The effort of Marroquin to obtain Soconusco as a district of his diocese widened the breach between him and Las Casas, the particulars of which have already been given, and was one of the causes of the abuse which these prelates heaped upon each other. The prince regent had issued a cédula assigning Soconusco to the bishop of Chiapas on the ground of its proximity to that province. This decision Las Casas communicated to Marroquin in 1545, and hence arose mutual vituperation, charges of grasping after territory, and misrepresentations, if not untruthfulness, on either side. The bishop of Guatemala writes to the people of Soconusco urging them to appeal against the royal cédula, and in a letter to the king dated June 4, 1545, describes the diocese of Las Casas as extending from sea to sea, and broad enough to contain half a dozen bishoprics, while Las Casas reports that the bishop of Guatemala had appropriated districts extending almost to Nicaragua, and states that his see is the asylum of vagabond clergymen.[XX‑9]
But though Marroquin was thus involved in difficulties with his flock and disputes with his brother bishop, he labored hard for the welfare of the former by founding various charitable institutions. Under his auspices was established between 1546 and 1548,[XX‑10] the convent of La Concepcion, the first lady superior being Doña Beatriz de Silva, a nun of the Dominican convent of Madre de Dios in Toledo.[XX‑11] This institution was liberally aided by the crown.[XX‑12]
About the same time the hospital of San Alejo was founded by the Dominicans,[XX‑13] and in 1849 Bishop Marroquin founded that of Santiago. This latter establishment was designed for Spanish and native patients of both sexes. It was a spacious building containing four wards, so that the races and sexes could be kept apart. Marroquin, retaining the office of administrator, ceded the patronage of this institution to the crown; hence it was known as the royal hospital of Santiago.[XX‑14] While the bishop thus studied the temporal welfare of his flock, its spiritual good was ever in appearance, at least his anxious care, and I find his requests for more ecclesiastics almost as frequent as his petitions for more money. From both Franciscans and Dominicans he received great assistance. This last named order had with the rest of the settlers removed to the new city,[XX‑15] having received from the municipality an assignment of four lots of ground whereon to rebuild their convent.[XX‑16] In 1547 the provincial chapter of the order in Mexico recognized and accepted the convent of Guatemala as regularly organized, and appointed Friar Tomás Casillas as a prior. At this date there were thirteen members of the community besides the prior. In 1550 Fray Tomás de la Torre succeeded Casillas, by which time the number had increased to only fifteen.[XX‑17]
Meantime the rival order of the Franciscans had appeared upon the field of labor. When the first members arrived it is not possible to decide. According to Torquemada, Fray Toribio Motolinia was sent in 1533, by the custodia of the order in Mexico, to found monasteries in Guatemala,[XX‑18] but the first permanent establishment of Franciscans in Santiago was due to the efforts of Marroquin. At the entreaty of that prelate six friars were sent from Spain in 1539,[XX‑19] and arrived at Mexico in 1540, their expenses having been paid by him.[XX‑20] After remaining six months at that city they proceeded by land to Guatemala, but at Tepeaca, six leagues from Puebla, their prelate Casaseca fell sick and died.[XX‑21] The rest continued their journey and were received at Santiago with every demonstration of welcome. By private contributions and with the assistance of the bishop they were enabled to erect a humble dwelling,[XX‑22] in which they discharged the duties of their calling with as punctual and strict observance as if it had been a convent of the highest order. After the destruction of Santiago appropriate ground was allotted to them for the erection of their convent, church, and other buildings,[XX‑23] and by June 1542 an unpretending monastery had been built. When the Franciscans had acquired some knowledge of the native tongues, they engaged in missionary labors throughout the country.[XX‑24]
