as the successor of Cárdenas, in 1583 or 1584, Castro next, and finally Rosillo. This was the last bishop named, according to Remesal, who adds that while in Guatemala, in 1614, he was told by Bishop Cabezas, that the incorporation of the bishopric of Vera Paz with that of Guatemala was then being discussed. The order of succession as given by Remesal as far as Ervias, is confirmed by Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 548, a most reliable author, and a resident of New Spain, where he wrote between the years 1575-96.
[XXI‑42] April 18, according to Juarros, Guat., i. 276, and after a long illness according to Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 149-50. See also Quesada, Carta, Mayo 25, 1555, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 5.
[XXI‑43] Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 149-50; Gonzales Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 150; Concilios Prov., 1555, 1565, 285.
[XXI‑44] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 654; Juarros, Guat., i. 276; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 190.
[XXI‑45] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 587-600; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 133-7; Quesada, Carta, Mayo 25, 1555, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 3-4.
[XXI‑46] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 532-7, 560-3; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 142; Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., 110-11.
[XXI‑47] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 500, 520-3, 578-84, 596-601, 613-14, 626-7, 636-9, 642-7; Juarros, Guat., ii. 98-9.
[XXI‑48] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 382-5; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 144-9, 179, 223; Cogollvdo, Hist. Yucathan, 326.
[XXI‑49] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 386; Relacion, in Prov. del Sto Evangelio, MS., 1; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 129-37, 147, 182-4, 224-6; Juarros, Guat., ii. 99-100, 106.
[XXI‑50] The neglect to punish the notorious abuses of the clergy, 'having in his household certain women who were neither his sisters nor his cousins; and receiving bribes through his nephew and one of the women, who was young and of doubtful reputation,' appear to have been the principal charges. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 656.
[XXI‑51] In Aug. 1569, according to Juarros, Guat., i. 277; in Santa Ana, San Salvador, according to Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 153. See also Cabildo, Carta, July 9, 1567, in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 41-2; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 654-65; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 194-200; Juarros, Guat., i. 276-8.
[XXI‑52] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 706; Juarros, Guat., i. 277-8.
[XXI‑53] At Guatemala he presented himself before the audiencia and demanded redress. A judge was sent to investigate, and he reported abuses witnessed by Bishop Gomez himself; an utter ignorance of the native speech, so that they gladly confessed to any visiting priest, and the absolute refusal of the natives to have el señor cura for their guardian. Vasquez, Chron. de Gvat., 243.
[XXI‑54] Those of San Juan de Comalapa, San Francisco de Tecpan Guatemala, La Assumpcion de Tecpanatitlan, San Miguel de Totonicapan, and Espíritu Santo de Quezaltenango. Vasquez, Chron. de Gvat., 261.
[XXI‑55] There were also six doctrinas belonging to the Merced order, and 22 to the padres clérigos. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 386.
[XXI‑56] The cabildo prayed the king for 200 strong breast-plates, (petos); 500 helmets, (celedas ó morriones); 400 coats of mail, (cotas); 400 arquebuses, etc. Many would be bought by citizens, and the rest remain in keeping of the audiencia. Gunpowder could not be manufactured in Guatemala for lack of saltpetre, etc., and they asked an annual grant of twelve centals from Mexico. Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 69-70.
[XXI‑57] 'The licenciado Rueda, late president of the audiencia, is about to leave for Spain. He has exercised his office with care and ensured good Christian government as will be seen by the papers connected with the vista on his conduct now sent by Doctor Sandé.' Santiago Cabildo (Feb. 16, 1595), in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 80. Contrast this with Juarros, Guat., 261. 'President de la Rueda was punished for having so badly treated the religious during his government. He fell into a state of idiocy, rushing from the house without clothes into the country, where he ate grass like oxen, and remained in that state till he died.' During Rueda's administration a bridge was built across the Los Esclavos. It was 128 yards long, 18 in breadth, and had eleven arches. At the point where it was constructed the river was of great depth and communication was frequently cut off between the capital and the eastern provinces by inundation. Juarros, Guat., 239-41 (ed. Lond., 1823). Conder's Mex. and Guat., 201.
[XXI‑58] That by which the appointment of 'fiel ejecutor' was vested in the cabildo. The office was one of great profit and its duties were discharged by each member in rotation. The cabildo had enjoyed this privilege by royal license for many years, its concession being granted by cédula of July 9, 1564, and confirmed by one of April 21, 1587. Juarros, Guat., 129. (London ed. 1823.)
[XXI‑59] Sandé came to Mexico as alcalde of the audiencia. In 1575 he was appointed governor of the Philippine Islands and held that position until 1580, after which he became an oidor of Mexico. Datos, Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 840-1.