The need of more friars was, however, urgent, and ere long Fray Valderas, with the approval of the bishop, went to Spain in order to procure more members of his order. He soon accomplished his mission and returned with twelve brothers to Mexico. Unhappily in their haste to engage in their labors most of them broke down on the long and toilsome journey to Santiago, and died.[XX‑25] At a later date, however, the want was somewhat relieved by the arrival of Motolinia with a considerable number of his order.[XX‑26]
The Franciscan order was now firmly established in Guatemala. Motolinia erected the convents which had been founded[XX‑27] into a custodia, despatched friars to Yucatan,[XX‑28] and visited different parts of the country. He then returned to Mexico and was succeeded in his office of custodio by Fray Gonzalo de Mendez.[XX‑29]
The jealousy which existed between the Dominicans and Franciscans was exhibited in Guatemala as strongly as elsewhere, and the bickerings which occurred, and opposition offered by the earlier established order to the new-comers, were so discouraging that many of the Franciscans left the province.[XX‑30] But for the efforts of Bishop Marroquin they would have abandoned the field.[XX‑31]
In 1547 the comisario general states that there were only twelve Franciscans in Guatemala, and requests that young members of the order, capable of acquiring the native language, be sent out.[XX‑32] He also impresses upon the emperor the necessity of assigning separate fields of labor to the two orders, and it is to be noted that the Franciscans were inimical to the Mercenarios, who are described as being detrimental rather than beneficial to the cause of the church.[XX‑33]
The disagreement between the two highest regular orders was not based entirely upon a struggle for supremacy. Each had its distinct views with regard to the method of implanting Christianity in America. The Dominicans, led by their unyielding chief Las Casas, would not recognize wholesale baptism as practised by the Franciscans, and they would not admit that the interests of the conquerors were compatible with the welfare of the conquered races. The Franciscans, with Motolinia as their leader, imagined that a system of ecclesiastical and civil policy could be adopted which would conduce to the interests of both the dominant and conquered races. This order did not object to the sword being called into operation; the Dominicans denied it as a means of advancing the gospel. The Dominicans were uncompromisingly opposed to slavery; the rival order not so, and I am inclined to think that the Franciscans honestly believed that under the pressure of the encomenderos and the impossibility of rapid manumission, more benefit could be obtained for the natives by a tolerant system of servitude, supervised by the religious orders, than by a sudden change. It is unnecessary to relate the bitter denunciations that each leader uttered against the other. While it is to be regretted that Motolinia in his fierce attack on Las Casas appears to have been guided by a spirit not altogether free from jealousy,[XX‑34] it cannot be disputed that the indiscreet zeal of Las Casas gave dissatisfaction to eminent men even in his own order.[XX‑35]
It was through the exertions of Bartolomé de Las Casas that the pacification of Vera Paz was achieved without the aid of an armed force. The native name of this territory was Tuzulutlan. The Spaniards after their entrance into Guatemala made several unsuccessful attempts to subdue it, and from this cause and the fierce character of the natives they called it Tierra de Guerra.[XX‑36] Its dimensions at the time the Dominicans entered it nearly corresponded with its present limits. In 1574 friars of the convent at Coban reported that Vera Paz, as already bounded by royal decree, extended sixty leagues from east to west, measured from the river Nito[XX‑37] to the river Zacapulas, and fifty leagues from south to north, commencing from the northern slope of the Canal and Rabinal mountains.[XX‑38] The surface was rugged and mountainous; roads were almost unknown, and the inhabitants active and warlike.[XX‑39] Nevertheless Las Casas proposed to penetrate it in defiance of danger, exposure, and hardship.
Previous to 1536 he had published a treatise,[XX‑40] in which he condemned conquest by force of arms, and urged that to civilize and convert the Indians was the true system of subjugation. These precepts he incessantly upheld in Santiago both from the pulpit and in conversation, and his teachings only drew upon him general ridicule and enmity, and eventually the people of Santiago dared him to put his principles in practice by accomplishing the conquest of Tuzulutlan. The undaunted padre accepted the challenge, and in conjunction with Fray Rodrigo de Ladrada and Fray Pedro de Angulo, agreed to undertake the perilous enterprise on the condition that the natives should never be assigned in encomiendas, and that for a period of five years, dating from the entrance of the friars into the province, no Spaniards should be permitted to enter the country.[XX‑41]
Las Casas at once proceeded to put his designs in execution, and by the employment of converted Indians and the establishment of frontier posts, opened friendly relations with the hitherto exclusive inhabitants of Vera Paz,[XX‑42] and laid the basis of the future acknowledgment of the sovereignty of Spain.[XX‑43]
Nevertheless the work of conversion could not be straightway accomplished. Though Las Casas was convinced of the practicability of his scheme, the small number of friars in the country rendered its immediate execution impossible. Moreover much opposition was offered to his broad and uncompromising views, and although the work was begun under the best auspices, so far as the action of the native chiefs was concerned, he felt himself compelled to suspend operations until he had had a personal interview with the emperor.[XX‑44] Accordingly he left Guatemala and proceeded by way of Mexico to Spain.[XX‑45]
On his arrival at court he advocated his system of peaceful conquest with his usual vigor, but his action gave great offence to the cabildo of Guatemala. Two indignant letters were addressed to the emperor attributing to him the existing troubles and turmoils.[XX‑46] The direct cause of these despatches was the receipt of two decrees obtained by the representations of Las Casas, the first of which was addressed to the bishop and governor of Guatemala and intended to remedy the prevailing neglect in the religious instruction of the Indians and negroes. It ordered that at a stated hour each day, all such as were not already instructed should be taught their religious duties.[XX‑47] The second guaranteed to Las Casas and his companions, in their labors in Tuzulutlan, freedom from interference on the part of the Spaniards.[XX‑48] At the same time he obtained other documents authorizing him or his companions to take such Spaniards as they themselves might select into the converted regions. Letters of thanks, also, were sent to such caciques as had aided in the work begun, and lastly as a precaution against the interference of Alvarado, the assistance of certain caciques was secured to the Dominicans, and the adelantado and his lieutenant commanded not to interfere with them.[XX‑49]
But Las Casas was aware that the promulgation and execution of a decree in the western world were two different matters. He had learned by experience that subterfuge was commonly resorted to in order to prevent the enforcement of a cédula or delay its operation until there was no longer necessity for it, and this without the charge of disloyalty being incurred. The ceremony of kissing the royal order and placing it upon the head was duly and submissively performed, but if it could be alleged that his Majesty had been misinformed, ground for appeal was at once established, and its execution postponed until a truthful statement of the question could be submitted to the king. This delayed the arrival of the final decision until it became inoperative, and the evasion of royal orders was at this time severely felt by the ecclesiastics. Las Casas consequently represented these abuses to the council and procured a final cédula which entrusted the enforcement of the preceding ones to the audiencia of Mexico, authorizing that court to punish disobedience to previous decrees.
In 1541 Fray Luis Cancer returned to Guatemala, and continued in Vera Paz the work of conversion inaugurated by Las Casas. From this time the pacification proper may be considered to have begun.[XX‑50]
The exertions of Las Casas during the time he remained in Spain were, as the reader is already aware, mainly directed to the promulgation of the new code of laws. In 1545 he again arrived in New Spain to take charge of his diocese as will be hereafter related, and in July, being anxious to witness the progress that had been made in Vera Paz, he visited that province. He found the condition of affairs to be so satisfactory that he caused the depositions of six Spaniards to be taken for the purpose of reporting to the emperor the true nature of the conquest of this formerly warlike region. From the statements of these deponents it appears that previous to the entrance of the Dominicans the inhabitants of these districts opposed all attempts to subdue them,[XX‑51] but that by infinite labor and care the friars had overcome their ferocity and exasperation. In his progress through the country the bishop everywhere met with a kind welcome. Escorted by Don Juan, a son of the lord of Coban, with many of his subjects, he proceeded from town to town,[XX‑52] receiving offerings and presents at each place. At Coban he was gratified to find that a substantial wooden church had been erected, and that every day many natives eagerly received religious instruction. Proceeding thence to the town of Tuzulutlan he there met Bishop Marroquin, who was making a similar visit[XX‑53] and I apprehend that the two prelates did not entertain such friendly feelings to each other as had been displayed to both of them by the natives.
But Las Casas had still to learn that however successful his own efforts had been he could not ward off the oppression of his countrymen. The Spaniards now began to enter the region, impose tributes, and make slaves as was their wont, and in October following Fray Luis Cancer wrote to him—the prelate being then at Gracias á Dios—stating that more than seven hundred slaves of both sexes had been taken from the town of Tuzulutlan alone, and that the tribute which the natives of Vera Paz were called upon to pay was intolerable.[XX‑54] Moreover he was soon to find, greatly to his mortification, that his peaceful system of conversion was not necessarily unattended by bloodshed, as was shown a few years later by the martyrdom of Luis Cancer and two brothers of the Dominican order.
In 1547 Fray Cancer and Las Casas returned to Spain, and by their representations induced the emperor to consent to an expedition to Florida to be conducted by the former on the system by which the pacification of Vera Paz was accomplished. His Majesty extended every facility to the friar, supplying him with funds and issuing an order which would enable him to obtain every encouragement and aid from the authorities in Mexico.[XX‑55] The friar made his preparations with great enthusiasm; yet he met with considerable delay, caused by the unfavorable light in which his dangerous enterprise was regarded in Spain. He had great difficulty in obtaining a pilot, and indeed, although he had hoped to procure the assistance of four or six colleagues, two only were found ready to risk their lives in the cause. "All Seville," he wrote, "is surprised at this undertaking; those who most fear God approve of it; others think that we are going to the slaughter-house."[XX‑56]
Writing these prophetic and ill-omened words on the very day of his departure Fray Luis sailed on his last voyage from Spain. Few particulars of his expedition are known, except the manner of his death. On his arrival in Mexico he obtained the assistance which the king ordered to be extended to him, and about the middle of 1549 set sail from Vera Cruz, accompanied by Frailes Gregorio de Beteta, Juan García, Diego de Tolosa, and a lay brother named Fuentes. Contrary to his express desire the captain of the vessel landed him at a part of the Florida coast where Spaniards had previously committed depredations and thus exasperated the natives. Unconscious of this act of carelessness,[XX‑57] Fray Cancer, accompanied by Tolosa and the lay brother, proceeded on his mission, but the ill-fated ecclesiastics had not advanced far from the shore when they were assailed by Indians, and immediately beaten to death with clubs.[XX‑58]
This disastrous termination of an enterprise from which Las Casas and his advocates had expected so much was a bitter cup which his opponents did not fail to hold out to him. Yet this stout combatant for the system of bloodless pacification yielded not an iota in his principles, and ably defended himself against Sepúlveda by maintaining that the previous cruel conduct of the Spaniards on the coast was the cause of the tragedy in Florida.[XX‑59] The career of Las Casas in Chiapas and the appointment of Cerrato as governor of Guatemala have already been mentioned.
Quesada's Administration—The Oidor Zorita Gathers the Natives into Towns—Expedition against the Lacandones—Its Failure—Landecho Appointed Quesada's Successor—His Residencia Taken by the Licentiate Brizeño—Famine, Pestilence, and Earthquake in Guatemala—The Audiencia of the Confines Removed to Panamá—And Again Transferred to Guatemala—Gonzalez Appointed President—He is Succeeded by Villalobos—Changes in Church Affairs—Death of Bishop Marroquin—Quarrels between the Dominicans and Franciscans—Bishops Villalpando and Córdoba—Fracas between Two Ecclesiastics—Administration of Presidents Valverde, Rueda, Sandé, and Castilla—Industrial Condition of the Province.
Cerrato's successor was Doctor Antonio Rodriguez de Quesada, an oidor of the audiencia of Mexico, and a man of learning and ability. Though appointed November 17, 1553, he did not assume office until the beginning of 1555.[XXI‑1] The residencia of the former president and oidores was soon begun, and completed some time in May.[XXI‑2] Quesada was active in establishing reforms, and it was to the Indian question that his principal efforts were directed. The president determined to complete the organization of Indian towns, hoping thus to compel the natives to adopt a civilized mode of life and establishing in them a municipal government similar to that of Spanish settlements, the offices being confided to their hereditary chiefs according to rank.[XXI‑3]
At the request of the bishop and the Dominican provincial, the audiencia ordered Oidor Zorita to call a meeting of friars; and although we have no direct information as to its object, we may conclude that it related to the president's policy, for it was condemned by the settlers,[XXI‑4] and, as we shall see hereafter, the carrying into effect of Quesada's plans was in great part due to the efforts of Zorita who was commissioned for this purpose.
The work of organizing the native towns had already been begun in Nicaragua as early as February 1555, by the licentiate Cavallon, appointed alcalde mayor of that province by the audiencia.[XXI‑5]
In the beginning of March, Zorita set forth on his official tour through the province. From the letters of the Dominicans we learn that during six months he visited on foot the most rugged portions of the province, moderated tributes, and corrected abuses. In gathering the natives into towns he found much difficulty, force being necessary in some instances to accomplish their removal. This, however, was not the only opposition encountered, for as might be expected he incurred the bitter hostility of the settlers. Finding him incorruptible they had recourse as usual to false reports. Witnesses for any purpose could be cheaply bought; and since he would not yield the Spaniards determined to drive him from the province.[XXI‑6] There is no evidence as to the result of this hostility, nor have we any further records of events which occurred during Quesada's administration, save the mention of a fearful epidemic which swept over the country in 1558,[XXI‑7] and the seizure and pillage of Puerto de Caballos by four French ships during the same year.[XXI‑8]
In the letters of the Dominicans already cited, no special mention is made of Quesada, but in February 1558, the cabildo, in a despatch to the king, urge the appointment as governor of some person who should be a gentleman by birth, and have the sole management of affairs.[XXI‑9] This would seem to indicate that, whatever the president's subsequent policy, it was satisfactory neither to the ecclesiastics nor to the settlers.
Quesada died in November 1558, and the oidor and licentiate Pedro Ramirez de Quiñones took temporary charge of the presidency. Ramirez' rule was brief, and the only event of importance of which we have any record was the expedition in 1559 against the hostile provinces of Lacandon and Acala. Of the vast extent of unconquered territory lying beyond Vera Paz, nothing definite was known at this time except from the accounts of the march of Cortés to Honduras, nor had its conquest been attempted.
As early as 1550 attempts at the pacification of the adjacent province of Acala were begun by the Dominicans of Vera Paz. For a time their efforts were successful, but finally, incited by their neighbors and allies, the majority of the natives refused to receive the friars, and in 1555 the combined tribes destroyed the only mission thus far established and murdered Father Vico, the originator of the attempt, together with his companion Father Lopez, and a number of converted Indians from Vera Paz. There is no evidence that their pacification was again attempted.
Chief among the wild tribes of this region were the Lacandones, who though few in number were brave, hardy, daring, and implacable in their hatred of the white race. Their territory extended from the northern frontier of Vera Paz along the eastern border of Chiapas as far as the province of Tabasco. Their chief town and stronghold was on a rocky island, in Lake Lacandon, distant a few days' journey from the provinces of Chiapas and Vera Paz. From this point they issued in organized bands, and sweeping along the border of these two provinces fell suddenly on the defenceless settlements, leaving a track of desolation and blood. These depredations continued for many years, nor is there any record of a single instance of pursuit or punishment previous to 1559. Emboldened by continued success, they extended their incursions to the interior. In 1552 they destroyed two towns in Chiapas, one of them within fifteen leagues of Ciudad Real. The attack was made at night, and but few of the terrified inhabitants escaped. While sacrificing their captives the natives shouted derisively: "Christians, call upon your God to defend you!"
The bishop of Chiapas made overtures of peace to the Lacandones, but they were treated with contempt and his messengers killed. He then appealed to the audiencia; but the oidores, foreseeing in these disasters the failure of the much-vaunted peace policy which had in a measure excluded the civil authority from the territory ceded to the Dominicans, coldly replied that the crown had strictly forbidden the making of war on this province. Reports of the critical condition of affairs were accordingly made to the crown both by bishop and friars. In consequence a cédula dated January 22, 1556, ordered the audiencia de los Confines to investigate the matter, punish the Lacandones as far as practicable, and report the result to the crown. The instructions, however, were unheeded, for the audiencia well knew that nothing short of an armed force would suffice, and this decree did not expressly authorize a disregard of the existing interdict.
In the mean time the depredations of the Lacandones continued unchecked, and threatened to cause the abandonment of Vera Paz. Aroused at last to a full sense of their danger the Dominicans were fain to acknowledge that the coöperation of the sword was necessary to the planting of the cross, and so far diverged from the principles laid down by Las Casas as to declare in the provincial chapter held at Coban, in 1558, that because of the sacrileges and murders they had committed, it was not only lawful for the king to make war on the Lacandones, but if need be, in order to protect his subjects, to exterminate them.[XXI‑10]
In pursuance of this declaration they wrote to the king and suggested as the only efficient remedy the removal of the hostile natives to certain unsettled districts beyond Ciudad Real, thus placing this city between them and the settlements of Chiapas and Vera Paz. In order to reduce the expense of their removal it was further suggested that an expedition be authorized and the Spaniards induced to join it at their own expense under promise that the Lacandones should be granted to them in repartimiento. In accordance with these suggestions a royal cédula dated March 16, 1558, directed the audiencia de los Confines to take steps for the immediate removal of the Indians. If practicable it was to be done peaceably, but if force were necessary all harshness was to be avoided, though the prisoners taken were to become the lawful slaves of their captors.
Lacandon War.
This decree was published in Santiago in the beginning of 1559; and attracted by the prospect of gain thus held out, and the charm of adventure and mystery which attaches to the invasion of an unknown and hostile province, large numbers of settlers in Guatemala and Chiapas offered to accompany the expedition. President Ramirez was appointed commander-in-chief, as he had already certain military renown not altogether merited. Early in the same year the respective forces arrived at Comitlan, the appointed rendezvous. The total Spanish force is not stated but is said to have included many persons of quality. The troops from Chiapas were commanded by Gonzalo Dovalle, and besides the colonists, comprised a native contingent of eight hundred warriors. A thousand Indians are said to have accompanied the Spanish from Guatemala. Supplies of all kinds were collected, and two brigantines were built in sections, each vessel being capable of holding a hundred men. A small army of carriers and attendants was required to transport the baggage and wait on the Spaniards, and preparations were on a scale better befitting a conflict with Europeans than with Americans. At Comitlan a review was held which, according to Remesal, presented one of the most brilliant spectacles ever seen in those parts, for no expense had been spared by the Spaniards in their dress, equipments, and arms. At last, the flags having been blessed and mass said, the army set out.
Fifteen days of toilsome march, during which a path had to be cut through the dense vegetation, brought them to the shores of Lake Lacandon. At their approach the natives retreated to the island, after catching and sacrificing a negro boy who was out after some corn which grew in the gardens on the borders of the lake.
From their retreat the Lacandones closely watched the movements of the Spaniards, who in turn eagerly scanned the high bare rock with its white houses and dusky inhabitants, lest any signs of hostile preparation should escape them.
While the work of putting together one of the brigantines was progressing, a few of the natives approached the shore in canoes and demanded of the Spaniards their object in thus invading their country. Returning they made offers of peace, but as they denied having more than eleven canoes, the Spaniards suspected their design. It was believed that they wished to induce the Spaniards to accompany them to the island, a few at a time, where they could easily be despatched. The brigantine was soon afterward launched and as the Lacandones saw it bearing down upon them they took to flight.[XXI‑11] Many were captured, including the principal chief and the high priest. The houses and other defences of the island having been destroyed, a force was then despatched to pursue the savages, and to reduce the stronghold of the Puchutlas, which was also an island fortress, though its exact position cannot now be ascertained.[XXI‑12]
Near the town of Topiltitepeq this force fell into an ambuscade, and a few of the Spaniards were wounded, but the savages were finally put to rout, and a large supply of provisions was found in the deserted town. Arriving at Puchutla they found the natives in readiness for defence. Preparations were immediately made for the attack, and a raft was built as the second brigantine had been abandoned in the woods, and the one used against the Lacandones had sunk in the lake. No sooner had the Spaniards started from shore than the Indians advanced in their canoes to meet them, and midway between the island and the bank there was a sharp encounter which resulted in the defeat and flight of the Puchutlas. The fortress was found to be deserted, the savages having taken the precaution of removing their families and property to a place of safety.[XXI‑13] No attempt was made to punish the natives or to occupy any portion of their territory, and the expedition returned to Guatemala about Christmas, bringing with them one hundred and fifty prisoners.
In conjunction with the Spaniards, a large force of christianized Indians under the native governor of Vera Paz invaded the province of Ácala, administering a severe punishment, taking many captives, and hanging the principal accomplices in the murder of fathers Vico and Lopez.
Thus ended an expedition which had cost the crown nearly four thousand pesos de oro de minas, but seems to have been without any fixed plan, and was productive of no practical result other than to keep the savages in check for a time.[XXI‑14] Its failure proved most disastrous to the colonists; for, though some are said to have received a reward for their services, the majority were left hopelessly involved in debt for the cost of their outfit, a few miserable slaves being the only spoils obtained in return for the expense, hardships, and peril incurred. It was not long, however, before all the slaves, including their chief, effected their escape and returned to their country. Re-occupying their stronghold, it was not many years before they resumed their depredations, and, as we shall see, successfully resisted all subsequent attempts to subdue them.
In 1564 the Puchutlas were induced, through the efforts of the Dominican Father Laurencio, to submit to the friars, and settled in Vera Paz. This success gained for Father Laurencio the title of the Apostle of Puchutla.[XXI‑15]
In August 1559 the licentiate Juan Martinez de Landecho, Quesada's successor, arrived in Guatemala,[XXI‑16] and entered upon office early in September, Ramirez being appointed an oidor of the audiencia of Lima, and after undergoing the investigation of his residencia embarking at the port of Acajutla, whither he was accompanied by the principal authorities and citizens, who thus showed their recognition of his worth.
The petition of the cabildo of Santiago that a gentleman by birth and education should be sent to govern them, had at last been answered, and the members were profuse in their thanks to the crown for this favor. Experience had taught, however, that in order to protect and further the interests of the colonists, they must control a majority of the oidores, and as this was extremely difficult, they had determined to make an effort to have the political administration and distribution of the Indians vested exclusively in the president. As we have seen, the crown had already been petitioned to make this change, and it was expected that the new president would come with the additional title of governor.
This petition was repeated in the latter part of 1560, and was successful; for in May of the following year we find the cabildo attributing the increasing prosperity of the country to the granting of their request.[XXI‑17]
The colonists were jubilant that the humane measures of Cerrato and of Zorita, which their constant efforts had hitherto failed to accomplish, were now certain of defeat. Doctor Mejía, one of the oidores, was ordered to make an official tour of the provinces, as Zorita had been under the former administration. His measures counteracted the benefits of Zorita's labors. The regulation of tribute was entrusted to the encomenderos and caciques, and as these latter were often but the creatures of the former, the result may be readily inferred.[XXI‑18]
The Dominicans were the object of Mejía's special dislike, and he subjected them to such annoyance and persecution that they were on the point of abandoning the province of Guatemala. The alcaldes and other officers interfered with them in their control of the Indians, secretly charged them with usurping the royal authority and receiving money from the natives, and, though the audiencia, in answer to the complaints of the friars, promised to protect them, little appears to have been done. Even the cabildo sought to make it appear to the crown that the religious exercised an arbitrary and prejudicial authority in the municipal council and elections held by the Indians. The deplorable condition of the natives and the persecution of the friars were made the subject of numerous letters to Las Casas, who represented these abuses to the crown in strong colors, urging the removal of Mejía and the adoption of relief measures for the natives.[XXI‑19]
Some relief was afforded by a royal decree which declared the natives no longer subject to the Spanish alcaldes, and which, according to Remesal,[XXI‑20] was issued about 1563 at the petition of the friars.
Landecho is represented as haughty, capricious, wedded to his own opinions, and unscrupulous in money matters.[XXI‑21] Certain it is that though favoring the interests of the colonists he did not neglect his own, and they soon found that he was neither pliant nor considerate. They never ceased to extol his tact and vigilance, and declared him fit to govern Peru; yet within a year of this declaration, and while assuring the king that they had no cause to change their mind, they observed that it would be well for the crown to instruct the president-governor to have a special care for the welfare of the people.[XXI‑22]
The continued complaints against Landecho at last induced the crown to decide on his removal, and Licentiate Francisco Brizeño,[XXI‑23] oidor of the audiencia of Santa Fé,[XXI‑24] was commissioned to take his residencia. He arrived in Santiago on the 2d of August 1564.[XXI‑25] The residencia of the president was terminated in December of the same year, and resulted in the suspension of the president and the oidor Loaisa.[XXI‑26]